E   MIDDLE  AGES 


m 


MYERS 


LIBRARY 


GIVEN   BY 


Charles  T).  HoLZ-en 


MEDI/EVAL  AND  MODERN   HISTORY 


Part  I 

THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


BY 


PHILIP   VAN    NESS  MYERS 

Formerly  Professor  of  History  and  Politicai    Economy  in  the 

University  of    Cincinnati;   Author   of  "A    History 

of  Greece,"  "Rome:  Its  Rise  and  Fall," 

AND  A  "General  History" 


BosTox,  U.S.A.,  AND  London 
GINN  &  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS 

1902 


"•  •       *  J  0«        «,*c 


Entered  at  Stationers'  Hall 


Copyright,   1885,   1902,  by 
PHILIP  VAN   NESS   MYERS 


all  rights  reserved 


GIVEN  BY 

0<AmjES  DOWNER  HAZm 

JULY  1S37 


9^-0 


lid 


V' 


^ 

<) 


TO 

Cbaddcus  B.  l^camy 

AS   A   TOKEN   OF 
LOVING    ADMIRATION 


PREFACE 

This  book  is  a  revision  of  the  first  half  of  my  Mediceval 
and  Modern  History,  the  earhest  impression  of  which  was 
published  sixteen  years  ago.  It  will  be  followed  shortly  by 
a  companion  volume  entitled  The  Modern  Age,  which  will 
contain  the  revised  and  extended  text  of  the  second  half  of 
the  original  work. 

In  the  present  volume  the  general  perspective  of  the  earlier 
work  has  not  been  essentially  modified ;  but  the  emphasis  has 
in  places  been  slightly  shifted,  and  the  narrative  carefully 
revised,  so  that  it  should  embody  the  latest  positive  results 
of  those  scholarly  researches  which  during  recent  years  have 
been  so  active  and  so  fruitful  in  the  field  of  mediaeval  history. 

The  principles  governing  the  selection  and  presentation  of 
historical  facts  have  been  the  principles  adopted  in  the  writing 
of  the  Mediceval  and  Mode?-n  History.  Purely  poHtical,  dynas- 
tic, and  miHtary  matters  have  been  kept  in  subordination  to 
religious,  moral,  intellectual,  and  social  interests.  Unity  has 
been  impressed  upon  the  narrative  by  keeping  prominent  the 
great  ideals  of  the  mediaeval  time,  especially  the  ideals  of  the 
Papacy  and  the  Empire,  and  by  laying  upon  the  Renaissance, 
which  is  viewed  as  essentially  an  intellectual  movement  and 
as  the  unconscious  goal  of  mediaeval  endeavor  and  life,  an 
emphasis  corresponding  to  that  laid  upon  the  Reformation  and 
the  Political  Revolution  in  modern  history. 


vi  Preface 

The  series  of  maps  in  the  earHer  book  has  been  augmented 
by  the  addition  of  various  new  charts,  for  the  use  of  several  of 
which  I  am  indebted  to  the  kind  courtesy  of  Mr.  D.  H.  Mont- 
gomery, author  of  The  Leading  Facts  of  E?iglish  History.  To 
each  chapter  has  been  appended  a  brief  bibhography  of  the 
most  important  of  the  original  sources  and  secondary  works 
available  in  English. 

As  a  closing  word,  I  make  grateful  acknowledgment  of  the 
assistance  I  have  received  from  George  Lincoln  Burr,  professor 
of  ancient  and  mediaeval  history  in  Cornell  University.  With 
the  rarest  generosity,  Professor  Burr  has  placed  at  my  service 
his  intimate  and  special  knowledge  of  the  period  with  which  I 
have  dealt,  and  with  untiring  patience  has  read  all  my  proof- 
sheets.  There  is  in  the  book  scarcely  a  chapter  which  has  not 
been  improved  and  enriched  by  his  suggestions. 

P.  V.  N.  M. 
College  Hill,  Ohio, 
May,  1902. 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

Preface     v 

Lists  of  Maps ix 

General  Introduction:  the  Chief  Factors  in  European 

Civilization i 


FIRST  PERIOD. -THE  DARK  AGES 

(From  the  fall  of  Rome,  a.d.  476,  to  the  eleventh  century) 

CHAPTER 

I.     Migrations  and  Settlements  of  the  Teutonic  Tribes  .     .     .  15 

II.     The  Conversion  of  the  Barbarians 32 

III.  Monasticism 50 

IV.  P'usion  of  the  Latin  and  Teutonic  Peoples 60 

V.     The  Roman  Empire  in  the  East 73 

VI.     Mohammed  and  the  Saracens 87 

VII.     Charles  the  Great  and  the  Restoration  of  the  Empire  in 

the  West 117 

VIII.     The  Northmen  :  the  Coming  of  the  Vikings 133 

I.     Introductory 133 

II.     The  Danes  in  England 139 

III.     Settlement  of  the  Northmen  in  Gaul    ....  147 

IX.     Rise  of  the  Papal  Power 150 

SECOND   PERIOD.— THE  AGE  OF  REVIVAL 

(From  the  opening  of  the  eleventh  century  to  the  discovery  of  America 
by  Columbus  in  1492) 

X.     Feudalism  and  Chivalry 162 

I.     Feudalism 162 

II.     Chivalry 181 

XI.     The  Normans 189 

I.     The  Normans  at  Home  and  in  Italy     ....  189 

II.     The  Norman  Conquest  of  England 191 

vii 


viii  Contctits 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

XII.     The  Papacy  and  the  Empire 202 

XIII.  The  Crusades  (1096-1273) 214 

I.     Preparation  of  Europe  for  the  Crusades  .     .  214 

II.     The  First  Crusade  (1096-1099)       ....  227 

III.  The  Second  Crusade  (1147-1 149)  ....  234 

IV.  The  Third  Crusade  (1189-1 192)      ....  236 
V.     The  Fourth  Crusade  (i  202-1 204)   ....  239 

VI.     The  Children's  Crusade  ;   Minor  Crusades  .  241 

VIL     Crusades  in  Europe 245 

VIII.     The  End  of  the  Crusades;  their  Influence 

on  European  CiviUzation 24S 

XIV.  Supremacy  of   the    Papacy ;    Decline  of  its  Temporal 

Power 257 

XV.     The  Mongols  and  the  Ottoman  Turks 270 

I.     The  Mongols 270 

II.     The  Ottoman  Turks 277 

XVI.     The  Growth  of  the  Towns 284 

XVII.     The  Universities  and  the  Schoolmen 307 

XVIII.     The  Renaissance 324 

I.     The  Renaissance  before  the  Renaissance      .  324 

II.     The  Renaissance  in  Italy 333 

III.     General  Effects  of  the  Renaissance     .     .     .  353 
XIX.     Growth  of  the  Nations  :  Formation  of  National  Govern- 
ments and  Titefatures 362 

I.     England Tt^Z 

II.     France 39^ 

III.  Spain 405 

IV.  Germany 411 

V.     Russia 424 

VI.     Italy 426 

VII.     The  Northern  Countries 43^ 

Index 437 


LISTS    OF    MAPS 


COLORED    MAPS 

NO.  PAGE 

r.  Europe  in  the  Reign  of  Theodoric,  about  a.d.  500    ....  iS 

2.  Greatest  Extent  of  the  Saracen  Dominions,  about  a.d.  750    .  104 

3.  Europe  in  the  Time  of  Charles  the  Great,  A.D.  814    ....  120 

4.  The  Western  Empire  as  divided  at  Verdun,  a.d.  843    .     .     .  130 

5.  England  after  Treaty  of  Wedmore,  a.d.  87S 140 

6.  England  and  Wales,  1 066-1 485 192 

7.  Central  Europe,  1180 204 

8.  The  Crusades  and  the  Byzantine  Empire,  about  1150   .     .     .  228 

9.  The  Dominions  of  the  Angevins 366 

ID.  The  Spanish  Kingdoms,  1210 .     .     .  404 

11.  The  Spanish  Kingdoms,  1360 406 

12.  Central  Europe,  1360 418 


SKETCH    MAPS 

The  Empire  of  the  Ottoman  Turks,  about  1464 280 

The  Hansa  Towns  and  their  Chief  Foreign  Settlements    .     .  290 
Russia  and  the  Scandinavian  Countries  at  the  Close  of  the 

Middle  Ages 425 


GENERAL   INTRODUCTION 


THE  CHIEF  FACTORS  IN  EUROPEAN  CIVILIZATION 

I.  Divisions  of  the  Subject.  —  In  a  previous  volume  we 
sketched  briefly  the  affairs  of  men  from  the  time  that  they 
first  emerged  from  the  obscurity  of  the  past  to  the  downfall  of 
the  Roman  empire  in  the  West,  a.d.  476.  In  the  present 
work  we  propose  to  continue  the  narrative  there  begun,  and 
bring  the  story  down  to  our  own  day.  It  will  be  our  aim  con- 
stantly to  direct  special  attention  to  the  state  and  progress  of 
society,  the  growth  and  decay  of  institutions,  and  the  condition 
of  religion  and  learning,  so  that  our  sketch  may  not  be  a 
recital  simply  of  the  outer  circumstances,  but  a  history  of  the 
real  inner  life  of  the  European  peoples  —  for  with  them  we 
shall  be  almost  exclusively  concerned  —  during  the  period 
under  review. 

The  fourteen  centuries  of  history  embraced  in  our  survey 
are  usually  divided  into  two  periods,  —  the  Middle  Ages,  or 
the  period  lying  between  the  fall  of  Rome  and  the  discovery 
of  America  by  Columbus  in  1492,  and  the  Modern  Age,  which 
extends  from  the  latter  event  to  the  present  time. 

The  Middle  Ages  can  again  be  subdivided  into  two  periods, 
—  the  Dark  Ages  and  the  Age  of  Revival ;  while  the  Modern 
Age  can  likewise  be  subdivided  into  two  divisions,  —  the 
Era  of  the  Protestant  Reformation  and  the  Era  of  the 
Political  Revolution.     We  will  indicate  the   limits  >nd  chief 


2  MedicEval  History 

characteristics  of  each  of  these  four  epochs  or  periods,  in  order 
that  we  may  fix  in  mind  the  prominent  landmarks  of  the  vast 
region  we  are  to  traverse. 

2.  Chief  Characteristics  of  the  Four  Periods  or  Epochs. — 
The  Dark  Ages,  which  embrace  the  years  intervening  between 
the  fall  of  Rome  and  the  opening  of  the  eleventh  century,  are 
so  called  for  the  reason  that  the  inrush  of  the  barbarians,  and 
the  almost  total  eclipse  of  the  light  of  classical  culture  caused 
them  to  contrast  unfavorably,  in  enlightenment  and  social 
order,  as  well  with  the  age  which  preceded  as  with  that  which 
followed  them.  The  period  was  one  of  origins,  —  of  the  begin- 
nings of  peoples,  and  languages,  and  institutions.  During  this 
anarchical  time,  the  Hoiy  Roma?i  Etnpire  and  the  Papacy, 
institutions  embodying  two  of  the  great  ideals  of  the  mediaeval 
ages,  grew  into  shape  and  form. 

The  Age  of  Revival  begins  with  the  opening  of  the  eleventh 
century  and  ends  with  the  discovery  of  the  New  World. 
During  all  this  time  civilization  was  making  slow  but  sure 
advances ;  social  order  was  gradually  triumphing  over  anarchy, 
and  governments  were  becoming  more  regular.  The  last  cen- 
tury of  the  period  especially  was  marked  by  a  great  revival  of 
classical  art  and  learning,  —  a  movement  known  as  the  Renais- 
sance, or  the  "  New  Birth,"  —  by  improvements,  inventions,  and 
discoveries  which  greatly  stirred  men's  minds  and  awakened 
them  as  from  a  sleep.  The  Crusades,  or  Holy  Wars,  carried 
on  by  the  Christians  of  Europe  for  the  recovery  from  the 
Moslems  of  the  sacred  places  in  Palestine,  were  the  most 
remarkable  undertakings  of  the  age. 

The  Era  of  the  Refoi-mation  embraces  the  sixteenth  century 
and  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth.  The  period  is  charac- 
terized by  the  great  religious  movement  known  as  the  Reforma- 
tion, and  the  tremendous  struggle  between  Catholicism  and 
Protestantism.  Almost  air  the  wars  of  the  period  were  religious 
wars.  The  last  great  combat  was  the  Thirty  Years'  War 
in   Germany,  which  was   closed   by  the  celebrated  Peace  of 


Relatioft  to  IVoi'ld  History -of  the  Fall  of  Rome       3 

Westphalia,  in  1648.  After  this  date  the  disputes  and  wars 
between  parties  and  nations  were  dynastic  or.  political  rather 
than  religious  in  character. 

The  Era  of  the  Political  Revolution  extends  from  the  Peace 
of  Westphalia  to  the  present  time.  Though  an  age  crowded 
with  an  infinite  variety  of  events,  and  marked  by  the  conten- 
tion of  many  and  diverse  principles,  it  is  nevertheless  especially 
characterized  by  the  great  conflict  between  despotic  and  liberal 
principles  of  government,  resulting  in  the  triumph  of  demo- 
cratic ideas.  During  this  period,  in  all  the  countries  of 
Europe  save  Turkey  and  Russia,  government  by  the  people 
has  taken  the  place  of  government  by  one  or  the  few.  This  is 
one  of  the  most  important  revolutions,  in  its  potential  con- 
sequences, that  history  records.  The  central  event  of  the 
epoch  was  the  terrible  upheaval  of  the  French  Revolution. 

Having  now  made  a  general  survey  of  the  region  we  are  to 
traverse,  having  maiked  the  three  successive  stages  of  the  pro- 
gressive course  of  civilization,  the  intellectual,  the  religious, 
and  the  political  revolution,  —  which  we  shall  hereafter  refer 
to  simply  as  the  Re?iaissance,  the  Refo7'i7iation,  and  the  Revo- 
lutioji,  —  we  must  turn  back  to  our  starting-point,  the  fall  of 
Rome. 

3.  Relation  to  World  History  of  the  Fall  of  Rome. —The 
calamity  which  in  the  fifth  century  befell  the  Roman  empire 
in  the  West  is  sometimes  spoken  of  as  an  event  marking  the 
extinction  of  ancient  civilization.  The  treasures  of  the  Old 
World  are  represented  as  having  been  destroyed,  and  mankind 
as  obliged  to  take  a  fresh  start,  —  to  lay  the  foundations  of 
civilization  anew.  It  was  not  so.  All  or  almost  all  that  was 
really  valuable  in  the  accumulations  of  antiquity  escaped 
harm,  and  became  sooner  or  later  the  possession  of  the 
succeeding  ages.  The  catastrophe  simply  prepared  the  way 
for  the  shifting  in  the  West  of  the  scene  of  civilization 
from  the  south  to  the  north  of  Europe,  simply  transferred  at 
once  political   power,   and   gradually  social  and   intellectual 


4  Mcdi(£val  History 

preeminence,  from  one  race  to  another,  —  from  the  Roman 
to  the  Teuton. . 

The  event  was  not  an  imreHeved  calamity,  because  fortu- 
nately the  floods  that  seemed  to  be  sweeping  so  much  away 
were  not  the  mountain  torrent,  which  covers  fruitful  fields 
with  worthless  drift,  but  the  overflowing  Nile  with  its  rich 
deposits.  Over  all  the  regions  covered  by  the  barbarian 
inundation  a  new  stratum  of  population  was  thrown  down,  a 
new  soil  formed  that  was  capable  of  nourishing  a  better 
civilization  than  any  the  world  had  yet  seen. 

Or,  to  use  the  figure  of  Draper,  we  may  liken  the  precipita- 
tion of  the  northern  barbarians  upon  the  expiring  Roman 
empire  to  the  heaping  of  fresh  fuel  upon  a  dying  fire  ;  for  a 
time  it  burns  lower,  and  seems  almost  extinguished,  but  soon 
it  bursts  through  the  added  fuel  and  flames  up  with  redoubled 
energy  and  ardor. 

4.  Relation  of  the  Mediaeval  to  the  Modern  Age. — -We  are 
now  in  a  position  to  understand  the  real  relation  of  the 
Mediaeval  to  the  Modern  Age.  The  former  was  to  civilization 
a  period  of  recovery  from  interruption  and  disaster,  —  inter- 
ruption and  disaster  that  were  really  disguised  blessings.  It 
was  a  sort  of  spring-time,  a  germinal  season,  a  period  during 
which  the  germs  of  Greek  and  Roman  civilization,  scattered 
everywhere  by  the  wide  extension  of  Roman  power  during 
the  preceding  era,  and  the  good  seed  of  Christianity  were 
taking  root  in  the  favoring  soil  of  the  hearts  and  minds  of  a 
new  race. 

During  these  centuries  the  arts,  the  sciences,  the  literatures, 
and  the  institutions  that  characterize  the  modern  era  took 
shape,  and  gave  promise  of  what  they  were  to  become  ;  the 
leading  modern  nations  grew  into  form,  and  the  future  politi- 
cal divisions  of  Europe  were  more  or  less  definitely  outlined. 
In  a  word,  the  era  bears  the  same  relation  to  the  Modern 
Age  that  the  period  of  youth  bears  to  that  of  manhood.  This 
conception   of  its    real    character   as   a   germinal,    formative 


Elernejits  of  Civilization  transmitted  by  Rome        5 

period  will  tend  to  impress  us  with  a  proper  sense  of  the 
importance  of  a  careful  study  of  its  events  and  circumstances. 
It  affords  the  key  to  modern  history. 

5.  Elements  of  Civilization  transmitted  by  Rome. — We 
must  now  notice  what  survived  the  catastrophe  of  the  fifth 
century,  what  it  was  that  *Rome  transmitted  to  the  new  race, 
the  Teutonic,  that  was  henceforth  to  be  the  guardian  of  the 
treasures  of  civilization.  It  was  a  rich  bequest  she  made,  a 
large  part  of  which,  however,  had  become  hers  through  inher- 
itance or  through  appropriation  by  conquest. 

It  will  be  convenient  to  consider  what  the  northern  or 
Teutonic  nations  received  through  Rome  from  the  ancient 
world,  under  the  following  heads  :  i .  Graeco-Roman  civiliza- 
tion ;   2.  Christianity.     We  will  speak  of  them  separately. 

6.  Graeco-Roman  Civilization.  —  By  the  phrase  "  Graeco- 
Roman  civilization  "  we  mean  that  whole  body  of  arts,  sciences, 
philosophies,  literatures,  laws,  manners,  customs,  ideas,  social 
arrangements,  and  models  of  imperial  and  municipal  govern- 
ment, —  everything,  in  a  word,  save  Christianity,  —  that 
Greece  and  Rome,  largely  through  the  mediation  of  the 
Roman  or  Greek  empire  of  Constantinople,  gave  to  mediaeval 
and  modern  Europe.  These  things  constitute  what  is  called 
in  history  the  classical  element.  Taken  together,  they  were  a 
valuable  gift  to  the  new  northern  race  that  was  henceforth  to 
represent  civilization. 

From  among  the  varied  elements  of  this  rich  legacy  of  the 
elder  to  the  younger  world,  we  select  for  special  mention  here 
only  three  things,  —  the  idea  of  the  Empire,  the  Roman  law, 
and  Grceco-Ro7nan  art  and  literature. 

The  first  of  these  may  seem  a  very  vague,  shadowy  thing ; 
but  we  shall  see  that  this  recollection  of  the  great  Roman 
state  and  its  imperial  glories  had  a  profound  influence  upon 
mediaeval  and  even  later  history.  Men  were  constantly  striv- 
ing to  reestablish  that  old  universal  empire  whose  memorials 
and  traditions  had  cast  such  a  spell  upon  them.     Just  as  they 


6  MedicBval  History 

strove  to  realize  in  their  individual  lives  the  ideal  that  Chris- 
tianity held  up,  so  did  they  in  governmental  matters  strive  to 
shape  the  world  after  the  Roman  model.  The  vast  empire 
built  up  by  Charles  the  Great  and  the  "  Holy  Roman  Empire  " 
of  the  later  (jerman  princes  were  simply  revivals  of  the  old 
Roman  empire,  the  idea  of  which  'had  fortunately  been  pre- 
served by  the  new  Rome  on  the  Bosporus. 

The  Roman  law  system,  with  its  admirable  principles  and 
practical  ideas,  exercised  from  the  very  first  a  great  influence 
upon  the  rude  legal  forms,  customs,  and  practices  of  the 
barbarians.  Just  as  they  adopted  the  moral  law  of  Judsea,  so 
did  they  adopt  the  civil  law  of  Rome.  Throughout  a  large 
part  of  Europe  the  Roman  law,  as  embodied  in  the  Justinian 
code  (par.  65),  came  to  forni  the  groundwork  of  all  legislation 
and  jurisprudence,  and  everywhere  its  influence  was  felt  upon 
statesman  and  jurist.  Especially  during  the  mediseval  ages, 
when  all  Europe  was  much  of  the  time  in  great  confusion,  was 
this  ready-made  law  system  a  great  help  to  rulers  and  judges 
who  were  trying  to  reorganize  society  and  to  administer  justice 
between  man  and  man.  "  No  European  lawyer,"  says  Palgrave, 
"  has  failed  to  profit  by  Rome's  written  wisdom." 

The  stores  of  classical  art  and  literature  —  such  part  of  these 
as  survived  the  disruption  of  the  Roman  empire  —  were  des- 
tined to  become  a  most  important  factor  in  the  new  civiliza- 
tion. It  is  true  that  the  barbarian  invaders  of  the  empire 
seemed  at  first  utterly  indifferent  to  these  things;  that  the 
masterpieces  of  the  Greek  artists  were  buried  beneath  the 
rubbish  of  sacked  villas  and  cities,  and  that  the  precious  manu- 
scri]jts  of  the  ancient  sages  and  poets,  because  they  were  pagan 
l^roductions  and  hence  regarded  as  dangerous  to  Christian 
faith,  were  often  suffered  to  lie  neglected  in  the  hbraries  of 
cathedrals  and  monasteries.  Nevertheless,  Greece  and  Rome, 
as  we  shall  learn  later,  were  the  instructors  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
'i'he  medicTeval  architects  were  the  pupils  of  the  old  master 
builders   of   Rome,   and    the   mediaeval    philosophers   learned 


Christianity  7 

much  of  their  wisdom  from  the  great  thinkers  of  ancient 
Greece.  Especially  was  it  the  literary  treasures  of  Greek 
antiquity,  for  which,  towards  the  close  of  the  mediaeval  period, 
the  scholars  of  the  West  conceived  a  great  admiration,  that 
helped  vastly  to  create  the  intellectual  movement  of  the 
Renaissance,  the  herald  of  the  Modern  Age.  It  will  appear 
hereafter,  as  we  proceed  with  our  narrative,  how  large  a  debt 
modern  civilization  owes  to  the  preceding  culture  of  ancient 
Greece  and  Rome. 

7.  Christianity.  —  Rome  gave  Christianity  to  the  northern 
nations.  In  giving  them  this  rehgion  she  gave  them  something 
which  was  destined  to  produce  a  profound  influence  upon' all 
their  future.  It  shaped  all  the  events  of  their  history.  It 
moulded  all  their  ideas  and  institutions.  It  informed  all  their 
literatures  and  ennobled  their  architecture,  their  painting,  and 
their  sculpture.  It  covered  Europe  with  monasteries,  cathe- 
drals, and  schools.  It  helped  to  abolish  slavery  and  serfdom  ; 
it  inspired  the  Crusades  and  aided  powerfully  in  the  creation 
of  Chivalry.  It  added  to  mediaeval  history  the  chapter  on  the 
Papacy,  and  to  modern  that  on  the  Reformation.  It  occa- 
sioned many  wars,  and  yet  blessed  Europe  with  the  Peace  and 
the  Truce  of  God  (par.  189). 

In  a  word,  Christianity  has  so  colored  the  whole  life,  and  so 
informed  all  the  institutions  of  the  European  peoples,  that 
their  history  is  very  largely  a  story  of  the  fortunes  and  influ- 
ences of  this  religion  which,  first  going  forth  from  Semitic 
Judaea,  was  given  to  the  younger  Romano-German  world  by 
the  missionaries  of  Rome. 

Among  the  various  doctrines  taught  by  the  new  religion 
were  these  :  the  unity  of  God,  the  brotherhood  of  man,  and 
the  immortality  of  the  soul.  Besides  these  doctrines,  Chris- 
tianity brought  in  a  new  moral  ideal,  that  is  to  say,  a  group  of 
new  virtues.  These  teachings  and  this  new  ideal  of  duty  have 
done  more  than  any  other  force  to  make  the  modern  so 
different  from  the  ancient  world. 


8  Mediceval  History 

8,  The  Teutons.  —  In  the  foregoing  paragraphs  we  have 
named  some  of  the  chief  elements  of  civihzation  which  the 
ancient  world  through  Rome  gave  to  the  mediaeval  and  modern. 
We  must  now  see  what  the  Teutons,  who  became  the  possessors 
of  all  these  accumulations  of  the  past,  contributed  to  this  world- 
treasure,  to  this  ever-growing  thing  that  we  call  civilization. 

The  Teutons  were  poor  in  those  things  in  which  the  Romans 
were  rich.  They  had  neither  arts,  nor  sciences,  nor  philoso- 
phies, nor  literatures ;  but  they  had  something  better  than  all 
these  :  they  possessed  the  essential  elements  of  a  virtuous  and 
robust  manhood.^  And  it  was  because  of  this,  because  of 
their  personal  worth.,  that  the  future  time  became  theirs. 

If  we  should  analyze  this  character  of  the  Teutonic  peoples 
which  we  praise  so  highly,  we  should  find  in  it  at  least  four 
prominent  traits  of  which  we  ought  at  this  time  to  take  spe- 
cial notice ;  namely,  capacity  for  civilization,  love  of  personal 
freedom,  personal  loyalty  and  devotion,  and  reverence  for 
womanhood.  We  shall  say  just  a  word  respecting  each  of 
these. 

9.  Their  Capacity  for  Civilization.  —  We  cannot  better 
illustrate  the  capacity  for  civihzation  of  the  Teutonic  nations 
than  by  contrasting  them  with  some  Turanian  people,  as,  for 
instance,  the  Ottoman  Turks.  These  Asiatic  conquerors  have 
been  in  contact  with  European  civilization  for  centuries,  but 
have  shown  themselves  utterly  incapable  of  profiting  by  such 
association,  being  wholly  insensible  to  the  influence  of  the 
superior  culture  of  the  European  nations. 

The  Teutons  fortunately  belonged  to  a  progressive  family  of 
peoples.  They  came  of  good  stock.  They  had  back  of  them 
the  push  of  a  strong  and  noble  ancestry.  In  the  process  of 
time  their  open  and  susceptible  nature  appropriated  whatever 
was  good  —  and  unfortunately  much  that  was  not  good  —  in 
the  civilization  they  had  overthrown.     It  was  this  quality  of 

1  Yet  they  were  not  without  vices,  chief  among  which  were  drinking  and 
gambling. 


Their  Love  of  Personal  Freedom  9 

the  Teutonic  conquerors,  this  boundless  capacity  for  growth, 
for  culture,  for  civilization,  which  saved  the  countries  of  the 
West  from  the  sterility  and  barbarism  reserved  for  those  of 
the  East  that  were  destined  to  be  overrun  and  taken  posses- 
sion of  by  the  Turkish  hordes. 

10.  Their  Love  of  Personal  Freedom.  —  The  love  of  the 
Teutons  for  personal  freedom  is  noticed  by  the  old  Latin 
writers.  They  could  not  even  bear  to  have  the  houses  of 
their  villages  set  close  together.  "  They  dwell  scattered  and 
separate,"  says  Tacitus,  "as  a  spring,  a  meadow,  or  a  grove 
may  chance  to  invite  them."  The  walled  cities  of  the 
Romans  they  regarded  as  prisons.  There  were  no  towns  in 
Germany  before  the  eighth  century,  save  a  few  places  founded 
by  the  Romans  along  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube. 

This  same  feeling  of  personal  independence  appears  again 
in  the  relation  sustained  by  the  German  warriors  to  their  chief. 
They  followed  their  chosen  leader  as  companions  and  equals. 
The  chief's  power  was  extremely  limited.  "  The  general," 
says  the  Latin  writer  just  quoted,  "  commands  less  through 
Jhe  force  of  authority  than  of  example."  And  again  we  see 
the  same  independent  spirit  expressed  in  their  assembUes  of 
freemen  (folk-moots),  in  which  meetings  all  matters  of  public 
interest  were  debated,  disapproval  being  manifested  by  a 
general  murmur,  and  approval  by  the  clashing  of  javehns 
and  spears. 

This  sentiment  of  the  Teutons  determined  in  a  large  meas- 
ure the  nature  of  the  institutions  which  they  established  upon 
the  soil  of  the  conquered  empire.  It  was  this  element  in  their 
character  which  led  them,  influenced,  however,  by  Roman 
customs  and  forms,  to  set  up  in  all  the  countries  of  which  they 
took  possession  that  peculiar  form  of  government  known  as 
Feudahsm,  —  an  organization  allowing  a  great  amount  of 
personal  independence  among  its  members.  In  this  same 
trait  of  the  Teutonic  disposition  lay  also  the  germ  of  repre- 
sentative government ;  for  from  the  general  assemblies  of  the 


ro  MedicBval  History 

free  Teutonic  warriors  beneath  the  forests  of  Germany  may 
probably  be  traced  the  origin  of  the  parhaments  of  modern 
Europe.  Furthermore,  in  this  characteristic  of  the  Teutonic 
spirit,  in  this  sentiment  of  individuaUsm,  according  to  some 
historians,  lay  hidden  the  germ  of  Protestantism,  one  main 
doctrine  of  which  is  the  right  of  individual  judgment  in  matters 
of  religion  and  morals. 

1 1 .  Their  Veneration  for  Womanhood.  —  A  feeling  of  respect 
for  woman  characterized  all  the  northern  or  Teutonic  peoples. 
Tacitus  says  of  the  Germans  that  they  deemed  something 
sacred  to  reside  in  woman's  nature.  This  sentiment  guarded 
the  purity  and  sanctity  of  the  home.  In  their  high  estimation 
of  the  sacredness  of  the  family  relation,  the  barbarians  stood 
in  marked  contrast  with  the  Romans.  All  students,  ancient 
as  well  as  modern,  of  the  decHning  Roman  empire  admit  that 
Rome  fell  mainly  because  of  her  vices,  and  that  most  promi- 
nent among  these  were  those  which,  degrading  woman,  destroy 
the  sanctity  of  the  family  Hfe. 

Now  in  bringing  among  the  peoples  of  the  corrupt  and 
decaying  empire  the  sentiment  of  which  we  speak,  the  bar- 
barians contributed  a  most  important  element  to  European 
civilization.  Strengthened  by  Christianity,  it  aided  power- 
fully in  giving  birth  to  Chivalry,  an  institution  which,  as  we 
shall  see,  colored  all  the  events  of  the  later  mediaeval  cen- 
turies and  gave  to  modern  civilization  some  of  its  loftiest 
ideals  (par.  163). 

12.  Their  Virtue  of  Personal  Loyalty  and  Devotion. — 
Another  of  the  prominent  traits  of  the  Germans  was  that  of 
personal  attachment  and  fidelity.  This  is  finely  illustrated 
by  the  legend  of  one  of  the  greatest  of  the  Ostrogothic  leaders, 
Theodoric  (par.  16),  or  Dietrich  von  Bern,  as  the  poets  of  a 
later  time  named  him.  Seven  of  the  men  of  this  chieftain 
had  been  taken  captive  by  his  enemy  Ermenrich.  "  Night 
and  day  Dietrich  bewails  their  loss  and  longs  to  die.  In  vain 
he  offers  for  them  Ermenrich's  son  and  eighteen  hundred  men 


Relative  Importance  in  European  Histoiy  1 1 

whom  he  is  keeping  as  hostages.  Ermenrich  threatens  to  kill 
Dietrich's  men  unless  he  cede  his  whole  realm  to  him.  And 
Dietrich  answers  :  '  Even  though  all  the  empires  of  the  world 
were  mine,  I  would  rather  give  them  away  than  desert  my 
dear  faithful  thanes.'  He  keeps  his  word,  abandons  his  king- 
dom, and  goes  with  his  faithful  ones  into  exile."  ^ 

This  barbarian  virtue  of  personal  loyalty  came  later,  as  we 
shall  learn  (par.  145),  to  form  one  of  the  elements  of  strength 
in  the  feudal  system,  a  form  of  social  organization  in  which, 
in  its  best  estate,  the  bond  uniting  its  members  was  this  per- 
sonal one  of  mutual  attachment  and  faithfulness. 

13.  The  Relative  Importance  in  European  History  of  the 
Classical,  the  Christian,  and  the  Teutonic  Element.  —  The 
question  as  to  the  influence  which  each  of  these  great  histori- 
cal factors  has  exerted  upon  the  development  of  European 
civilization  is  a  very  important  one  for  the  historical  student, 
for  the  reason  that  his  whole  conception  of  history  will  be 
colored  by  the  answer  he  gives  to  it;  Gibbon,  for  instance, 
exalted  the  classical  element  and  depreciated  Christianity, 
representing  this  religion  rather  as  a  retarding  than  a  help- 
ful force  in  the  life  of  the  European  peoples.  This  miscon- 
ception of  the  real  place  in  history  that  Christianity  actually 
holds  is  a  chief  fault  of  Gibbon's  great  work.  The  Decline  and 
Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire. 

On  the  other  hand,  some  ecclesiastical  historians  so  rep- 
resent history  as  to  give  Christianity  credit  for  almost  all  the 
progress  made  by  the  European  peoples  since  the  advent 
of  Christ.  This  is  to  depreciate  unduly  the  other  historical 
factors. 

Still  others  again  represent  the  Teutonic  race  element  as 
the  chief  force  in  modern  civilization,  and  rest  their  hopes  for 
the  future  of  the  world  largely  upon  the  German  and  Anglo- 
Saxon  spirit  of  enterprise,  freedom,  and  progress. 

It  is  certain  that  we  should  allow  the  exclusive  claims  of 

2  Francke,  Social  Forces  in  German  Literature,  p.  29. 


1 2  Mediceval  History 

none  of  these  schools  of  interpreters  of  history.  Modern 
civiHzation,  as  we  have  already  intimated,  is  a  very  composite 
product.  It  has  resulted  from  the  mixing  and  mutual  action 
and  reaction  upon  one  another  of  all  the  historical  elements 
and  agencies  that  we  have  mentioned  —  and  many  minor  ones 
besides.  Civilization  cannot  spare  the  treasures  of  Greek  and 
Roman  antiquity ;  it  cannot  spare  the  religious  doctrines 
and  moral  precepts  of  the  great  Hebrew  teachers  ;  it  cannot 
spare  the  earnest  and  masterful  spirit  of  the  Teutonic  race. 
If  any  one  of  these  elements  were  taken  from  modem 
civihzation,  it  would  be  something  wholly  different  from 
what  it  is, 

14.  Celts,  Slavonians,  and  Other  Peoples.  —  Having  noticed 
the  Romans  and  the  Teutons,  the  two  most  prominent  and 
important  of  the  peoples  that  present  themselves  to  us  at 
the  time  of  the  downfall  of  Rome,  if  we  now  name  the  Celts, 
the  Slavs,  the  Persians,  the  Arabians,  and  the  Turanian  or 
Tartar  tribes  of  Asia,  we  shall  have  under  view  the  chief  actors 
in  the  drama  of  mediaeval  and  of  a  large  part  of  modern 
history. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  mediaeval  era  the  Celts  were 
in  front  of  the  Teutons,  cHnging  to  the  western  edge  of  the 
European  continent,  and  engaged  in  a  bitter  contest  with  these 
latter  peoples,  which,  in  the  antagonism  of  England  and 
Ireland,  was  destined  to  extend  itself  to  our  own  day. 

The  Slavs  or  Slavonians  were  in  the  rear  of  the  Teutonic 
tribes,  pressing  them  on  even  as  the  Celts  in  front  were  strug- 
gling to  resist  their  advance.  These  peoples,  progressing  but 
Httle  beyond  the  pastoral  stage  before  the  Modern  Age,  will 
play  only  an  obscure  part  in  the  transactions  of  the  mediaeval 
era,  but  in  the  course  of  the  modern  period  will  assume  a  most 
commanding  position  among  the  European  nations. 

The  Persians  were  in  their  old  seats  beyond  the  Euphrates, 
maintaining  there  what  is  called  the  New  Persian  Empire,  the 
kings  of  w^hich,  until  the  rise  of  the  Saracens  in  the  seventh 


Celts,  Slavonians,  and  Other  Peoples  1 3 

century,  were  the  most  formidable  rivals  of  the  emperors  of 
Constantinople. 

The  Arabians  were  hidden  in  their  deserts ;  but  in  the 
seventh  century  we  shall  see  them,  animated  by  a  wonderful 
religious  enthusiasm,  issue  from  their  peninsula,  and  begin  a 
contest  with  the  Christian  nations  of  the  East  and  the  West 
which,  in  its  varying  phases,  was  destined  to  fill  a  large  part 
of  the  mediaeval  period. 

The  Tartar  tribes  were  buried  in  Central  Asia.  They  will 
appear  late  in  the  eleventh  century,  proselytes  for  the  most 
part  of  Mohammedanism ;  and,  as  the  religious  ardor  of  the 
Semitic  Arabians  grows  cool,  we  shall  see  the  Crescent  upheld 
by  these  zealous  converts  of  another  race,  and  finally,  in  the 
fifteenth  century,  placed  by  the  Ottoman  Turks  upon  the  dome 
of  St.  Sophia  in  Constantinople. 

As  the  Middle  Ages  draw  to  a  close,  the  remote  nations  of 
Eastern  Asia  will  gradually  come  within  our  circle  of  vision ; 
and,  as  the  Modern  Age  dawns,  we  shall  catch  a  glimpse 
of  new  continents  and  strange  races  of  men  beyond  the 
Atlantic. 


A    SUGGESTION    TO    TEACHERS.  —  HISTORICAL 
ANALYSIS 

The  teacher  will  find  historical  analysis  a  most  instructive  and 
inspiring  exercise  for  his  class.  The  pupils  should  first  be  given 
as  a  subject  to  examine  and  analyze  their  own  city  or  village  com- 
munity, and  be  encouraged  to  find  answers  to  such  questions  as 
these  :  What  different  races  or  nationalities  make  up  the  popula- 
tion ?  Are  there  any  Grseco-Roman  elements  here  in  the  architec- 
ture ?  In  the  libraries,  public  or  private  ?  In  the  museums  ?  In 
the  schools  and  colleges  ?  In  the  municipal  government  ?  In  the 
laws  ?  Is  there  anything  here,  either  along  the  streets,  or  within 
or  outside  the  homes,  that  would  be  familiar  to  a  visitor  from 
ancient  Athens  or  Rome  ?  Anything  from  Judaea  ?  What  about 
the  churches  ?  The  Sabbath  .?  What  spirit  is  at  work  in  the  hospi- 
tals and  the  various  charities  of  the  place  .'*  Whence  the  various 
religious  ideas,  social  customs,  and  moral  ideals  that  are  moulding 
the  life  of  the  community  ? 

After  having  dealt  in  this  manner  with  something  near  at  hand, 
the  members  of  the  class  should  be  led  to  apply  the  same  analyti- 
cal method  to  civilizations,  historical  institutions,  and  epochs  of 
history.  To  this  end  let  such  questions  as  these  be  proposed  : 
What  elements  do  you  find  in  our  civilization  which  are  not  pres- 
ent in  the  Chinese?  In  the  Mohammedan?  What  historical 
factors  do  you  find  in  the  Monasteries?  In  the  Papacy?  In 
Feudalism?  In  the  Free  Cities?  In  the  Holy  Roman  Empire? 
What  forces  were  at  work  in  the  Renaissance  ? 

Through  the  adoption  of  such  a  field  or  laboratory  method  of 
investigation  the  teacher  will  enable  his  pupils  to  gain  a  wholly 
new  conception  of  history,  and  one  that  will  make  the  study  of  it 
inspiring  and  profitable. 


14 


Part    I  —  The    Middle  Ages 

FIRST  PERIOD  — the  DARK  AGES 

(From  the  Fall  of  Rome,  A.D.  476,  to  the  Eleventh  Century) 

CHAPTER    I 

MIGRATIONS  AND  SETTLEMENTS  OF  THE  TEUTONIC 
TRIBES 

15.  The  Period  of  the  Migration.  —  In  the  closing  chapters 
of  an  earUer  vokime  we  gave  a  short  account  of  the  begin- 
nings of  that  movement  among  the  northern  Germanic  tribes 
known  as  the  "Great  Migration,"  or  the  "  Wandering  of  the 
Nations."  We  there  traced  the  story  of  the  invaders  and 
destroyers  of  the  old  Roman  empire  in  the  West  from  the 
memorable  year  a.d.  376,  the  year  in  which  the  Goths  swarmed 
over  the  Danube  into  the  Roman  provinces,  until  just  a  hundred 
years  later,  when  the  last  Roman  emperor  in  the  West  was 
dethroned  by  the  barbarian  Odovakar  (Odoacer) . 

At  the  time  that  this  event  occurred  (a.d.  476)  almost  all 
the  Roman  territories  of  the  West  were  in  the  hands  of  the 
barbarians.  But  the  invasion  was  by  no  means  yet  over. 
For  more  than  a  hundred  years  longer  the  German  tribes 
were  on  the  move.  From  the  depths  of  Germany  new  nations 
were  constantly  pushing  across  the  old  frontiers.  The  tribal 
monarchies  already  established  on  Roman  soil  were  continually 
shifting  their  boundaries,  or  were  disappearing,  only  to  be 
replaced  by  new  ones  equally  unstable. 

IS 


1 6  MedicBval  History 

Resuming  our  narrative  at  the  point  where  we  dropped  it 
in  our  history  of  Rome,  we  shall  in  the  present  chapter  trace 
in  broad  outline  the  history  of  these  barbarian  kingdoms  down 
to  the  time  when,  at  the  close  of  the  eighth  century,  the 
establishment  of  the  wide  empire  of  Charlemagne,  or  Charles 
the  Great,  gave  a  more  settled  character  to  the  society  of 
Western  Europe  and  marked  in  a  certain  way  the  beginning 
of  a  new  order  of  things. 

1 6.  Kingdom  of  the  Ostrogoths  (a.d.  493-553).  —  As  soon 
as  Odovak^r  had  dethroned  Romulus  Augustulus,  he  seized  upon 
and  divided  among  his  followers  the  estates  of  the  wealthy 
Italian  nobles.  His  feeble  government  lasted  seventeen  years, 
when  it  was  brought  to  a  close  by  the  invasion  of  the  Ostro- 
goths (Eastern  Goths),  under  Theodoric,  the  greatest  of  their 
chiefs. 

The  Ostrogoths  came  from  the  region  of  the  Lower  Danube. 
They  were,  at  this  time,  nominal  allies  of  the  Eastern  emperor, 
and  had  been  assigned  the  duty  of  guarding  the  Danubian 
frontier.  But  they  were  very  troublesome  and  costly  friends. 
Theodoric  was  constantly  breaking  his  engagements  with  the 
emperor,  who  was  obliged  to  purchase  his  good-will  with 
constant  gifts  of  land  and  money.  At  last,  after  he  had,  by 
his  plundering  forays,  converted  into  waste  land  much  of 
Thrace  and  Macedonia,  Theodoric  asked  of  the  emperor 
permission  to  lead  an  expedition  to  the  conquest  of  Italy, 
promising,  if  he  succeeded  in  the  enterprise,  to  rule  the 
Italians  in  his  name.^ 

The  emperor  gladly  granted  the  permission  sought ;  and  the 
entire  Ostrogothic  nation,  numbering  probably  over  200,000 
souls,  —  men,  women,  and  children,  —  set  out  for  Italy.  It  was 
a  migration  rather  than  a  military  expedition.     Italy  was  not 

1  This  is  the  Gothic  account  of  the  matter,  the  Byzantine  version  represents 
the  emperor  Zeno  as  himself  suggesting  to  Theodoric  the  project  of  the 
invasion.  Hodgkin,  Italy  and  her  Invaders,  vol.  iii,  pp.  128-130.  Oxford, 
1895. 


Kingdom  of  the  Ostrogoths  1 7 

simply  to  be  plundered,  as  when  Alaric  led  the  Visigoths  over 
the  Alps,  but  to  be  occupied  as  a  permanent  possession  ;  so 
the  train  of  the  migrating  nation  was  lengthened  by  their 
flocks  and  herds,  and  by  clumsy  wagons,  twenty  thousand  in 
number,  it  is  said,  loaded  with  such  property  as  make  up  the 
riches  of  a  roving  people. 

From  their  seats  on  the  Danube  to  the  northern  plains  of 
Italy  was  a  long  and  broken  march  of  seven  hundred  miles. 
The  snow  and  cold  of  a  winter  of  unusual  severity,  and  hostile 
bands  of  the  Gepidae  and  other  tribes  impeded  and  harassed 
their  march.  But  the  genius  and  daring  of  Theodoric,  who 
animated  his  followers  with  his  own  intrepid  spirit,  and 
encouraged  them  with  prospects  of  the  rich  booty  that 
awaited  them,  surmounted  every  obstacle ;  and  in  the  spring 
of  the  year  a.d.  489,  the  inhabitants  of  Italy  were  again 
startled  by  the  apparition  of  a  Gothic  host  issuing  from  the 
defiles  of  the  Julian  Alps. 

Odovakar  and  his  followers  made  an  heroic  defense  of  their 
dominions.  But  after  a  struggle  of  three  years,  during  which 
time  Italy  suffered  all  the  evils  incident  to  barbarian  warfare, 
the  contest  was  ended  by  the  surrender  of  Ravenna  (a.d.  493). 
Odovakar  was  taken  captive,  and  at  a  banquet  was  murdered 
by  Theodoric  in  a  manner  so  hideously  treacherous  that 
when  the  unhappy  man  realized  the  perfidy  of  which  he 
was  the  helpless  victim  he  is  said  to  have  cried  out,  "  Where 
is  God?" 

Theodoric  now  assumed  the  sovereignty  of  all  Italy,  and, 
in  fulfillment  of  the  promises  he  had  made  his  followers, 
distributed  among  them  one-third  of  the  best  lands  of  the 
peninsula.  His  reign  lasted  thirty-three  years,  —  years  for 
the  most  part  of  such  quiet  and  prosperity  as  Italy  had  not 
known  since  the  happy  era  of  the  Antonines.  The  king  made 
good  his  famous  declaration  :  "  Our  purpose  is,  God  helping 
us,  so  to  rule  that  our  subjects  shall  grieve  that  they  did  not 
earlier  acquire  the  blessing  of  our  dominion." 


1 8  MedicEval  History 

Theodoric's  chief  minister  and  adviser  was  Cassiodorus,  a 
statesman  and  writer  of  Roman  birth,  whose  constant  effort 
was  to  effect  a  union  of  the  conquerors  and  the  conquered, 
and  thus  to  estabHsh  in  Italy  a  strong  and  permanent 
Romano-Gothic  state  under  the  rule  of  the  royal  house  of 
the  Ostrogoths.  Could  this  have  been  brought  about,  Italy 
might  have  been  spared  all  those  centuries  of  suffering  which 
resulted  from  the  efforts  first  of  the  emperors  of  the  East 
(par.  62)  and  then  of  the  German  emperors  (par.  364)  to  make 
the  country  a  part  of  their  respective  empires,  and  the  Ostro- 
gothic  kings,  instead  of  the  Frankish  princes,  might  have  played 
the  part  of  reorganizers  of  the  shattered  society  of  the  West. 

The  dominions  of  Theodoric,  gradually  extended  by  con- 
quests and  negotiations,  finally  embraced  the  fairest  provinces 
formerly  ruled  by  the  Western  Roman  emperors.  Italy,  Sicily, 
part  of  Southern  Gaul,  and  the  countries  between  the  head  of 
the  Adriatic  and  the  Danube,  acknowledged  the  authority  of 
the  Gothic  king.  And  such  was  the  reputation  of  Theodoric 
for  wisdom  and  fairness,  that  the  disputes  of  all  the  neighbor- 
ing Teutonic  nations  were  referred  to  him  for  arbitration.  The 
last  years  of  his  reign,  however,  notwithstanding  Theodoric's 
generally  humane  and  tolerant  disposition,  were  embittered 
by  religious  quarrels,  and  stained  by  his  acts  of  cruelty  and 
persecution. 

Among  the  victims  of  his  injustice  were  the  renowned 
Boethius,  and  Symmachus,  his  venerable  father-in-law,  the  two 
most  distinguished  scholars  of  that  time,  who  were  both  put  to 
death  on  what  seems  to  have  been  an  unfounded,  or  at  least 
unproved,  charge  of  disloyalty.  Boethius,  during  the  months 
of  imprisonment  which  preceded  his  execution,  wrote  his 
Philosophiae  Consolatio,  or  "  Consolation  of  Philosophy,"  a 
work  that  possessed  a  most  remarkable  attraction  for  a  certain 
class  of  minds  throughout  the  Middle  Ages. 

Theodoric  died  in  the  year  a.d.  526,  eaten  by  remorse,  it  is 
said,    especially  for  his  unjust  condemnation  of  Symmachus. 


EUROPE 

IN  THE  REIGN  OF 

THEODORIC 

About  A.D.  500 

I  I  Roman  Empire        \  |  Celts        \  |  Teutonic  Settlements 


L.L.Po;ite3,  EnCT..  N.Y. 


Kingdom  of  the  Visigoths  19 

Like  many  another  great  ruler  and  leader  of  men,  he  had  lived 
too  long  for  his  fame.  His  massive  mausoleum  stands  in 
Ravenna  to-day. 

The  kingdom  established  by  the  rare  abilities  of  Theodoric 
lasted  only  twenty-seven  years  after  his  death.  It  was 
destroyed  by  the  generals  of  Justinian,  the  emperor  of  the 
East  (par.  62)  ;  and  Italy,  freed  from  the  barbarians,  was  for 
a  time  reunited  to  the  empire  (a.d.  553). 

17.  Kingdom  of  the  Visigoths  (a.d.  415-7 11). — The  Visi- 
goths (Western  Goths)  were  already  in  possession  of  Southern 
Gaul  and  the  greater  part  of  Spain  when  the  Roman  empire 
in  the  West  was  brought  to  an  end  by  the  act  of  Odovacar  and 
his  companions.  The  name  of  Euric  (a.d.  466-483)  holds  the 
same  place  of  preeminence  among  their  kings  as  does  that  of 
Theodoric  among  the  Ostrogothic  princes.  His  fame  was 
spread  not  only  throughout  Europe,  but  even  reached  some  of 
the  most  distant  countries  of  Asia. 

Being  driven  south  of  the  Pyrenees  by  the  kings  of  the 
Franks,  the  Visigoths  held  their  possessions  in  Spain  until  the 
beginning  of  the  eighth  century,  when  the  Saracens  crossed 
the  Straits  of  Gibraltar  (par.  90),  destroyed  the  kingdom  of 
Roderic,  the  last  of  the  Gothic  kings,  and  estabHshed  in  the 
peninsula  the  authority  of  the  Koran  (a.d.  711).  The  Visi- 
gothic  kingdom  when  thus  overturned  had  lasted  nearly  three 
hundred  years.  During  this  time  the  conquerors  had  mingled 
with  the  old  Romanized  inhabitants  of  Spain,  so  that  in  the 
veins  of  the  Spaniard  of  to-day  is  blended  the  blood  of  Iberian, 
Celt,  Roman,  and  Teuton,  together  with  that  of  the  last 
intruder,   the  African  Moor. 

18.  Kingdom  of  the  Burgundians  (a.d.  443-534). — 
Towards  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century  the  Burgundians,  who 
were  near  kinsmen  of  the  Goths,  acquired,  with  the  permission 
of  the  Romans,  a  permanent  settlement  in  the  territory  now 
known  as  Savoy  ;  and  at  length,  by  force  of  arms  or  by  peace- 
ful negotiations,  possessed  themselves  of  all  the  southeastern 


20  MedicBval  History 

portion  of  what  is  now  the  RepubHc  of  France,  as  well  as 
considerable  tracts  of  Western  Switzerland.  A  portion  of  this 
ancient  dominion  still  retains,  from  these  German  settlers,  the 
name  of  "  Burgundy."  The  Burgundians  had  barely  secured 
a  foothold  in  Gaul  before  they  came  in  collision  with  the 
Franks  on  the  north,  and  were  reduced  by  Clovis  and  his  sons 
to  a  state  of  dependence  upon  the  northern  kingdom. 

19.  Kingdom  of  the  Vandals  (a.d.  439-533).  —  About  half 
a  century  before  the  fall  of  Rome,  the  Vandals,  crowded  from 
their  seats  in  Pannonia,  traversed  Gaul  and  Spain,  passed 
the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  overran  in  a  few  years  all  Northern 
Africa,  and  made  the  city  of  Carthage  the  capital  of  the 
kingdom  which  they  set  up  in  those  regions  (a.d.  439). 

These  Vandal  conquerors  were  animated  by  a  more  destruc- 
tive energy  than  any  other  of  the  Germanic  tribes  that  took 
part  in  the  subversion  of  the  Roman  empire.  Their  very  name 
has  passed  into  all  languages  as  the  synonym  of  wanton 
destruction  and  violence.  The  terror  of  this  name  they  spread 
throughout  the  Mediterranean  countries.  Their  pirate  ships 
swept  all  the  waters  between  the  Pillars  of  Hercules  and  the 
Nile.  They  carried  their  horses  with  them  in  their  ships,  and 
making  a  descent  upon  an  unprotected  coast,  mounted  the 
animals,  scoured  the  country,  gathered  the  booty  into  their 
vessels,  and  were  away  before  an  alarm  could  be  sounded. 
Even  walled  cities  did  not  escape  the  audacious  attacks  of 
these  "  Vikings  of  the  South."  In  another  volume  ^  we  have 
told  how  the  Vandal  king,  Cxeiseric,  bore  in  triumph  down  the 
Tiber  the  heavy  spoils  of  Rome  itself. 

Nor  did  the  Vandal  pirates  content  themselves  with  plunder- 
ing excursions.  They  emulated  the  ambition  and  imitated 
the  conquests  of  the  Carthaginians,  whose  ancient  capital  they 
had  made  their  own.  Besides  conquering  all  North  Africa, 
they  seized  Corsica,  Sardinia,  and  the  Balearic  Isles.  And  not 
satisfied  with  reducing  their  enemies  to  political  servitude  with 

2  Rome:  its  Rise  and  Fall,  par.  279. 


The  Fratiks  under  the  Merovifigicuis  2 1 

the  heavy  blows  of  their  swords,  they  endeavored  to  subjugate 
them  spiritually  with  the  same  weapon.  Being  Arian  Chris- 
tians, they  persecuted  with  furious  zeal  and  unrelenting  cruelty 
the  orthodox  party,  the  followers  of  Athanasius.  No  more  cruel 
persecution  stains  the  pages  of  history  than  that  waged  by 
these  semi-Christian  Vandals  against  the  African  Catholics. 

But  vengeance  was  at  hand.  The  Vandals  had  but  just 
effected  the  conquest  of  Sardinia  when  the  general  who  had 
accomplished  this  undertaking  was  sent  for  in  haste  to  return 
to  the  defense  of  Africa.  The  emperor  Justinian  had  sent  his 
general,  Belisarius,  to  drive  the  barbarians  from  Africa  and  to 
restore  that  province  to  the  bosom  of  the  true  Catholic  Church. 
The  expedition  was  successful,  and  Carthage  and  the  fruitful 
fields  of  Africa  were  restored  to  the  empire,  after  having  suf- 
fered the  insolence  of  the  barbarian  conquerors  for  the  space 
of  more  than  a  hundred  years  (par.  61). 

Many  of  the  Vandals  now  enHsted  in  the  army  of  the  East- 
ern emperor,  while  others  engaged  in  different  enterprises,  the 
hazardous  nature  of  which  struck  their  savage  imagination. 
Those  remaining  in  the  country  were  gradually  absorbed  by 
the  native  population,  and  after  a  few  generations  no  certain 
trace  of  the  barbarian  invaders  could  be  detected  in  the 
physical  appearance,  the  language,  or  the  customs  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  African  coast;  The  Vandal  nation  had 
disappeared  ;    the  name  alone  remained. 

20.  The  Franks  under  the  Merovingians  (a.d.  486-752). — 
The  Franks,  who  were  destined  to  give  a  new  name  to  Gaul 
and  form  the  nucleus  of  the  French  nation,  made  their  first 
settlements  west  of  the  Rhine  about  two  hundred  years  before 
the  fall  of  Rome.  At  the  time  of  that  event  they  were  still 
pagans,  and  seem  to  have  made  little  or  no  advance  on  any 
lines  beyond  that  stage  of  civilization  which  the  German  tribes 
had  reached  in  the  days  of  Tacitus. 

The  Franks  were  divided  into  two  branches  or  groups  of 
tribes,  known  respectively  as  the  Ripuarians  and  the  Salians. 


22  Mediceval  History 

The  Salians  were  the  leading  nation,  and  it  was  from  the 
members  of  their  most  powerful  family  who  traced  their  descent 
from  Merowig,  an  early  chieftain  of  the  race,  that  leaders  were 
chosen  by  the  free  vote  of  all  the  warriors.  Among  their 
several  kings  at  this  time  was  Clovis,or  Chlodwig,  a  man  pos- 
sessing a  disposition  cruel  and  treacherous  even  far  beyond 
that  of  his  perfidious  house. 

After  the  downfall  of  Rome,  Clovis  conceived  the  ambition 
of  erecting  a  kingdom  upon  the  ruins  of  the  Roman  power. 
He  attacked  Syagrius,  the  Roman  governor  of  Gaul,  and  at 
Soissons  gained  a  decisive  victory  over  his  forces  (a.d.  486). 
Thus  was  destroyed  forever  in  Gaul  that  Roman  authority 
established  among  its  barbarous  tribes  more  than  five  cen- 
turies before  by  the  conquests  of  Julius  Caesar.  A  few  years 
later  Clovis  came  into  possession  of  Paris,  so  named  from  an 
ancient  Celtic  tribe  known  as  the  Parisii,  and  made  it  his 
favorite  dwelling-place. 

Clovis  in  a  short  time  extended  his  authority  over  the 
greater  part  of  Gaul,  reducing  to  the  condition  of  tributaries 
the  various  Teutonic  tribes  that  had  taken  possession  of  differ- 
ent portions  of  the  country.  Success  won  for  him  friends  on 
every  hand.  The  Catholic  bishops  espoused  with  all  the 
weight  of  their  authority,  which  was  not  small,  the  cause  of 
Clovis,  hoping  in  return  to  receive  his  support  in  their  con- 
test with  the  pagan  and  heretical  enemies  of  the  Church.  In 
this  they  were  not  disappointed,  as  we  shall  see  a  little 
later. 

Furthermore,  the  emperor  at  Constantinople  sent  the  Prank- 
ish king  the  purple  robe  and  other  insignia  of  a  Roman  consul, 
thereby  clothing  him  with  all  the  authority  of  the  imperial 
government.  Clovis  in  accepting  these  became  the  lieuten- 
ant or  viceroy  of  the  Eastern  emperor  only  in  name ;  his 
authority  was  really  as  untrammeled  and  absolute  as  that  of 
the  most  independent  prince.  But  this  formal  recognition  of 
the  sovereignty  of  the  court  at  Constantinople,  which  during 


TJie  Franks  under  the  Merovingians  2  3 

all  this  period  was  acknowledged  by  almost  all  the  German 
chiefs  of  the  West,  while  it  amused  the  Eastern  emperor,  and 
laid  no  burdens  or  restrictions  upon  the  barbarian  princes, 
rather  strengthened  the  authority  of  the  latter  among  their 
own  people,  and  especially  among  the  former  subjects  of  the 
empire,  who  still  reverenced  the  name  of  Rome,  and  looked 
upon  the  emperor  and  those  clothed  with  his  delegated 
authority  with  an  almost  superstitious  veneration. 

Clovis  stained  the  closing  years  of  his  reign  with  the  most 
atrocious  crimes.  Upon  his  death  (a.d.  511)  his  extensive 
dominions,  in  accordance  with  the  ancient  Teutonic  law  of 
inheritance,  were  divided  among  his  four  sons.  The  natural 
consequences  of  such  a  parceling  out  of  the  supreme  authority 
soon  followed,  and  the  kingdom  was  rent  with  dissensions  and 
wars.  About  a  century  and  a  half  of  discord  followed  the 
energetic  rule  of  Clovis,^  by  the  end  of  which  time  the  Mero- 
vingians had  become  so  feeble  and  inefficient  that  they  were 
contemptuously  called  rois  faijieatits^  or  "  do-nothing  kings," 
and  the  ambitious  members  of  other  families  that  had  grown  rich 
and  influential  through  their  connection  with  the  court  and 
government  were  encouraged  to  aspire  to  the  royal  dignity. 

Now  the  Prankish  monarchy  at  this  time  was  composed  of 
two  chief  members,  an  eastern  and  a  western  division,  known 
respectively  as  Austi-asia  and  Neustria,,  which  represented  in 
a  vague  way  the  Germany  and  France  of  later  times.  The 
eastern  division,  as  was  natural  on  account  of  its  position, 
was  more  thoroughly  Teutonic  than  the  western,  where  the 
Roman  element  predominated.  Naturally  there  existed  an 
irreconcilable  antagonism  between  the  two  members  of  the 
Prankish  state.  At  the  head  of  each  division  was  a  high 
officer  of  the  crown  known  as  Mayor  of  the  Palace  {Major 
Domus).      After  a  long   contest   the   mayors  of   the   eastern 

3  Dagobert  I  (628-638)  was  the  last  noteworthy  ruler  during  this  period. 
His  rule,  for  he  ruled  as  well  as  reigned,  marked  the  culmination  of  the  personal 
power  of  the  Merovingians. 


24  Mediceval  History 

division  gained  the  ascendency,  pushed  aside  the  weak  Mero- 
vingian kings,  and  gave  to  the  Frankish  monarchy  a  new  royal 
line,  —  the  CaroUngian. 

It  required  the  genius,  the  achievements,  and  the  ambi- 
tion of  three  successive  princes,  Pippin  II,  Charles  Martel, 
and  Pippin  III,  father,  son,  and  grandson,  to  Hft  the  aspir- 
ing Austrasian  family  to  fully  acknowledged  royal  dignity, 
although  Pippin  11  by  a  great  victory  over  the  Neustrians  at 
Testry  (a.d.  687)  secured  such  an  ascendency  in  the  monarchy 
that  he  thenceforth  really  exercised  royal  power,  notwith- 
standing that  a  Merovingian  prince  still  sat  as  a  shadow-king 
upon  the  throne. 

Charles,  son  of  Pippin,  by  his  genius,  energy,  and  splendid 
services,  raised  to  a  more  secure  eminence  the  growing  fortunes 
of  the  family.  Never  did  ambition  have  presented  to  it  a 
rarer  opportunity. 

The  Saracens,  of  whom  we  shall  tell  in  a  following  chapter, 
having  reduced  the  East,  North  Africa,  and  Spain,  had  crossed 
the  Pyrenees  into  Aquitaine,or  Southern  Gaul,  and  were  threat- 
ening the  subjugation  of  all  Europe.  The  eyes  of  everybody 
were  turned  to  Charles  as  the  only  one  whose  arm  was  powerful 
enough  to  stay  the  insolent  progress  of  the  Arab  hosts. 

Charles  gathered  his  warriors,  and  on  the  field  of  Tours,  or 
Poitiers, in  Central  France  inflicted  upon  the  invaders  a  most 
memorable  defeat,  thus  saving  Europe  from  the  Mohammedan 
yoke  (a.d.  732).  From  his  exploits  on  this  famous  field  Charles 
gained  such  renown  and  ascendency  that  he,  Hke  his  father 
before  him,  became  virtually  the  king  of  the  Franks,  although 
the  honor  of  bearing  that  title  was  reserved  for  his  son  Pippin, 
who  in  a  way  that  will  hereafter  be  explained  in  another 
connection  (par.  99)  became  the  first  in  name  of  the  Caro- 
lingian  kings  (a.d.  752). 

At  this  point  we  must  turn  from  tracing  the  growing  power 
of  the  Franks,  in  order  to  follow  the  fortunes  of  other  invaders 
of  the  empire. 


Kingdom  of  the  Lombards  25 

21.  Kingdom  of  the  Lombards  (a.d.  568-774).  —  The 
circumstances  attending  the  establishment  of  the  Lombards 
in  Italy  were  very  Hke  those  marking  the  settlement  of  the 
Ostrogoths.  The  Lombards  (Longobardi),  so  called  probably 
either  from  their  long  beards  or  their  long  battle-axes,  came 
from  the  region  of  the  Middle  Danube,  where  they  had  long 
been  in  the  employ  of  the  Eastern  emperor,  engaged  in  a  war 
of  extermination  against  the  Gepidae.  From  this  enterprise, 
which  well  suited  their  fierce  and  martial  character,  they  turned 
to  the  conquest  of  Italy.  This  country,  it  will  be  borne 
in  mind,  had  but  recently  been  delivered  from  the  hands 
of  the  Ostrogoths  by  the  lieutenants  of  the  Eastern  emperor 
(par.  16). 

In  just  such  a  march  as  the  Ostrogoths  had  made  nearly  a 
century  before,  the  Lombard  nation  under  the  lead  of  their 
king,  Alboin,  now  crossed  the  Alps  and  descended  into  the 
plain  of  the  Po,  where  the  land  was  almost  bare  of  inhabitants 
through  the  frightful  devastations  of  the  Gothic  wars  (par.  62). 
After  many  years  of  fighting,  they  subjugated  a  large  part  of 
the  peninsula,  and  established  a  monarchy  which  lasted  almost 
exactly  two  centuries.  The  parts  of  the  country  which  they 
were  not  able  to  conquer  were  in  general  the  cities  on  the 
seacoast,  as  well  as  Rome  and  the  southern  portion  of  the 
peninsula. 

The  Lombards  were,  after  the  A^andals,  the  most  untamed 
of  all  the  tribes  that  fell  upon  the  Roman  provinces,  and  their 
conquests  w^re  attended  with  the  most  appalling  slaughters 
and  cruelties.  The  story  of  Alboin  and  Rosamund  is  a  typi- 
cal one.  Alboin  had  slain  in  battle  a  rival  chieftain,  the  king 
of  the  Gepidae,  whose  beautiful  daughter,  Rosamund,  he  had 
just  taken  as  a  bride.  At  a  banquet  in  celebration  of  his 
victories  he  forced  his  young  queen  to  drink  wine  from  her 
father's  skull,  which  he  had  had  made  into  a  drinking-cup. 
In  revenge  for  the  insult,  Rosamund  plotted  the  death  of  her 
husband  and  then  married  the  murderer, 


26  Medimval  Histoiy 

Insensibly,  however,  the  restraints  of  the  new  rehgion  which 
the  Lombards  had  embraced,  and  the  softening  influences  of 
the  civiUzation  with  which  they  had  come  in  contact  in  Italy 
overcame  their  self-will  and  tamed  their  fierce  dispositions,  so 
that  in  process  of  time  they  became  the  representatives  of  a 
higher  morality  and  the  generous  patrons  of  art  and  learning. 

When  they  entered  Italy  the  Lombards  were  Christians  of 
the  Arian  sect;  but  in  time  they  became  converts  to  the 
orthodox  faith  of  the  Roman  Church,  and  Pope  Gregory  I 
bestowed  upon  the  Lombard  king  an  iron  crown,  in  which 
was  wrought  what  was  believed  to  be  one  of  the  nails  of  the 
cross  upon  which  Christ  had  suffered. 

The  kingdom  of  the  Lombards  was  destroyed  by  Charles 
the  Great,  the  most  noted  of  the  Frankish  rulers,  in  the  year 
774 ;  but  the  blood  of  the  invaders  had  by  this  time  become 
intermingled  with  that  of  the  former  subjects  of  the  empire,  so 
that  throughout  all  that  part  of  the  peninsula  which  is  still 
called  Lombardy  after  them,  one  will  to-day  occasionally  see 
the  fair  hair  and  light  complexion  which  reveal  the  strain  of 
German  blood  in  the  veins  of  the  present  inhabitants. 

One  important  result  of  the  Lombard  conquest  of  Italy 
was  the  destruction  of  the  political  unity  established  by  the 
Romans,  and  the  breaking  up  of  the  country  into  a  multitude 
of  petty  states.  This  resulted  from  the  extreme  feudal  char- 
acter of  the  Lombard  monarchy,  which  caused  it  to  disinte- 
grate into  a  number  of  practically  independent  duchies,  and 
from  the  failure  of  the  invaders  to  get  possession  of  Rome 
and  all  the  shore  lands  of  the  peninsula.  Thus  an  impulse 
was  given  to  disintegration  which  was  never  overcome  during 
the  Middle  Ages.  The  peninsula  became  crowded  with  inde- 
pendent city-republics  and  principalities.  Not  until  our  own 
day  did  there  emerge  from  this  political  chaos  a  united  Italy. 

22.  The  Anglo-Saxon  Conquest  of  Britain.  —  In  the  fifth 
century  of  our  era,  being  then  engaged  in  her  death  struggle 
with  the  barbarians,  Rome  withdrew  her  legions  from  Britain, 


The  Anglo-Saxon  Conquest  of  Britain  27 

in  order  to  protect  Italy.  Thus  that  province  was  left  exposed 
to  the  attacks  of  the  Picts''  and  Scots,  as  well  as  to  the  depre- 
dations of  the  Anglo-Saxon  corsairs.  The  Picts  of  Caledonia 
made  plundering  raids  over  the  Hadrian  Wall  in  the  north  ; 
the  Scots  of  Ireland  descended  in  their  piratical  crafts  upon 
the  western,  and  the  Saxon  pirates  upon  the  eastern  shores 
of  the  island. 

In  this  extremity  of  affairs  the  provincials  are  said  to  have 
appealed  for  aid  to  the  Roman  governor  of  Gaul,  picturing,  in 
a  supplication  known  as  "The  Groans  of  the  Britons,"  their 
condition  in  these  terms  :  "  The  barbarians  drive  us  into  the 
sea  ;  the  sea  throws  us  back  upon  the  swords  of  the  barbarians  ; 
and  we  have  only  the  hard  choice  of  perishing  by  the  sword 
or  by  the  waves."  The  appeal,  if  ever  made,  was  unavailing, 
for  the  Roman  legions  were  just  then  battling  with  the  terrible 
hosts  of  Alaric  and  Attila,  and  could  extend  no  help. 

The  distressed  Britons  were  driven  to  what  proved  a  fatal 
device.  They  determined  to  make  friends  of  a  part  of  their 
foes  by  means  of  bribes  in  land  and  money,  and  then  turn 
these  against  the  rest  of  their  enemies.  The  German  pirates 
were  gained  over  by  the  means  suggested.  Hengist  and  Horsa, 
two  half  legendary  Jutish  chiefs,  were  the  leaders  of  the  first 
bands  that  came  (a.d.  449).  They  were  given  as  a  base  of 
operations  the  Isle  of  Thanet,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Thames, 
and  the  Picts  were  soon  driven  back  into  their  northern  fast- 
nesses. Reports  of  the  settlement,  and  glowing  accounts  of  the 
richness  of  the  soil  and  the  delightfulness  of  the  climate  of  the 
new  land,  caused  fresh  shiploads  of  the  kinsmen  of  the  colonists 
to  join  them.  The  new  immigrants  were  Saxons,  Angles,  and 
Jutes,  tribes  of  very  near  kin,  that  came  from  Jutland  and  the 
country  along  the  lower  courses  of  the  Elbe  and  the  Weser. 

The  Britons  became  alarmed  at  the  increasing  swarms  of 
ships  and  men,  and,  when  too    late,  realized  that  they  had 

4  The  Picts  were  earlier  known  as  Caledonians.  They  were  a  mixed  Celto- 
Iberian  race. 


28  Mediceval  History 

made  a  grave  mistake  in  giving  these  fierce  warriors  a  foot- 
hold in  their  country.  They  now,  either  through  dehberate 
purpose  or  because  the  number  of  the  strangers  had  become 
so  great  that  they  were  not  able  to  make  good  their  pledges  to 
them,  withheld  promised  lands  and  provisions.  Thereupon  the 
newcomers  resolved  to  help  themselves.  They  attacked  the 
Britons,  overthrew  them  in  a  terrible  battle,  and  began  to  take 
possession  of  the  island.  We  say  began,  for  neither  the  gener- 
ation that  commenced  the  work  of  subjugating  the  island,  nor 
yet  the  three  succeeding  ones,  saw  the  conquest  nearly  effected. 
The  advance  of  the  invaders  was  disputed  foot  by  foot,  and  a 
hundred  and  more  years  passed  away  before  the  Teutons  had 
secured  possession  of  even  the  eastern  half  of  what  now  forms 
England.^  No  other  province  of  the  Roman  empire  made 
such  determined  and  heroic  resistance  against  the  barbarians. 
Up  to  the  close  of  the  sixth  century  —  after  that  date  the 
struggle  grew  less  savage  and  unrelenting  —  so  bitter  and 
desperate  was  the  contest  that  the  provincials  were  either 
exterminated,  reduced  to  serfdom,  or  driven  bodily  westward. 
Almost  every  trace  of  Roman  civilization  was  obliterated.  The 
Christian  religion,  which  had  been  jntroduced  during  the 
Roman  sway,  was  virtually  swept  away,  and  Teutonic  England 
again  fell  back  into  the  paganism  in  which  Julius  Csesar  had 
found  its  tribes  six  hundred  years  before. 

There  is  no  more  tragic  story  in  all  history  than  that  which 
tells  how  our  pagan  ancestors  dispossessed  the  Christian 
Britons  of  their  fair  island,  and  drove  them  among  the  moun- 
tains of  Wales  or  across  the  water  to  other  lands. "^  It  is  to 
this  period  of  desperate  struggle  that  the  famous  King  Arthur 
belongs.     The  legends  that  have   gathered   about  the    name 

5  The  battle  of  Deorham  (a.d.  577)  marks  a  turning-point  in  the  struggle, 
since  the  victory  they  won  here  gave  the  Saxons  control  of  the  valley  of  the 
Severn,  and  thrust  a  wedge  between  the  Celts  of  Cornwall  and  their  kinsmen  of 
Wales  and  the  North.     See  map,  p.  140. 

6  Many  of  the  hard-pressed  Britons  fled  across  the  English  Channel  to  the 
adjacent  shores  of  France,  and  gave  name  to  the  French  province  of  Brittany. 


The  Anglo-Saxon  Conquest  of  Britain  29 

of  this  national  hero  are  mostly  mythical ;  yet  it  is  possible 
that  he  had  a  real  existence,  and  that  the  name  represents  one 
or  more  of  the  most  valiant  of  the  Celtic  chiefs  who  battled 
so  long  and  heroically  against  the  pagan  invaders. 

Although  the  conquerors  of  Britain  belonged,  as  we  have 
learned,  to  three  Teutonic  tribes, — the  Angles,  Saxons,  and 
Jutes,  —  they  all  passed  among  the  Celts  under  the  name  of 
Saxons,  and  among  themselves,  after  they  began  to  draw 
together  into  a  single  nation,  under  that  of  Angles,  whence  the 
name  England  (Angle-land). 

By  the  close  of  the  sixth  century  the  invading  bands  had 
set  up  in  the  conquered  parts  of  the  island  eight  or  nine,  or 
perhaps  more,  kingdoms,  —  frequently  designated,  though 
somewhat  inaccurately,  as  the  Heptarchy,  —  among  which  three, 
Northumbria,  Mercia,  and  Wessex  by  name,  enjoyed  a  sort  of 
preeminence,  and  formed  the  centers  about  which  the  smaller 
states  tended  to  group  themselves.  For  the  space  of  two 
hundred  years  there  was  an  almost  perpetual  strife  among  these 
leading  states  for  supremacy,  the  king  first  of  one  and  then  of 
another  forcing  from  one  or  both  of  the  others  a  more  or  less 
perfect  acknowledgment  of  his  overlordship.  Finally,  Egbert 
(802-839),'^  king  of  Wessex,  whose  ambitious  projects  were 
favored  by  a  growing  sense  of  the  advantages  of  a  national 
union,  and  by  the  fear  occasioned  by  the  descent  upon  the 
coast  of  Scandinavian  pirates,  brought  all  the  other  states 
to  a  subject  or  tributary  condition,  and  became  in  reality, 
though  he  seems  never,  save  on  one  occasion,  to  have  actually 
assumed  the  title,  the  first  king  of  England.^ 

7  Egbert  had  passed  thirteen  years  as  an  exile  at  the  court  of  Charles  the 
Great  and  had  witnessed  his  coronation  as  emperor  in  the  year  800  (par.  102). 
He  thus  learned  important  lessons  in  the  arts  of  war  and  government,  and 
doubtless  was  inspired  with  the  ambition  to  imitate  in  England  Charles's  great 
work  on  the  Continent. 

8  The  title  given  him  in  the  Saxon  Chronicle  is  that  of  Brctwalda,  which  is 
sometimes  rendered  "  Wielder  of  Britain."  The  Chronicle  also  states  that  Egbert 
was  the  eighth  and  last  king  to  bear  this  title. 


30  MedicBval  History 

23.  Teutonic  Tribes  outside  the  Empire. — We  have  now 
spoken  of  the  most  important  of  the  Teutonic  tribes  that 
forced  themselves  within  the  limits  of  the  Roman  empire  in 
the  West,  and  that  there,  upon  the  ruins  of  the  civilization 
they  had  overthrown,  laid  or  helped  to  lay  the  foundations  of 
the  modern  nations  of  Italy,  Spain,  France,  and  England. 
Beyond  the  boundaries  of  the  old  empire  were  still  other  tribes 
and  clans  of  this  same  mighty  family  of  nations,  —  tribes  and 
clans  that  were  destined  to  play  great  parts  in  European 
history. 

On  the  east,  beyond  the  Rhine,  were  the  ancestors  of  the 
modern  Germans.  Notwithstanding  the  immense  hosts  that 
the  forests  and  morasses  of  Germany  had  poured  into  the 
Roman  provinces,  the  Fatherland,  in  the  sixth  century  of  our 
era,  seemed  still  as  crowded  as  before  the  great  migration 
began.  These  tribes  were  yet  barbarians  in  manners,  and,  for 
the  most  part,  pagans  in  religion. 

In  the  northwest  of  Europe  were  the  Scandinavians,  the 
ancestors  of  the  modern  Danes,  Swedes,  and  Norwegians. 
They  were  as  yet  untouched  either  by  the  civilization  or  the 
religion  of  Rome.  We  shall  scarcely  get  a  glimpse  of  them 
before  the  ninth  century,  when  they  will  appear  as  "  Norse- 
men," the  dreaded  corsairs  of  the  northern  seas  (chap.  viii). 

Sources  and  Source  Material.  —  The  Letters  of  Cassiodorus  (trans, 
by  Thomas  Hodgkin).  Read  bk.  i,  Letters  24  and  35  ;  bk.  ii,  Letters 
32  and  34;  bk.  iii,  Letters  17,  19,  29,  31,  and  43;  bk.  xi,  Letters  12 
and  13  ;  bk.  xii,  Letter  20.  These  letters  are  invaluable  in  showing 
what  was  the  general  condition  of  things  in  the  transition  period  between 
ancient  and  mediaeval  times.  Hodgkin  has  also  given  us  in  his  great 
work  mentioned  below  numerous  extracts  from  the  sources  for  this 
period.  The  Anglo-Saxon  Ch7-onicle  (Bohn).  Consult  entries  for  the 
years  455-827.  Boethius,  Consolation  of  Philosophy  (Bohn).  "Whoso 
would  understand,"  says  Hodgkin,  "  the  thoughts  that  were  working 
in  the  noblest  minds  of  the  mediaeval  Europe  would  do  well  to  give  a 
few  hours'  study  to  the  once  world-renowned  '  Consolation  of  Philoso- 
phy.' "    Colby's  Selections  from  the  Sources  of  English  History^  Extract  5, 


Tetitonic  Tribes  outside  the  Empire  3 1 

"The  Coming  of  the  EngUsh  to  Britain,"  from  V>?e.A^^9,  Historia  Eccle- 
siastica  Gentis  Anglorum.  Lee's  Source-Book  of  English  History,  chap.  iv. 
Studies  in  European  History  (University  of  Nebraska),  vol.  ii,  No.  2, 
"  Teutonic  Barbarians." 

Secondary  or  Modern  Works.  —  Hodgkin  (T.),  **  Italy  and  her 
Invaders,  8  vols.  The  first  four  volumes  have  appeared  in  a  revised 
edition.  Hodgkin  is  recognized  as  the  best  authority  on  the  period  of 
the  migration.  His  style  is  unusually  attractive.  Read  vol.  iii,  bk.  iv, 
chap,  xii,  pp.  517-572,  "  Boethius  and  Symmachus."  By  the  same 
author,  *Theodoric  the  Goth  (Heroes  of  the  Nations).  Gummere 
(F.  B.),  **Germanic  Origins.  An  authoritative  and  interesting  work 
on  the  early  culture  of  the  Germans.  Sheppard  (J.  G.),  The  Fall 
of  Rome  and  the  Rise  of  the  New  Nationalities.  Selected  chapters. 
Gibbon  (E.),  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  chaps,  xxxviii 
and  xxxix.  Church  (R.  W.),  The  Begiftning  of  the  Middle  Ages 
(Epoch  Series),  chaps,  i-v.  Emerton  (E.),  An  Introduction  to  the 
Study  of  the  Middle  Ages,  chaps,  vi  and  vii.  Green  (J.  R.),  The 
Making  of  England,  and  the  same  author's  Short  History  of  the  Eng- 
lish People  (new  ed.,  1899),  chap.  i.  Church  (A.  J.),  Early  Britain 
(Story  of  the  Nations),  chaps,  x-xvii,  pp.  92-184.  Oman  (C),  77^1? 
Dark  Ages,  chaps,  i,  ii,  iv,  vii,  viii,  x,  and  xi.  Kitchin  (G.  W.),  His- 
tory of  France  (4th  ed.,  1898),  vol.  i,  pp.  1-181.  Kingsley  (C),  *The 
Roman  and  the  Teuton.  This  work  is  sure  to  stir  the  interest  of 
the  young  reader.  It  is,  however,  subjective,  as  opposed  to  objective, 
history. 


CHAPTER    II 
THE   CONVERSION   OF   THE   BARBARIANS 

24.  Introductory.  — The  most  important  event  in  the  history 
of  the  tribes  that  took  possession  of  the  Roman  empire  in  the 
West  was  their  conversion  to  Christianity.  The  facihty  with 
which  they  exchanged  their  primitive  behefs  for  the  new  faith 
may  be  attributed,  in  part  at  least,  to  two  causes,  —  the 
excellence  of  the  religion  that  was  offered  for  their  acceptance, 
and  the  loose  hold  they  had  upon  their  own.  "  Those  who 
have  no  homes  for  themselves,"  says  Montesquieu,  *'  were 
never  known  to  build  temples,  and  those  peoples  who  have 
no  temples  have  but  a  small  attachment  to  their  own  religion." 
The  Teutons,  before  they  entered  the  empire,  were  without  fixed 
homes  or  temples.  The  woods  and  groves,  Tacitus  observes, 
were  their  only  shrines.  As  they  readily  abandoned  old  seats 
and  went  in  search  of  others,  so  did  they  lightly  give  up  old 
beliefs  and  embrace  new  ones.  Furthermore,  they  were  almost, 
if  not  quite,  without  written  records  ;  and  races  whose  rehgion 
is  merely  traditional  and  not  yet  embalmed  in  a  written  litera- 
ture, will  more  readily  give  it  up  in  exchange  for  a  new  one 
than  those  whose  faith  is  conserved  by  the  authority  of  books 
venerable  through  age,  and  sacred  by  virtue  of  mysterious  or 
forgotten  origin. 

We  shall  now  notice  some  of  the  incidents  and  features  of 
the  great  victory  gained  by  Christianity  over  the  barbarian 
subverters  of  the  Roman  empire,  —  a  peaceful  victory  much 
more  worthy  of  our  attention  than  many  a  triumph  of  a  more 
martial  nature. 

32 


Conversion  of  the  Goths  and  other  Tribes  33 

25.  Progress  of  Christianity  before  the  Fall  of  Rome.  —  By 
the  end  of  the  fourth  century  Christianity  had  achieved  its 
first  great  victory.  It  had  triumphed  practically  over  pagan 
and  skeptical  Rome.  As  early  as  a.d.  313  Constantine  had 
proclaimed  it  the  favored  religion  of  the  empire.  But  the  zeal 
of  the  missionaries  of  the  new  faith  did  not  permit  them  to 
stop  at  the  boundaries  that  circumscribed  the  Roman  state  ; 
for  they  were  the  ambassadors  of  a  universal  kingdom  which 
recognized  none  of  the  dividing  lines  of  nations.  They  crossed 
all  the  frontiers  of  the  Roman  dominion,  and  taught  the  new 
doctrines  in  Ireland  and  Scotland,  beneath  the  forests  of 
Germany,  and  upon  the  plains  of  Scythia.  By  the  opening 
of  the  fifth  century  the  empire  of  Christianity  was  far  ampler 
than  that  of  the  Caesars  had  ever  been. 

To  this  circumstance  of  the  barbarians'  conversion  before 
or  soon  after  their  entrance  into  the  empire,  its  subjects  owed 
their  immunity  from  the  excessive  cruelties  which  rude  pagan 
barbarians  never  fail  to  inflict  upon  a  subjected  enemy.  Alaric 
left  untouched  the  treasures  of  the  churches  of  the  Roman 
Christians,  because  his  own  faith  was  also  Christian.  For  like 
reason  the  Vandal  king,  Geiseric,  yielded  to  the  prayers  of 
Pope  Leo  the  Great,  and  spared  the  lives  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Imperial  City.^  The  more  tolerable  fate  of  Italy,  Spain, 
and  Gaul,  as  compared  with  the  hard  fate  of  Britain,  is  omng, 
in  part  at  least,  to  the  fact  that  the  tribes  which  overran  those 
countries  had  become  in  the  main  converts  to  Christianity 
before  they  crossed  the  boundaries  of  the  empire,  while  the 
Saxons  when  they  entered  Britain  were  still  untamed  pagans. 

26.  Conversion  of  the  Goths,  Vandals,  and  other  Tribes.  —  The 
first  converts  to  Christianity  among  the  barbarians  beyond  the 
limits  of  the  empire  were  won  from  among  the  Goths.  Proba- 
bly the  pioneer  missionaries  among  these  tribes  were  captives 
taken  by  them  in  their  raids  across  the  Danube.  Foremost  of 
the  apostles  that  arose  among  them  was  Ulfilas,  who  translated 

1  Rome :  its  Rise  and  Fall  (pars.  273  and  279). 


34  MedicBval  History 

the  Scriptures  into  the  Gothic  language,  omitting  from  his 
version,  however,  "  the  Books  of  the  Kings,"  ^  as  he  feared 
that  the  stirring  recital  of  wars  and  battles  in  that  portion  of 
the  Word  might  kindle  into  too  fierce  a  flame  the  martial 
ardor  of  his  new  converts. 

What  happened  in  the  case  of  the  Goths  happened  also  in 
the  case  of  most  of  the  barbarian  tribes  that  participated  in 
the  overthrow  of  the  Roman  empire  in  the  West.  By  the 
time  of  the  fall  of  Rome  the  Gothic  and  other  barbarian 
mercenaries  then  in  Italy ;  the  Vandals,  who  had  traversed 
the  length  of  the  empire  and  were  in  Africa  ;  the  Suevi,  who 
had  crossed  the  Pyrenees  and  entered  Spain  ;  the  Burgundians, 
who  had  established  themselves  in  Southeastern  Gaul,  —  all 
these  had  become  proselytes  to  Christianity.  The  greater 
part  of  them,  however,  professed  the  Arian  creed,  which  had 
been  condemned  by  the  great  council  of  the  Church  held  at 
Nicaea  during  the  reign  of  Constantine  the  Great  (a.d.  325). 
Hence  they  were  regarded  as  heretics  by  the  CathoHc  Church, 
and  all  had  to  be  reconverted  to  the  orthodox  creed,  which 
thing  was  gradually  and  almost  perfectly  effected. 

The  remaining  Teutonic  tribes  of  whose  conversion  we 
shall  speak  —  the  Franks,  the  Anglo-Saxons,  the  Scandina- 
vians, and  the  chief  tribes  of  Germany  —  embraced  at  the 
outset  the  CathoHc  faith. 

27.  Conversion  of  the  Franks. — The  Franks,  when  they 
entered  the  empire,  Hke  the  Angles  and  Saxons  when  they 
landed  in  Britain,  were  still  pagans.  Christianity  gained  way 
very  slowly  among  them  until  a  conviction  that  the  God  of 
the  Christians  had  intervened  in  their  behalf  led  the  king  and 
nation  to  adopt  the  new  religion  in  place  of  their  old  faith. 
The  circumstances,  as  reported  by  tradition,  were  these.  In  a 
terrible  battle  between  the  Franks  under  their  king  Clovis 
and    the    Alemanni,    the    situation    of  the   Franks   at   length 

2  I  and  II  Samuel  and  I  and  II  Kings.  "  This  was  the  first  translation  of 
the  Bible  into  a  barbarian  tongue."  —  Hodgkin. 


Importance  of  the  Conversion  of  the  Franks        3  5 

became  desperate.  Then  Clovis,  falling  upon  his  knees,  called 
upon  the  God  of  the  Christians,  whose  faith  his  good  Queen 
Clotilda  had  often  sought  to  persuade  him  to  embrace,  and 
solemnly  vowed  that  if  He  would  give  victory  to  his  arms,  he 
would  become  His  faithful  follower,  and  ever  maintain  His 
cause  with  his  sword.  The  battle  soon  turned  in  favor  of  the 
Franks,  and  Clovis,  faithful  to  his  vow,  was  baptized,  and  with 
him  three  thousand  of  his  warriors.  "  Bow  thy  neck  in  meek- 
ness, O  Sicambrian,"  said  the  pious  Archbishop  Remigius  to 
the  kneeling  Clovis ;  "  adore  what  thou  hast  burned,  and  burn 
what  thou  hast  adored." 

This  story  of  the  conversion  of  Clovis  and  his  Franks  illus- 
trates how  the  very  superstitions  of  the  barbarians,  their  belief 
in  omens  and  divine  interpositions,  and  particularly  their 
feeling  that  if  their  gods  did  not  do  for  them  all  they  wanted 
done  they  had  a  right  to  set  them  aside  and  choose  others  in 
their  stead,  contributed  to  their  conversion.  The  terror  occa- 
sioned by  a  desolating  plague  caused  the  Bulgarians  to  seek 
refuge  and  relief  by  a  profession  of  the  Christian  faith.  In 
like  manner  the  Burgundians,  when  sorely  pressed  by  their 
enemies,  thinking  their  own  gods  were  offended  or  were 
powerless  to  aid  them,  embraced  in  a  body  the  religion  of 
the  Christians.  Thus  the  reception  of  the  new  faith  was  often 
a  tribal  or  national  affair,  rather  than  a  matter  of  personal 
conviction. 

28.  Importance  of  the  Conversion  of  the  Franks.  —  "The 
conversion  of  the  Franks,"  says  the  historian  Milman,  "was 
the  most  important  event  in  its  remote  as  well  as  its  imme- 
diate consequences  in  European  history."  It  was  of  such 
moment  for  the  reason  that  the  Franks  embraced  the  ortho- 
dox Catholic  faith,  while  almost  all  the  other  German  tribes 
had  embraced  the  heretical  Arian  creed.  Thus  they  secured 
the  favor  of  the  Church  of  Rome  and  the  good-will  and 
support  of  their  Roman  subjects,  who  were  Catholics.  This 
brought    it   about    that    the    affairs    of    the    Frankish    rulers 


36  Mediceval  Histoiy 

prospered  greatly.  Their  dominions  grew  constantly  wider, 
and  their  authority  steadily  increased,  until  the  little  Frankish 
principality  became  a  great  empire  and  the  limited  authority 
of  the  prince  became  the  authority  of  an  emperor  ruling  over 
almost  all  the  West. 

29.  Augustine's  Mission  to  England. — The  x\ngles  and 
Saxons  were  not  converted  to  Christianity  until  about  a  cen- 
tury and  a  half  after  their  first  landing  in  Britain.  The  Celts 
who  had  been  pushed  westward  among  the  mountains  of  Wales 
still  retained  the  Christian  faith  which  they  had  received  during 
Roman  times ;  but,  as  has  been  said,  they  felt  Httle  inclina- 
tion to  help  these  barbarians,  who  had  robbed  them  of  their 
fair  island  lands,  to  secure  a  title  to  the  heavenly  inheritance. 
The  work  of  our  forefathers'  conversion  was,  in  the  main,  the 
result  of  the  missionary  zeal  of  Irish  monks  and  of  the 
Roman  see. 

In  the  year  596  Pope  Gregory  I  sent  the  monk  Augustine 
with  a  band  of  forty  companions  to  teach  the  Christian  faith 
in  Britain.  Gregory  had  become  interested  in  the  inhabitants 
of  that  remote  region  in  the  following  way.  One  day,  some 
years  before  his  elevation  to  the  papal  chair,  he  was  passing 
through  the  slave-market  at  Rome,  and  noticed  there  some 
English  captives,  whose  fine  form  and  fair  features  awakened 
his  curiosity  respecting  them.  Inquiring  of  what  nation  they 
were,  he  was  told  that  they  were  called  Angles.  "  '  Right,' 
said  he,  '  for  they  have  an  angelic  face,  and  it  becomes  such 
to  become  coheirs  with  the  angels  in  heaven.  What  is  the 
name,'  proceeded  he,  '  of  the  province  from  which  they  are 
brought?'  It  was  repHed  that  the  natives  of  that  province 
were  called  Deiri.  '  Truly  are  they  De  ira,'  said  he,  '  with- 
drawn from  wrath  and  called  to  the  mercy  of  Christ.  How  is 
the  king  of  that  province  called  ?  '  They  told  him  his  name 
was  ^Ella ;  and  he,  alluding  to  the  name,  said,  '  Alleluia,  the 
praise  of  God  the  Creator,  must  be  sung  in  those  parts,'  "  ^ 

3  Bede's  Eccl.  Hist.,  ii,  i  (Bohn). 


Augustine  s  Mission  to  England  37 

The  pious  monk  wished  to  set  out  at  once  himself  as  a  mis- 
sionary to  the  pagan  peoples  in  whom  his  interest  had  thus 
been  awakened  ;  but  duties  at  the  capital  hindered  him. 
When,  however,  a  little  while  afterwards  he  was  elected  pope, 
still  mindful  of  the  incident  of  the  slave-market,  he  sent  to 
the  Angles  the  embassy  to  which  we  have  alluded. 

Not  less  interesting  than  the  story  of  the  inception  of  the 
commission  to  the  tribes  of  Britain  is  that  of  the  manner  in 
which  the  natives  received  the  embassy.  At  this  time  Ethel- 
bert  of  Kent  was  overlord  of  several  of  the  little  kingdoms 
that  had  grown  up  in  the  island.  Now  it  so  happened  that 
his  queen.  Bertha,  being  a  Frankish  princess,  was  a  follower 
of  the  faith  that  had  already  been  received  by  the  Franks, 
and  through  her  influence  the  king  received  Augustine  and 
his  companions  with  open  courtesy,  listened  attentively  to  the 
appeals  of  the  monk,  and  finally  yielding  to  the  persuasions  of 
his  eloquence,  embraced  with  his  people  the  Christian  faith. 
And  so  it  came  to  pass  that  our  forefathers  were  first  called 
Christians  at  Canterbury,  the  capital  of  Kent,  and  from  that 
day  that  city  became  the  center  of  the  religious  life  of  Eng- 
land, and  in  time  acquired  a  wide  celebrity  as  the  seat  of 
one  of  the  most  famous  cathedrals  of  Christendom. 

A  Httle  while  after  the  reception  of  Christianity  by  the  king 
and  people  of  Kent,  the  same  faith  was  received  in  the 
kingdom  of  Northumbria.  When  the  Christian  messengers 
appealed  to  Edwin,  the  king  of  the  Northumbrians,  to  em- 
brace the  religion  of  which  they  were  the  ambassadors,  he 
called  a  council  of  his  wise  men,  and  submitted  to  them  the 
question  whether  the  old  faith  should  be  exchanged  for  the 
new.  Then  one  of  the  aged  counselors,  whose  words  well 
illustrate  the  serious,  thoughtful  character  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  * 
spirit,  arose  in  the  assembly,  and  said  :  "  O  king,  man's  life  is 
like  a  bird,  that,  driven  by  the  storm,  flees  from  the  darkness 

4  Northumbria  was  settled  by  the  Angles,  but  we  shall,  from  this  on,  apply 
the  designation  Saxon,  or  Anglo-Saxon,  to  all  the  German  settlers  in  Britain. 


38  MedicBval  History 

without  and  flying  in  by  the  open  door  flits  for  a  few 
moments  in  the  warmth  and  light  of  the  dwelUng,  where  the 
fire  is  glowing,  and  then  hastily  darts  out  again  into  the  cold 
and  darkness.  Whence  it  comes,  whither  it  goes,  no  one 
can  tell.  Such  is  the  life  of  man.  The  soul  for  a  few 
moments  takes  up  her  warm  abode  in  this  body  ;  then  quickly 
departs  hence,  but  into  what  weal  or  woe  no  tongue  has  yet 
ever  revealed  to  us.  If  then  this  mystery  these  strangers  can 
tell  us,  heartily  let  us  welcome  them  and  listen  to  the  tidings 
they  bring."  ^ 

The  result  of  the  embassy  and  of  the  deliberations  of  the 
wise  men  was  that  the  worship  of  Woden  and  Thor  was  aban- 
doned, and  the  king  and  his  people  were  baptized  and  con- 
fessed the  Christian  faith  (a.d.  627). 

30.  The  Celtic  Church.  — The  bright  prospects  for  the  new 
faith  in  Northumbria  were  soon  overclouded.  King  Edwin 
fell  in  battle  with  the  pagan  king  of  Mercia,  and  his  kingdom 
sank  back  into  heathenism.  Soon,  however,  it  was  reconquered 
from  Woden  and  won  again  for  Christ,  but  this  time  not  by 
Roman  but  by  Celtic  missionaries. 

It  here  becomes  necessary  for  us  to  say  a  word  respecting 
the  Celtic  Church.  Christianity,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind, 
held  its  place  among  the  Romanized  Celts  whom  the  Saxons 
crowded  slowly  westward.  Now,  during  the  very  period  that 
England  was  being  wrested  from  the  Celtic  warriors,  the  Celtic 
missionaries  were  effecting  the  spiritual  conquest  of  Ireland. 
The  struggle  with  the  invaders  was  at  its  height  when  a  zealous 
bishop,  Patricius  by  name,  better  known  as  Saint  Patrick,  the 
patron  saint  of  Ireland,  whose  early  years  had  been  passed  in 
captivity  among  the  Irish,  crossed  over  to  the  island  as  a 
missionary  of  the  Cross.  With  such  success  were  his  labors 
attended  that  by  the  time  of  his  death,  which  probably 
occurred  towards  the  close  of  the  fifth  century,  a  large  part  of 
the  island  had  embraced  the  Christian  faith. 

5  Bede's  Eccl.  Hist.,  ii,  13  (Bohn). 


The  Celtic  Mission  to  NortJuinibria  39 

Never  did  any  race  receive  the  Gospel  with  more  ardent 
enthusiasm.  The  Irish  Church  sent  out  its  devoted  mission- 
aries into  the  Pictish  highlands,  into  the  forests  of  Germany, 
and  among  the  wilds  of  Alps  and  Apennines.  "  For  a  time  it 
seemed  that  the  course  of  the  world's  history  was  to  be 
changed  ;  as  if  the  older  Celtic  race  that  Roman  and  German 
had  driven  before  them  had  turned  to  the  moral  conquest  of 
their  conquerors  ;  as  if  Celtic,  and  not  Latin,  Christianity  was 
to  mould  the  destinies  of  the  churches  of  the  West."  *"' 

Among  the  numerous  religious  houses  founded  by  the  Celtic 
missionaries'^  was  the  famous  monastery  established  a.d.  563 
by  the  Irish  monk  Saint  Columba,  on  the  little  isle  of  lona, 
just  off  the  Pictish  coast.  lona  became  a  most  renowned 
center  of  Christian  learning  and  missionary  zeal,  and  for  almost 
two  centuries  was  the  point  from  which  radiated  light  through 
the  darkness  of  the  surrounding  heathenism.  Fitly  has  it  been 
called  the  Nursery  of  Saints  and  the  Oracle  of  the  West. 

31.  The  Celtic  Mission  to  Northumbria  (a.d.  635).  —  From 
this  mother-monastery  it  was  that  went  forth  the  missionaries 
destined  to  effect  the  reconquest  of  Northumbria.  They  came 
at  the  invitation  of  King  Oswald,  who,  during  a  period  of  exile, 
had  found  an  asylum  in  the  cloisters  of  lona. 

The  king  gave  the  monks  for  the  site  of  a  monastery  the 
isle,  or  peninsula,  of  Lindisfarne  upon  the  Northumbrian  coast, 
where  the  dash  of  the  tempestuous  Northern  Sea  must  often 
have   reminded   them   of  the   little   storm-swept    isle   on   the 

6  Green's  The  Making  of  England,  p.  281.  These  Irish  missionaries  were 
not  merely  the  representatives  of  Christianity.  "  They  were  instructors  in  every 
known  branch  of  science  and  learning  of  tlie  time,  possessors  and  bearers  of  a 
higher  culture  than  was  at  that  period  to  be  found  anywhere  on  the  Continent, 
and  can  surely  claim  to  have  been  the  pioneers,  —  to  have  laid  the  corner-stone  of 
western  culture  on  the  Continent,  the  rich  results  of  which  Germany  shares  and 
enjoys  to-day,  in  common  with  all  other  civilized  nations." —  Zimmer,  The  Irish 
Element  in  Mediceval  Culture^  p.  130. 

■^  In  Southern  Germany  (now  Switzerland)  the  Irish  monk  (Jallus  established 
(a.d.  613)  the  celebrated  monastery  of  Saint  Gall,  which  at  a  later  time  became 
one  of  the  chief  seats  of  learning  in  Central  Europe. 


40  MedicBval  History 

opposite  Atlantic  shore.  The  work  of  the  monks,  fostered  by 
Oswald's  zeal,  was  crowned  with  abundant  success,  and  North- 
umbria  was  soon  won  to  the  communion  of  the  Celtic  Church. 

32.  Rivalry  between  the  Roman  and  the  Celtic  Church.  — 
From  the  very  moment  that  Augustine  touched  the  shores  of 
Britain  and  summoned  the  Welsh  clergy  to  acknowledge  the 
discipline  of  the  Roman  Church,  there  had  been  a  growing 
jealousy  between  the  Latin  and  Celtic  Churches,  which  had 
now  risen  into  the  bitterest  rivalry  and  strife.  So  long  had  the 
Celtic  Church  been  cut  off  from  all  relations  with  Rome,  that 
it  had  come  to  differ  somewhat  from  it  in  the  matter  of  cer- 
tain ceremonies  and  obser\^ances,  such  as  the  time  of  keeping 
Easter  and  the  form  of  the  tonsure.^ 

33.  The  Council  of  Whitby  (a.d.  664).  —  With  a  view  to 
settHng  the  quarrel,  Oswy,  king  of  Northumbria,  who  thought 
that  "  as  they  all  expected  the  same  kingdom  of  heaven,  so 
they  ought  not  to  differ  in  the  celebration  of  the  divine  mys- 
teries," called  a  synod  composed  of  representatives  of  both 
parties,  at  the  famous  monastery  of  Whitby. 

The  chief  question  of  debate,  which  was  argued  before  the 
king  by  the  ablest  advocates  of  both  churches,  was  the  proper 
time  for  the  observance  of  Easter.  The  debate  was  warm, 
and  hot  words  were  exchanged.  Finally,  Wilfrid,  the  speaker 
for  the  Roman  party,  happening  to  quote  the  words  of  Christ 
to  Peter,  "  To  thee  will  I  give  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven,"  the  king  asked  the  Celtic  monks  if  these  words  were 
really  spoken  by  Christ  to  that  apostle,  and  upon  their  admit- 
ting that  they  were,  Oswy  said  :  "  He  being  the  doorkeeper, 
...  I  will  in  all  things  obey  his  decrees,  lest  when  I  come  to 
the  gates  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  there  should  be  none  to 
open  them."  ^ 

The  decision  of  the  prudent  Oswy  gave  the  British  Isles  to 
Rome  ;   for  not  only  was  all  England  soon  won  to  the  Roman 

8  In  the  Roman  tonsure  the  top  of  the  head  was  shaven,  in  the  Celtic,  the 
front  part  only.  9  Bede's  Eccl.  Hist.,  iii,  25  (Bohn). 


The  Roman  Victory  Fortunate  for  England        41 

side,  but  the  churches  and  monasteries  of  Wales  and  Ireland 
and  Scotland  came  in  time  to  conform  to  the  Roman  stand- 
ard and  custom.  "  By  the  assistance  of  our  Lord,"  says 
the  pious  Latin  chronicler,  ''  the  monks  were  brought  to 
the  canonical  observation  of  Easter,  and  the  right  mode  of  the 
tonsure." 

34.  The  Roman  Victory  Fortunate  for  England.  —  It  was 
very  fortunate  for  England  that  the  controversy  turned  as  it 
did ;  for  one  of  the  most  important  of  the  destined  conse- 
quences of  the  conversion  of  Britain  was  the  reestablishment 
of  that  connection  of  the  island  with  Roman  civilization  which 
had  been  severed  by  the  calamities  of  the  fifth  century.  As 
Green  says,  —  he  is  speaking  of  the  embassy  of  Saint  Augustine, 
—  "The  march  of  the  monks  as  they  chanted  their  solemn 
litany  was  in  one  sense  a  return  of  the  Roman  legions  who 
withdrew  at  the  trumpet  call  of  Alaric.  .  .  .  Practically 
Augustine's  landing  renewed  that  union  with  the  western  world 
which  the  landing  of  Hengist  had  destroyed.  The  new  Eng- 
land was  admitted  into  the  older  Commonwealth  of  nations. 
The  civiHzation,  art,  letters,  which  had  fled  before  the  sword 
of  the  English  conquerors,  returned  wdth  the  Christian  faith." 

Now  all  this  advantage  w^ould  have  been  lost  had  lona  in- 
stead of  Rome  won  at  Whitby.  England  would  have  been 
isolated  from  the  Continental  world,  and  would  have  had  no 
part  or  lot  in  that  rich  common  life  which  was  destined  to 
the  European  peoples  as  coheirs  of  the  heritage  bequeathed 
to  them  by  the  dying  empire. 

A  second  valuable  result  of  the  Roman  victory  was  the 
hastening  of  the  political  unity  of  England  through  its  eccle- 
siastical unity.  The  Celtic  Church,  in  marked  contrast  with 
the  Latin,  was  utterly  devoid  of  capacity  for  organization. 
It  could  have  done  nothing  in  the  way  of  developing  among 
the  several  Anglo-Saxon  states  the  sentiment  of  nationality. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Roman  Church,  through  the  exercise 
of  a  central  authority,  through  national  synods  and  general 


42  MedicBval  Histojy 

legislation,  overcame  the  isolation  of  the  different  kingdoms, 
and  helped  powerfully  to  draw  them  together  into  a  com- 
mon political  life. 

35.  Pagan  and  Christian  Literature  of  the  Anglo-Saxons.  — 
Much  light  is  cast  upon  our  ancestors'  change  of  religion  by 
two  famous  poems  which  date  from  the  Anglo-Saxon  period 
of  our  literature.  One  of  these,  called  Beowulf^  was  composed 
while  our  forefathers  were  yet  pagans,  and  probably  before  they 
left  the  Continent ;  the  other,  known  as  the  Paraphrase  of 
the  Scriptures,  was  written  soon  after  their  conversion  to 
Christianity. 

Beowulf  is  an  epic  poem  which  tells  of  the  exploits  of  an 
heroic  Viking,  Beowulf  by  name,  who  delivers  King  Hrothgar 
and  his  Danes  from  the  ravages  of  a  terrible  monster,  called 
Grendel,  a  sort  of  northern  Cyclops,  who  feasted  upon  sleeping 
men.  It  is  alive  with  the  instincts  of  paganism,  and  is  a  faith- 
ful reflection  of  the  rough  heathen  times  in  which  it  had  birth. 
Every  passage  displays  the  love  of  the  savage  for  coarse  horrors 
and  brutal  slaughters.  Thus  it  runs  :  "  The  wretched  wight 
[Grendel]  seized  quickly  a  sleeping  warrior,  slit  him  unawares, 
bit  his  bone-locker,  drank  his  blood,  in  morsels  swallowed  him  ; 
soon  had  he  all  eaten,  feet  and  fingers."  Before  another  can 
be  made  a  victim  Beowulf  closes  with  the  monster.  "The 
hall  thundered,  the  ale  of  all  the  Danes  and  earls  was  spilt. 
Angry,  fierce  were  the  strong  fighters,  the  hall  was  full  of  din. 
It  was  great  wonder  that  the  wine -hall  stood  above  the  war- 
like beasts,  that  the  fair  earth-house  fell  not  to  the  ground." 

Such  was  the  gleeman's  song  which  delighted  our  Saxon 
forefathers  as  they  drank  and  caroused  in  their  great  mead- 
halls.  They  were  barbarians,  evidently,  rough  and  fierce  ;  yet 
their  spirits  were  true  and  brave. 

In  striking  contrast  with  the  pagan  hero-poem  stands  the 
Paraphrase,  the  first-fruits  in  English  literature  of  the  mission 
of  Augustine.  This  poem,  which  was  written  some  time  in  the 
seventh  century,  exhibits  our  ancestors  as  Christian  converts, 


Effect  of  Conversion  43 

studying  and  apparently  appreciating  the  grand  literature 
of  the  Hebrews.  In  it  an  Anglian  monk,  named  Caedmon, 
upon  whom  the  gift  of  song,  according  to  legend,  had 
been  miraculously  bestowed,  sings  with  strange  power  and 
rapture,  such  as  none  of  his  race  had  known  before  him, 
the  creation  of  the  world,  the  fall  of  man,  and  all  the  long 
Bible  story. 

The  Paraphrase  reminds  us  of  Milton's  Paradise  Lost 
(written  a  thousand  years  later),  and  pursues  very  much  the 
same  order  in  the  treatment  of  its  lofty  theme.  Hence  Caed- 
mon is  sometimes  called  the  "  Saxon  Milton."  His  poem  was 
multiplied  in  manuscript  copies,  and  for  five  centuries  was  read 
by  all  classes  of  Englishmen,  being  given  an  honored  place 
alongside  the  Bible  itself.  The  poet-monk  thus  did  much  to 
advance  the  cause  of  Christianity  among  our  ancestors  ;  for, 
by  his  verses,  as  says  the  Venerable  Bede,^*^  "  the  minds  of 
many  were  often  excited  to  despise  the  world,  and  to  aspire 
to  heaven." 

36.  Effect  of  Conversion  upon  the  Martial  Spirit  of  the 
Anglo-Saxons.  —  The  conversion  of  England  was  effected 
chiefly  through  the  labor  of  monks,  and  consequently  it  was 
the  monastic  form  of  Christianity  that  was  introduced.  The 
land  became  crowded  with  monasteries  and  nunneries.  "More 
than  thirty  kings  and  queens,"  Trench  affirms,  "descended 
from  the  throne  to  end  their  days  in  cloistral  retreats."  Per- 
haps no  other  Teutonic  tribes  gave  up  so  much  of  their  native 
strength  and  martial  energy,  upon  receiving  Christianity,  as 
did  the  Angles  and  Saxons  of  Britain.  The  practice  of  arms 
was,  by  a  considerable  part  of  the  population,  regarded  with 
disfavor  and  wholly  neglected. 

-0  Bede  the  Veneiable  (about  a.d.  673-735)  was  a  pious  and  learned  North- 
umbrian monk,  who  wrote,  among  other  works,  an  invaluable  one  entitled  His- 
toria  Ecclesiastica  Gentis  Ajiglorum  ("  The  Ecclesiastical  History  of  the 
English  Nation").  The  work  recites,  as  its  central  theme,  the  story  of  how 
our  forefathers  were  won  to  the  Christian  faith.  We  are  indebted  to  Bede 
for  a  large  part  of  our  knowledge  of  early  England. 


44  Mediceval  History 

This  decay  of  the  martial  spirit  in  a  martial  age,  at  a  time 
when  the  independence  and  the  very  life  of  a  nation  depended 
upon  its  strength  in  arms,  helped  to  bring  upon  England  cen- 
turies of  suffering  and  disaster.  Of  the  ravages  committed  in 
the  island  by  the  Danes,  or  Northmen,  during  the  eighth  and 
ninth  centuries,  to  which  calamities  we  refer,  we  shall  come  to 
speak  in  a  following  chapter  (chap.  viii).  We  will  here  simply 
say  that  these  hard  experiences,  and  the  infusion  of  the  fresh 
blood  of  the  northern  peoples,  resulted  finally  in  the  revival 
of  the  early  vigor  and  martial  spirit  of  the  nation. 

37.  The  Conversion  of  Germany.  —  The  conversion  of  the 
tribes  of  Germany  was  effected  by  Celtic,  Anglo-Saxon,  and 
Frankish  missionaries,  —  and  the  sword  of  Charles  the  Great. 
The  great  apostle  of  Germany  was  the  Saxon  Winfrid,  better 
known  as  Saint  Boniface,  who  was  born  about  a.d.  688.  Dur- 
ing a  long  anfi  intensely  active  life  he  founded  schools  and 
monasteries,  organized  churches,  preached  and  baptized,  and 
at  last  died  a  martyr's  death  (a.d.  753).  Through  him,  as  says 
Milman,  the  Saxon  invasion  of  England  flowed  back  upon  the 
Continent. 

A  single  incident  will  illustrate  the  zeal  and  resolution  of  the 
priest,  and  the  character  of  his  work  in  the  German  forests. 
Finding  his  followers  still  lingering  in  their  old  superstitions, 
Boniface  resolved  to  demonstrate  to  them  the  powerlessness  of 
their  deities  by  felling  a  large  venerable  oak  in  a  grove  sacred 
to  the  Thunderer.  The  natives  awaited  with  breathless  expec- 
tation the  issue  of  this  challenge  to  their  god,  expecting  to 
see  the  audacious  priest  struck  to  the  earth  by  the  bolts  of 
heaven ;  but  when  the  tree  at  last  fell  with  a  great  crash,  and 
no  harm  came  to  the  bold  axeman,  the  pagans  acknowledged 
the  superiority  of  the  Christian  God.  Out  of  the  wood  of  the 
sacred  oak  Boniface  caused  to  be  built  a  large  chapel,  and 
from  this  time  the  work  of  conversion  went  rapidly  forward. 

The  Saxons  were  the  most  important  of  the  German  tribes 
left  untouched  by  the  mission  of  Boniface.     (Only  a  small  part 


TJic  Conversion  of  Russia  45 

of  this  tribe,  apparently,  had  pushed  out  to  the  conquest  of 
England.)  These  fierce  and  obstinate  pagans  were  finally 
driven  within  the  pale  of  the  Church  by  the  hard  blows  of 
Charles  the  Great   (par.   loi). 

The  Christianizing  of  the  tribes  of  Germany  relieved  the 
Teutonic  folk  of  Western  Europe  from  the  constant  peril  of 
massacre  by  their  heathen  kinsmen,  and  erected  a  strong  bar- 
rier in  Central  Europe  against  the  advance  of  the  waves  of 
Turanian  paganism  and  of  Mohammedanism  which  for  cen- 
turies beat  so  threateningly  against  the  eastern  frontiers  of 
Germany. 

38.  The  Conversion  of  Russia  (988).  — The  Clovis  of  Russia 
was  Vladimir  the  Great  (d.  10 15),  a  descendant  of  Rurik  the 
Norseman  (par.  115).  This  ruler,  according  to  the  account 
of  the  matter  that  has  come  down  to  us,  having  had  urged 
upon  his  attention  the  claims  of  different  religions,  sent  out 
envoys  to  make  investigation  respecting  the  relative  merits  of 
Mohammedanism,  the  Jewish  religion,  and  Latin  and  Greek 
Christianity.  The  commissioners  reported  in  favor  of  the 
religion  of  Constantinople,  having  been  brought  to  this  mind 
by  what  seemed  to  them  the  supernatural  splendors  of  the 
ceremonials  that  they  had  witnessed  in  the  great  church  of 
St.  Sophia. 

Vladimir  caused  the  great  wooden  idol  of  the  chief  god  of  his 
people  to  be  hurled  into  the  Dnieper,  and  his  subjects  to  be  bap- 
tized in  its  waters  by  the  Christian  priests.  This  act  of  Vladimir 
marks  the  real  beginning  of  the  evangelization  of  Russia. 

That  the  Slavic  tribes  should  have  come  under  the  religious 
influence  of  Constantinople  instead  of  under  that  of  Rome, 
had  far-reaching  consequences  for  Russian  history.  First,  it  shut 
Russia  out  from  all  those  civilizing  influences  that  accompanied 
Latin  Christianity,  and  thus  caused  her  to  lag  in  general  cul- 
ture far  behind  those  countries  of  Western  Europe  that  during 
mediaeval  times  were  under  the  tutelage  of  pa})al  Rome 
(par.  34). 


46    .  MedicBval  History 

Again,  through  the  choice  that  she  made,  Russia  cut  herself 
off  from  sympathy  with  the  orthodox  CathoUc  West,  whence 
possibly  she  might  have  secured  allies  who  would  have  helped 
her  in  turning  back  the  tide  of  barbarian  invasion  which  over- 
whelmed her  in  the  twelfth  century  and  retarded  for  many 
generations  her  national  development  (par.  377). 

39.  Christianity  in  the  North.  — The  progress  of  Christian- 
ity in  the  North  was  slow ;  but  gradually,  during  the  ninth, 
tenth,  and  eleventh  centuries,  the  missionaries  of  the  Church 
won  over  all  the  Scandinavian  peoples. 

The  circumstances  attending  the  introduction  of  the  new 
religion  into  Iceland  possess  a  special  interest.  In  the  year 
1000  some  missionaries  from  Norway  pushed  out  to  the  island 
to  aid  a  weak  Christian  party  in  establishing  there  the  faith  of 
the  Cross.  It  so  happened  that  just  at  this  time  one  of  the 
volcanoes  of  the  land  broke  out  in  violent  eruption.  The 
advocates  of  the  ancient  faith,  who  bitterly  opposed  the  new 
religion,  declared  that  the  outburst  of  lava  was  the  sign  of 
the  anger  of  their  gods  because  of  the  attempted  innovation. 
But  this  argument  was  met  by  one  of  the  old  chiefs,  who 
asked,  "  And  what  excited  their  wrath  when  these  rocks 
of  lava,  which  we  ourselves  tread,  were  themselves  glowing 
torrents?  " 

The  adherents  of  Odin  "  were  silenced.  A  decree  was  rati- 
fied by  the  national  assembly,  which  ordered  that  all  the 
inhabitants  be  baptized,  that  the  heathen  idols  and  temples  be 
destroyed,  and  that  any  one  publicly  worshiping  the  ancient 
deities  be  punished. 

One  important  effect  of  the  conversion  of  the  Scandinavian 
nations  was  the  checking  of  their  piratical  expeditions,  which, 
during  all  the  centuries  of  their  pagan  history,  were  constantly 
putting  out  from  the  fiords  of  the  northern  peninsulas  and 
vexing  every  shore  to  the  south. 

By  the  year  1000  all  Europe  was  claimed  by  Christianity, 

11  A  deity  corresponding  to  Woden,  the  chief  god  of  the  German  tribes. 


Reaction  of  Paganism  07i  CJiristianity  47 

save  the  regions  of  the  Northwest  about  the  Bahic,  which 
were  inhabited  chiefly  by  the  still  pagan  Plnns  and  Lapps; 
parts  of  what  is  now  Russia,  and  the  larger  portion  of  the 
Iberian  peninsula,  which  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Mohammedan 
Moors. 

40.  Reaction  of  Paganism  on  Christianity.  —  Thus  were  the 
conquerors  of  the  empire  met  and  conquered  by  Christianity. 
The  victory,  it  must  be  confessed,  was  in  a  great  degree  a 
victory  rather  in  name  than  in  fact.  The  Church  could  not 
all  at  once  leaven  the  great  mass  of  heathenism  which  had  so 
suddenly  been  brought  within  its  pale.  For  a  long  time  after 
they  were  called  Christians,  the  barbarians,  coarse  and  cruel 
and  self-willed  and  superstitious  as  they  were,  understood  very 
little  of  the  doctrines  and  exhibited  still  less  of  the  true  spirit 
of  the  religion  they  professed.  As  Church  says,  "The  imme- 
diate effect  of  this  contact  of  the  barbarians  with  Christianity 
was  to  lower  and  injure  Christianity ;  Christianity  raised  them, 
but  it  suffered  itself  in  the  effort." 

To  this  depressing  reaction  of  Teutonic  barbarism  upon  the 
Church  is  without  doubt  to  be  attributed  in  large  measure  the 
deplorable  moral  state  of  Europe  during  so  great  a  portion  of 
the  medi?e^•al  ages. 

41.  Conclusion. — ^With  a  single  word  or  two  respecting  the 
general  consequences  of  the  conversion  to  Christianity  of  the 
Teutonic  tribes,  we  shall  close  the  present  chapter. 

First,  the  timely  conversion  of  the  greater  part  of  the 
conquerors  of  Rome,  as  has  already  been  observed  (par.  25), 
helped  to  save  the  civilization  of  antiquity  from  total  destruc- 
tion at  their  hands.  The  barbarians  might,  after  their  custom, 
sack  a  city  or  slaughter  the  inhabitants  of  a  province,  but 
because  they  were  themselves  Christians,  they  paused  at  the 
threshold  of  the  cathedral  or  at  the  gate  of  the  monastery. 

Again,  the  adoption  of  the  Christian  faith  by  the  barbarians 
set  in  the  midst  of  the  seething,  martial  nations  of  Europe  an 
influence  that   fostered   the  gentler  virtues,  and  an  authority 


48  Mediceval  History 

that  was  always  to  be  found  on  the  side  of  social  order  and 
personal  discipline. 

Still  again,  the  conversion  of  the  barbarians  prepared 
the  way  for  the  introduction  among  them  of  the  arts  and  the 
culture  of  Rome,  and  contributed  powerfully  to  hasten  the 
fusion  into  a  single  people  of  the  Latins  and  the  Teutons,  of 
which  important  matter  we  shall  treat  in  a  following  chapter 
(chap.  iv). 

Furthermore,  in  teaching  the  brotherhood  of  man,  the 
infinite  value  of  every  human  soul,  the  essential  equality  in 
the  sight  of  God  of  the  high  and  the  low,  Christianity  created 
in  the  new-forming  race  a  new  social  conscience,  which  was 
one  of  the  most  potent  forces  concerned  in  the  emancipation 
of  the  slave  and  the  serf. 

Finally,  the  adoption  of  a  common  faith  by  all  the  European 
peoples  drew  them  together  into  a  sort  of  religious  brother- 
hood, and  rendered  it  possible  for  them  during  the  succeeding 
centuries,  notwithstanding  their  minor  differences  in  creed 
and  ritual,  to  act  in  something  like  an  effective  concert  in 
efforts  to  stay  the  threatening  progress  toward  the  West  of 
the  colossal  Mohammedan  power  of  the  East.  If  during  the 
Middle  Ages  the  folks  particularly  of  Western  Europe  had  not 
thus  been  bound  together  by  a  common  creed,  it  is  quite  possi- 
ble that  the  Asiatic  Moslems  would  have  overrun  the  Continent 
and  have  made  Europe  an  extension  of  Asia. 

Sources  and  Source  Material.  —  Bede,  Ecclesiastical  History 
(Bohn).  See  above,  par.  35,  n.  10.  Read  bk.  i,  chaps,  xxiii-xxv  ;  bk.  ii, 
chaps,  i  and  xiii  ;  bk.  ill,  chaps,  iii  and  xxv.  Beozvulf  (trans,  by  Gar- 
nett).  See  above,  par.  35.  Colby's  Selections, Y.Ti\.r2LC\.  6,  "  Saint  Augus- 
tine, the  Missionary,"  from  Baeda's  Hisioria  Ecclesiastica.  Translations 
and  Reprints  (Univ.  of  Penn.),  vol.  ii.  No.  7,  "  Life  of  Saint  Columban." 
An  instructive  and  interesting  biography  of  an  Irish  monk.  The  subject 
of  this  biography  is  sometimes  named  "  Columba  the  Younger,"  to 
distinguish  him  from  Saint  Columba  of  lona,  mentioned  above,  par.  30. 
Mason's  The  Missioti  of  Augustine  contains  all  the  narrative  sources 
bearing  on  its  special  subject,  with  parallel  English  translations.     Some 


Reaction  of  Paganism  on  Christianity  49 

additional  source  material  will  be  found   in  Kingsley's    The  Hermits, 
which  is  made  up  in  part  of  translations  of  the  lives  of  noted  saints. 

Secondary  or  Modern  Works.  —  Milman  (H.  H.),  History  of  Latin 
Christianity,  vol.  i,  bk.  iii,  chap,  ii,  "  Conversion  of  the  Teutonic 
Races."  Maclear  (G.  F.),  The  Celts,  and  Merivale  (C),  The  Conti- 
fiental  Teutons  (both  in  Conversion  of  the  West  series).  Zimmer 
(H.),  **The  Irish  Element  in  Mediceval  Culture  (from  the  German). 
An  authoritative  and  interesting  account  of  the  services  rendered  medi- 
aeval civilization  by  the  Irish  monks.  Alzog  (J.),  Universal  Church 
History  (Catholic,  from  the  German),  vol.  ii,  pp.  1-252.  Stanley 
(A.  P.),  ^Christian  Institutions.  Shows  the  influence  of  paganism 
upon  the  ceremonials,  the  ritual,  usages,  and  various  institutions  of  the 
Church.  ScHAFF  (P.),  ^^History  of  the  Christian  Church,  vol.  iv, 
chap,  ii,  pp.  17-142,  "The  Conversion  of  the  Northern  and  Western 
Barbarians."  Excellent.  Kingsley  (C),  The  Hermits.  The  life  of 
Saint  Severinus,  the  apostle  of  Noricum,  has  a  special  historical  value. 
LiXGARD  (J.),  *  The  Antiquities  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church.  A  book 
of  first  importance  from  the  Catholic  side. 


CHAPTER    III 
MONASTICISM 

42.  Monasticism  defined;  the  Ascetic  Ideal  in  Different 
Religions.  —  It  was  during  the  period  between  the  third  and 
the  sixth  century  that  there  grew  up  in  the  Church  the  institu- 
tion known  as  Monasticism.  This  was  so  remarkable  a  system, 
and  one  that  exerted  so  profound  an  influence  upon  mediaeval 
and  even  later  history,  that  we  must  here  acquaint  ourselves 
with  at  least  its  spirit  and  aims. 

The  term  "  monasticism,"  in  its  widest  application,-^  denotes 
a  life  of  austere  self-denial,  and  of  seclusion  from  the  world, 
with  the  object  of  promoting  the  interests  of  the  soul.  As 
thus  defined,  the  system  embraced  two  prominent  classes  of 
ascetics:  (i)  Hermits,  or  anchorites,  —  persons  who,  retir- 
ing from  the  world,  lived  solitary  lives  in  desolate  places ; 
(2)  Cenobites,  or  monks,  who  formed  communities,  and  lived 
usually  under  a  common  roof. 

There  was  a  difference,  however,  between  the  monasticism  of 
the  East  and  that  of  the  West.  The  Oriental  ascetics  withdrew 
from  the  world  primarily  in  order,  through  self-mortification, 
prayer,  and  contemplation,  to  make  sure  of  their  own  salvation  ; 
while  the  monks  of  the  West,  although  acting  in  a  measure  under 
a  like  motive,  still  were  at  the  same  time  mindful  of  the  needs 
of  the  world  they  had  forsaken,  and  through  many  channels, 
as  by  prayer  and  teaching  and  missionary  labors,  strove  to 
save  others  and  to  advance  the  general  interests  of  the  Church. 

1  Originally  the  term  monachtis,  or  "monk"  (Greek  /;toi'axos,  from  ^lovos, 
meaning  alone),  denoted  a  person  living  a  solitar}-  life;  but  later  it  came  to  be 
applied  to  one  living  in  a  community. 

SO 


Christian  Monasticism 


51 


The  ascetic  idea  of  life  was  by  no  means  original  with 
Christianity.  Brahmanism  has  always  had  its  ascetics  and 
hermits.  All  Buddhistic  lands  are  to-day  filled  with  mon- 
asteries and  monks.  About  the  time  of  Christ  there  were 
to  be  found  in  Syria  among  the  Jews  the  Essenes,  a  sect 
of  religious  enthusiasts  whose  members  affected  a  solitary 
and  ascetic  life. 

43.  Doctrines  and  Circumstances  that  fostered  Christian 
Monasticism.  —  The  germs  of  monasticism  were  imported  into 
Christianity  from  the  East.  The  Gnostics,  an  Oriental  Chris- 
tian sect,  taught  the  doctrine  of  duahsm ;  that  is,  that  the 
material  world  is  the  creation  and  empire  of  an  evil  being, 
and  is  opposed  to  the  world  of  spirit.  This  philosophy  regards 
the  body  with  all  its  appetites  as  evil,  and  places  it  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  indwelling  soul.  Hence  the  spirit  must  rule  and 
subjugate  the  body.  These  Oriental  doctrines  were  the  germs 
out  of  which  the  ascetic  system  of  Christendom  seems  to  have 
developed. 

The  development  was  fostered  by  many  influences,  and 
particularly  by  the  social  and  moral  decadence  that  marked 
the  civilization  of  the  later  Roman  empire.  Never,  perhaps, 
was  the  moral  and  spiritual  life  of  the  ancient  world  at  a  lower 
ebb  than  at  this  time.  Nor  had  the  Church  escaped  the 
moral  contagion.  It  had  in  a  lamentable  degree  become  con- 
formed unto  the  world. 

This  state  of  things  awakened  a  fierce  protest  in  the  souls  of 
the  more  spiritually-minded,  and  created  in  them  a  longing 
for  a  higher  ideal  and  a  more  strenuous  religious  life.  Such 
persons  naturally  embraced  with  enthusiasm  the  ascetic  hfe, 
which  was  in  every  respect  in  direct  opposition  to  the  pre- 
vailing conceptions  and  practices  of  society.  In  the  face  of 
unbridled  licentiousness,  the  monks  proclaimed  the  peculiar 
sanctity  of  the  celibate  life.  In  the  face  of  covetousness  and 
avarice,  they  preached  the  absolute  worthlessness  of  all 
earthly  possessions  and  exalted  poverty  into  a  virtue.    To  those 


52  MedicBval  History 

who  were  pampering  their  bodies  in  the  luxurious  baths,  and 
making  them  effeminate  and  soft  with  perfumes  and  unguents, 
they,  careless  of  the  body,  proclaimed  the  superiority  of 
a  clean  soul.  In  opposition  to  the  gluttony  of  the  rich, 
the  monks  prescribed  a  diet  of  herbs  and  coarse  bread ;  in 
the  place  of  rich  apparel,  they  clothed  themselves  in  sack- 
cloth and  garments  of  hair.  In  this  opposition  of  the  ascetic 
ideal  to  the  prevaiHng  life  and  conduct  of  men,  we  see  in 
what  measure  asceticism  was  a  recoil  from  a  social  system 
which,  denying  the  rightful  supremacy  of  the  soul  over  the 
body,  marred  the  beauty  and  destroyed  the  dignity  of  Hfe. 

While  the  moral  and  social  condition  of  the  Graeco-Roman 
world  thus  favored  the  development  of  the  monastic  system, 
certain  Christian  teachings  drawn  from  various  texts  of  the 
Bible  tended  in  the  same  direction.  Thus  the  Apostle  Saint 
Paul  had  said  :  "  He  that  is  unmarried  careth  for  the  things 
that  belong  to  the  Lord  ;  .  .  .  but  he  that  is  married  careth 
for  the  things  that  are  of  the  world."  ^  And  Christ  himself 
had  declared  :  "  If  any  man  come  to  me  and  hate  not  his 
father,  and  mother,  and  wife,  and  children,  and  brothers,  and 
sisters,  yea,  and  his  own  life  also,  he  cannot  be  my  disciple  "  j  ^ 
and  again,  he  had  said  to  the  rich  young  man  :  "  If  thou 
wilt  be  perfect,  go  and  sell  that  thou  hast,  and  give  to  the 
poor."  * 

These  passages,  and  others  like  them,  were  taken  literally, 
and  tended  greatly  to  confirm  the  belief  of  the  ascetic  that 
his  life  of  isolation  and  poverty  and  abstinence  was  the  most 
perfect  life  and  the  surest  way  to  salvation. 

44.  The  Christian  Ascetics  of  the  East.  ^—  It  was  about  the 
beginning  of  the  third  century  when  the  enthusiasm  for  the 
ascetic  life  seized  upon  the  Christians  of  the  East  like  a  conta- 
gion. The  Decian  persecution  (a.d.  249-251),  driving  thou- 
sands into  the  deserts,  contributed  vastly  to  the  movement. 
The  famous  Saint  Antony,  an  Egyptian  ascetic  (bom  about 

2  I  Cor.  vii,  32,  33.  3  Luke  xiv,  26.  ^  Matt,  xix,  21. 


Monasticism  in  the   West  53 

A.D.  251),  who  by  his  example  and  influence  gave  a  tremen- 
dous impulse  to  the  strange  enthusiasm,  is  called  the  "  father 
of  the  hermits."  The  romance  of  his  life,  written  by  the 
celebrated  x'Xthanasius,  stirred  the  whole  Christian  world  and 
led  thousands  to  renounce  society  and  in  imitation  of  the 
saint  to  flee  to  the  desert.  It  is  estimated  that  before  the 
close  of  the  fourth  century  the  population  of  the  desert  in 
many  districts  in  Egypt  was  equal  to  that  of  the  cities. 

Most  renowned  of  all  the  anchorites  of  the  East  was  Saint 
Simeon  Stylites,  the  Saint  of  the  Pillar  (died  a.d.  459),  who 
spent  thirty-six  years  on  a  column  only  three  feet  in  diameter 
at  the  top,  which  he  had  gradually  raised  to  a  height  of  over 
fifty  feet.  His  austerities  earned  for  him  the  title  of  "  the  Star 
of  the  Earth  and  the  Wonder  of  the  World."  ^ 

45.  Monasticism  in  the  West.  —  During  the  fourth  century 
the  anchoretic  type  of  asceticism,  which  was  favored  by  the 
mild  climate  of  the  Eastern  lands  and  especially  by  that  of 
Egypt,  assumed  in  some  degree  the  monastic  form  ;  that  is  to 
say,  the  fame  of  this  or  that  anchorite  or  hermit  drew  about 
him  a  number  of  disciples  whose  rude  huts  or  cells  formed 
what  was  known  as  a  laura,  the  nucleus  of  a  monastery. 

Soon  after  the  cenobite  system  had  been  established  in  the 
East  it  was  introduced  into  ICurope,  and  in  an  astonishingly 
short  space  of  time  spread  throughout  all  the  Western  countries 
where  Christianity  had  gained  a  foothold.  Here  it  prevailed 
to  the  almost  total  exclusion  of  the  hermit  mode  of  life, 
though  there  were  some  famous  anchorites  among  the  Euro- 
pean churches  ;  but  the  climate  and  the  love  of  activity  that 
characterizes  the  Western  races  were  unfavorable  to  the  devel- 
opment of  the  enthusiasm  in  this  form.  Monasteries  arose  on 
every  side.  The  number  that  fled  to  these  retreats  was  vastly 
augmented  by  the  disorder  and  terror  attending  the  invasion 
of  the  barbarians  and  the  overthrow  of  the  Empire  in  the  West. 
The  movement  drew  within  the  circle  of  its  influence  women 

5  Read  Tennyson's  poem,  "  Saint  Simeon  Stylites." 


54  MedicBval  History 

as  well  as  men,  and  nunneries  were  founded  in  great  numbers, 
which  were  subjected  to  a  discipline  similar  to  that  of  the 
monasteries. 

46.  The  Rule  of  Saint  Benedict With  the  view  to  intro- 
ducing some  sort  of  regularity  into  the  practices  and  austerities 
of  the  monks,  rules  were  early  prescribed  for  their  observ- 
ance. The  three  essential  requirements  or  vows  of  the  monk 
were  poverty,  chastity,  and  obedience.  Saint  Pachomius,  an 
Egyptian  ascetic  of  the  fourth  century,  is  said  to  have  been 
the  first  to  make  rules  for  the  regulation  of  the  lives  of  the 
monks  who  gathered  about  him. 

But  the  greatest  legislator  of  the  monks  was  Saint  Benedict  of 
Nursia  (a.d.  480-543),  the  founder  of  the  celebrated  monas- 
tery of  Monte  Cassino,  situated  midway  between  Rome  and 
Naples  in  Italy.  His  code  was  to  the  religious  world  what 
the  Corpus  Juris  Civilis  of  Justinian  (par.  65 )  was  to  the  lay 
society  of  Europe.  Many  of  the  rules  of  his  system  were 
most  wise  and  practical,  as,  for  instance,  one  that  made  manual 
work  a  pious  duty,  and  another  that  required  the  monk  to 
spend  an  allotted  time  each  day  in  sacred  reading. 

The  monks  who  subjected  themselves  to  the  rule  of  Saint 
Benedict  were  known  as  Benedictines.  The  order  became 
immensely  popular,  and  so  almost  universal  that  Charles  the 
Great  is  said  to  have  been  obliged  to  make  diligent  inquiry 
to  ascertain  whether  there  were  monks  of  any  other  order. 
At  one  time  it  embraced  about  forty  thousand  abbeys.  From 
its  ranks  came  twenty-four  popes,  and  bishops  and  saints  with- 
out number. 

47.  Monastic  Reforms  ;  the  New  Orders.  —  Monastic  ism  as  an 
active  and  potent  force  in  the  history  of  the  West  has  a  long 
and  wonderful  history  of  more  than  a  thousand  years.  This 
history  presents  one  dominant  fact,  —  ever-renewed  reform 
movements  in  the  monasteries.  Scarcely  was  a  monastery  or 
a  monastic  order  established  before  the  acquisition  of  wealth 
brought  in  idleness,  self-indulgence,  and  laxity  of  discipline. 


Sainccs  rendered  by  the  Monks  to  Civilization      5  5 

But  there  was  always  among  the  backsHding  dwellers  in  the 
cloisters  a  "  saving  remnant,"  and  upon  these  choice  souls  the 
spirit  of  reform  was  sure  to  descend,  and  thus  it  happens  that 
with  the  reform  movements  marking  the  history  of  the  monks 
are  associated  the  names  of  many  of  the  most  spiritually- 
minded  and  exalted  characters  produced  by  the  mediaeval 
ages.  No  other  cause  of  humanity  has  enlisted  more  capacity, 
zeal,  and  heroic  self-devotion  than  that  of  the  renovation  of 
the  degenerate  monastic  orders. 

Among  the  earliest  and  most  noteworthy  of  these  reform 
movements  was  that  which  resulted  in  the  founding  in  the 
year  910  of  the  celebrated  monastery  of  Cluny  in  Burgundy. 
The  influences  which  radiated  out  from  the  cloisters  of  Cluny 
left  a  deep  impression  upon  more  than  two  centuries  of  history 
(pars.  179,  187). 

Towards  the  close  of  the  eleventh  century  w^ere  estab- 
lished the  Carthusian  and  Cistercian  Orders,  and  in  the 
thirteenth  century  those  of  the  Franciscans  and  Dominicans. 
Respecting  the  last  two  we  shall  have  something  to  say  in 
connection  with  the  history  of  the  times  in  which  they  arose 
(par.  233). 

48.  Services  rendered  by  the  Monks  to  Civilization. — The 
early  establishment  of  the  monastic  system  in  the  Church 
resulted  in  great  advantages  to  the  new  world  that  was 
shaping  itself  out  of  the  ruins  of  the  old.  The  monks,  espe- 
cially the  Benedictines,  became  agriculturists,  and  by  patient 
labor  converted  the  wild  and  marshy  lands  which  they 
received  as  gifts  from  princes  and  others  into  fruitful  fields, 
thus  redeeming  from  barrenness  some  of  the  most  desolate 
districts  of  Europe.  The  monks,  in  a  word,  formed  the  van- 
guard of  civilization  towards  the  wilderness.  "As  formerly," 
says  Prevost-Paradol,  "  the  Roman  colony  went  out  from  the 
capital  in  order  to  confirm  the  subjugation  of  the  concjuered, 
and  to  spread  about  itself  the  manners  and  laws  of  the  great 
republic,   so  do  we    see,   in    this    new   conquest   of   Euro}je, 


56  Mediceval  History 

monasteries  establish  themselves  in  the  footsteps  of  the  Chris- 
tian armies,  or  of  the  missionaries  of  the  Church,  and  con- 
stantly push  out  in  every  direction,  by  the  clearing  away  of 
the  forests  and  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  the  material  and 
moral  boundaries  of  the  civilized  world."  ® 

The  monks  also  became  missionaries,  and  it  was  largely  to 
their  zeal  and  devotion  that  the  Church  owed  her  speedy  and 
signal  victory  over  the  barbarians.  It  is  about  the  names  of 
such  devoted  monks  as  saints  Columba,  Callus,  and  Boniface 
that  gathers  much  of  the  romance  of  the  missions  of  the 
mediaeval  Church. 

The  quiet  air  of  the  monasteries  nourished  learning  as  well 
as  piety.  The  monks  became  teachers,  and  under  the  shelter 
of  the  monasteries  established  schools  which  were  the  nurseries 
of  learning  during  the  earher  Middle  Ages  and  the  centers 
for  centuries  of  the  best  intellectual  life  of  Europe.  These 
monastic  schools  held  that  place  in  society  which  later  was 
filled  by  the  universities. 

The  monks  also  became  copyists,  and  with  great  painstak- 
ing and  industry  gathered  and  multiphed  ancient  manuscripts, 
and  thus  preserved  and  transmitted  to  the  modern  world  much 
classical  learning  and  literature  that  would  otherwise  have  been 
lost.  Almost  all  the  remains  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  classics 
that  we  possess  have  come  to  us  through  the  agency  of  the 
monks. 

The  monks  also  became  the  chroniclers  of  the  events  of 
their  own  times,  so  that  it  is  to  them  we  are  indebted  for  a 
great  part  of  our  knowledge  of  the  early  mediaeval  centuries." 
Thus  the  scriptorium,  or  writing-room  of  the  monastery,  held 
the  place  in  mediaeval  society  that  the  great  publishing  house 
holds  in  the  modern  world. 


6  Essai  sur  V Histoire   Universelle,  tome  ii,  p.  64. 

"  Cassiodorus  (par.  16)  seems  to  have  been  the  first  to  introduce  intellectual 
labor  into  the  routine  of  the  cloistral  life.  He  at  all  events  gave  a  great  impulse 
to  the  work  of  the  scriptorium. 


Evii  OutgrozvtJis  of  the  System  5  7 

The  monks  became  further  the  ahnoners  of  the  pious  and 
the  wealthy,  and  distributed  ahiis  to  the  i)oor  and  needy. 
Everywhere  the  monasteries  opened  their  hospitable  doors  to 
the  weary,  the  sick,  and  the  discouraged.  In  a  word,  these 
retreats  were  the  inns,  the  asylums,  and  the  hosi)itals  of  the 
mediaeval  ages.  This  spirit  of  helpfulness  and  charity  found 
its  embodiment  in  the  women  who  became  nuns.  To  a 
woman  is  to  be  attributed  the  establishment  of  the  first 
Christian  hospital.^ 

Again,  the  asceticism  of  the  monks  did  much  to  correct 
those  gross  social  vices  that  had  sapped  the  strength  of  the 
Greek  and  Roman  races,  and  threw  a  needed  safeguard 
about  the  young  and  strong-passioned  race  of  the  North 
that  was  entering  upon  the  inheritance  of  antiquity.  It  was 
undoubtedly  in  this  its  vehement  protest  against  the  immo- 
rality of  the  decadent  society  of  the  Graeco-Roman  world 
that  the  monastic  Church  rendered  its  greatest  service  to 
civilization. 

49.  Evil  Outgrowths  of  the  System.  —  No  institution  has 
ever  been  set  up  among  men  that  in  its  practical  workings 
has  not  produced  evils  which  must  be  set  off  against  the  good 
it  has  wrought  for  humanity.  These  evils  arise  either  from 
defects  inherent  in  the  institution  itself  or  from  a  disregard 
of  its  spirit  or  a  perversion  of  its  principles. 

In  the  case  of  monasticism  there  is  a  wide  divergence  of 
opinion  in  respect  to  the  influence  and  tendency  of  several 
of  its  underlying  principles  or  requirements,  as,  for  instance, 
those  of  celibacy  and  poverty,  and  withdrawal  from  the 
secular  concerns  of  the  world.  But  this  difference  of  judg- 
ment does  not  extend  to  the  consequences  to  mediae val 
society   that    resulted    from   the    perversion    of   the   monastic 

8  "  A  Roman  lady,  named  Fabiola,  in  the  fourth  century  founded  at  Rome, 
as  an  act  of  penance,  the  first  public  hospital,  and  the  charity  planted  by  that 
woman's  hand  overspread  the  world,  and  will  alleviate,  to  the  end  of  time,  the 
darkest  anguish  of  humanity."  —  I.ECKV,  History  of  Europeati  Morals^  vol.  ii, 
p.  80  ;  quoted  by  Wishart,  Monks  and  Monasteries^  p.  105. 


58  McdicBval  History 

ideal,  or  from  the  neglect  on  the  part  of  the  individual  monks 
of  their  vows,  and  disregard  of  the  rules  of  their  order. 

The  vow  of  personal  poverty  of  the  monks  w^as  in  large 
measure  made  of  no  effect  by  the  wealth  which  they  came  to 
possess  as  communities  or  orders.  As  we  have  seen,  wdth 
riches  came  their  usual  attendant  evils, — idleness,  luxury  in 
buildings  and  in  living,  and  an  evasion  of  the  severe  discipline 
of  monastic  rules. 

A  still  more  prolific  source  of  evil  was  the  flagrant  disregard 
by  many  monks  of  their  vow  of  chastity.  At  certain  times 
and  in  certain  monasteries  the  condition  of  things  within 
the  cloisters  was  so  shameful  that  every  stream  of  influence 
issuing  from  these  places,  which  should  have  been  fountain- 
heads  only  of  sweet  and  wholesome  influences,  was  corrupt 
and  contaminating. 

These  evils,  in  spite  of  the  ever-renewed  efforts  for  reform 
that  were  made  within  the  ranks  of  the  monks  themselves, 
became  more  and  more  flagrant  and  seemingly  incurable  as 
the  centuries  passed,  and  finally,  in  connection  with  other 
causes,  brought  the  entire  monastic  system  in  such  disrepute 
that  in  many  of  the  countries  of  Europe  it  became  possible 
for  the  enemies  of  the  monks  to  drive  them  from  their 
cloisters  and  to  confiscate  to  secular  uses  the  vast  wealth 
with  which  their  houses  had  been  endowed  during  the  cen- 
turies of  their  beneficent  services  in  the  cause  of  piety, 
morality,  and  social  order. 

Sources  and  Source  Material.  —  Henderson's  Select  Documents  of 
the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  274-314,  "  The  Rule  of  Saint  Benedict."  European 
Histoi-y  Studies  (Univ.  of  Nebraska),  vol.  ii,  No.  6,  "  Monasticism." 
Nicene  and  Post-Nicene  Fathers  (Second  Series),  vol.  iv,  for  "  Life  of 
Saint  Antony,"  by  Athanasius ;  vol.  vi,  for  "  Life  of  Paulus  "  and  "  Life 
of  Saint  Hilarion,"  by  Saint  Jerome  ;  vol.  xi,  for  the  "  Institutes  "  and 
the  "  Conferences  "  of  Cassian,  and  the  "  Life  of  Saint  Martin  "  and  the 
"  Dialogues  "  of  Sulpicius  Severus.  The  "  Institutes,"  the  "  Confer- 
ences," and  the  "  Dialogues  "  extol  the  virtues  of  the  most  famous  of 
the  hermits  and  monks  and  instruct  the  reader  respecting  the  customs 


Evil  OtitgrozvtJis  of  the  System  59 

and  rules  of  the  monasteries.  In  this  same  series,  and  also  in  the 
Bohn  Library,  will  be  found  the  writings  of  the  contemporary  church 
historians,  Socrates,  Sozomen,  Theodoret,  and  Evagrius.  The  works 
of  these  Fathers  are  an  inexhaustible  mine  of  material  for  the  illustra- 
tion of  early  monasticism.  Kingsley's  The  Hermits,  as  we  have  already 
noticed,  contains  much  valuable  source  material.  Athanasius's  "  Life 
of  Saint  Antony  "  can  be  found  here  in  literal  translation. 

Secondary  or  Modern  Works.  —  Montalembert  (Count  de), 
**  The  Monks  of  the  West  from  Saittt  Benedict  to  Saint  Bernard,  7  vols. 
An  ardent  eulogy  of  monasticism.  Lecky  (W.  E.  H.),  History  of  Euro- 
pean Morals  from  Augustus  to  Charlemagne,  vol.  ii,  chap.  iv.  Gives  the 
light  and  the  shade  of  the  picture.  Maitland  (S.  R.),  The  Dark  Ages 
(3d  ed.,  London,  1853),  Essay  No.  10,  on  monasticism  in  general;  and 
No.  24,  on  the  monastic  scriptoria.  Wishart  (A.  W.),  ** A  Short 
History  of  Monks  and  Monasteries.  The  best  short  account  in  English 
of  the  origin,  ideals,  and  effects  of  the  monastic  system.  Putnam 
(G.  H.),  Books  and  their  Makers  during  the  Middle  Ages,  vol.  i.  For  the 
labors  of  the  monks  as  copyists  and  illuminators.  Kingsley  (C),  The 
Hermits  (various  editions).  Very  interesting.  Schaff  (P.),**  History 
of  the  Christian  Chicrch  (5th  ed.),  chap,  iv,  pp.  147-233,  "The  Rise  and 
Progress  of  Monasticism."  A  masterly  sketch.  Jessopp  (A.),  77/*? 
Coming  of  the  Friars,  chap,  iii,  "  Daily  Life  in  a  Mediaeval  Monastery." 
CUTTS  (E.  L.),  Scenes  and  Characters  of  the  Middle  Ages  (New  York, 
1885),  pp.  93-r56,  "  Hermits  and  Recluses."  Butler  (A.),  Lives  of  the 
Saints  (full  title.  The  Lives  of  the  Fathers,  Martyrs,  and  Other  Prin- 
cipal Saints),  2  vols.,  London,  1833.  This  is  a  republication  of  the 
original  12-vol.  edition.  Butler  died  in  1773.  ^is  great  work  is  a  com- 
pilation from  a  multitude  of  different  sources.  For  consultation  and 
reference. 


CHAPTER    IV 
FUSION  OF   THE  LATIN   AND   TEUTONIC   PEOPLES 

50.  Introductory.  —  Having  seen  how  the  Hebrew  element, 
that  is,  the  ideas,  beHefs,  and  sentiments  of  Christianity, 
became  the  common  possession  of  the  Latins  and  Teutons,  it 
yet  remains  to  notice  how  these  two  races,  upon  the  soil  of  the 
old  empire,  intermingled  their  blood,  their  languages,  their  laws, 
their  usages  and  customs,  to  form  new  peoples,  new  tongues, 
and  new  institutions. 

In  the  new  society  arising  from  the  fusion  of  the  Latinized 
inhabitants  of  the  empire  and  their  barbarian  conquerors,  the 
various  resulting  social  or  political  institutions  exhibit  very 
different  proportions  of  the  two  combining  elements.  Some- 
times it  is  the  Latin,  and  then  again  the  Teutonic  element 
which  predominates.  Often,  indeed,  it  is  very  difficult,  as  in 
the  case  of  Feudalism  (par.  143),  to  determine  just  what 
was  contributed  by  each.  In  many  institutions  we  shall 
find  the  shaping  spirit  to  have  come  from  the  classic  culture, 
and  the  form  from  barbarian  maxims  and  usages ;  then,  agaiii, 
we  shall  discover  the  spirit  to  be  Teutonic  and  the  form 
Roman. 

In  the  present  chapter  we  shall  speak  of  only  a  few  things 
touching  the  intermingling  of  the  peoples  themselves,  the 
formation  of  the  new  Romance  tongues,  and  the  relation  of  the 
barbarian  codes  to  the  Roman  law.  We  shall  say  just  enough 
to  show  how  composite  is  the  character  of  the  structure  that 
was  reared  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  empire,  out  of  the  ruins 
of  the  broken-down  civilization  of  Rome  and  the  new  contri- 
butions of  the  northern  peoples. 

60 


TJie  Barbarians  and  the  Roman  Lands  6i 

51.  The  Barbarians  and  the  Roman  Lands.  —  The  Teutons 
in  their  dilTerent  settlements  dealt  with  the  con(iiiered  inhab- 
itants of  the  empire  with  varying' degrees  of  harshness,  the 
treatment  in  any  particular  case  being  determined  by  the  char- 
acter of  the  intruding  tribe  and  the  circumstances  attending 
the  invasion.  Usually,  cattle,  furniture,  money,  the  treasures 
of  the  churches,  —  all  movables,  in  a  word,  were  at  once 
appropriated  by  the  barbarians  as  the  legitimate  spoils  of  war. 
But  as  a  general  thing  they  left  the  conquered  provincials  their 
freedom,  and  supplied  themselves  with  servants  by  forcing  the 
subjected  people  to  give  up  to  them  part  or  all  of  their  slaves. 
Yet,  as  a  punishment  for  revolt  or  obstinate  resistance,  the 
entire  population  of  a  city  or  of  a  province  was  sometimes 
reduced  to  slavery,  or  was  exterminated. 

If  the  intruders  proposed  to  make  a  permanent  settlement, 
they  took  possession  of  such  portion  of  the  soil  as  their  num- 
bers required.  The  German  tribes  that  invaded  Gaul  in  the 
time  of  JuHus  Caesar  were  accustomed  to  demand  of  the  con- 
quered Celts  one-half  of  their  lands.  The  German  adherents 
of  Odovacar  demanded  and  received  one-third  of  the  soil  of 
Italy ;  ^  the  Ostrogoths  seized  two-thirds  of  the  lands  of  the 
same  country  ;  and  the  Visigoths  took  possession  of  a  like  pro- 
portion of  the  regions  they  occupied  ;  the  Vandals  appropriated 
the  most  and  the  best  of  the  lands  of  North  Africa ;  while  the 
Saxons  stripped  the  subjugated  inhabitants  of  Britain  of  every- 
thing, indeed  reduced  them  to  serfdom,  or  pushed  them 
entirely  off  the  soil.  Where  the  conquered  people  were  left 
any  portion  of  their  ancient  possessions,  this  usually  was  the 
tillable  part  of  the  land,  the  barbarians,  being  essentially  hunt- 
ers and   shepherds,   choosing   for   their  part   the    forests  and 

1  In  this  case  "  tlie  proportion  claimed  was,  no  doubt,  suggested  by  the  impe- 
rial system  of  billeting,  according  to  which  the  citizen  upon  whom  a  soldier  was 
quartered  was  bound  to  divide  his  house  into  three  compartments,  of  which  he 
kept  one  himself,  his  unbidden  guest  was  then  entitled  to  select  another,  and  the 
third  portion  as  well  as  the  first  remained  in  the  occupation  of  the  owner."  — ■ 

HODGKIN. 


62  MedicEval  History 

pastures.  The  Burgundians,  however,  took  two-thirds  of  the 
arable  land  of  the  districts  they  settled,  the  forest  and 
pasture  land  being  used  in'  common  by  the  invaders  and  the 
provincials. 

52.  The  Romance  Nations.  —  In  some  districts  the  barbarian 
invaders  and  the  Roman  provincials  were  kept  apart  for  a  long 
time  by  the  bitter  antagonism  of  race,  and  by  a  sense  of  injury 
on  the  one  hand  and  a  feeling  of  disdainful  superiority  on  the 
other.  But  for  the  most  part  the  Teutonic  intruders  and  the 
Latin-speaking  inhabitants  of  Italy,  Spain,  and  France  very 
soon  began  freely  to  mingle  their  blood  by  family  alliances. 

It  is  quite  impossible  to  say  what  proportion  the  Teutons 
bore  to  the  Romans.  Of  course  the  proportion  varied  in  the 
different  countries.  In  none  of  the  countries  named,  how- 
ever, was  it  large  enough  to  absorb  the  Latinized  population ; 
on  the  contrary,  the  barbarians  were  themselves  absorbed,  yet 
not  without  changing  very  essentially  the  body  into  which  they 
were  incorporated.  Thus  about  the  end  of  the  fourth  century 
everything  in  Italy,  Spain,  and  France  —  dwelHngs,  cities, 
dress,  customs,  language,  laws,  soldiers  —  reminds  us  of  Rome. 
A  little  later  and  a  great  change  has  taken  place.  The  barba- 
rians have  come  in.  For  a  time  we  see  everywhere,  jostling 
each  other  in  the  streets  and  markets,  crowding  each  other  in 
the  theaters  and  courts,  kneeling  together  in  the  churches,  the 
former  Romanized  subjects  of  the  empire  and  their  uncouth 
Teutonic  conquerors.  But  by  the  close  of  the  ninth  century 
the  two  elements  have  become  quite  intimately  blended,  and 
a  century  or  two  later  Roman  and  Teuton  have  alike  dis- 
appeared, and  we  are  introduced  to  Italians,  Spaniards,  and 
Frenchmen.  These  we  call  Romance  nations,  because  at  base 
they  are  Roman. ^ 

2  Britain  did  not  become  a  Romance  nation  on  account  of  the  nature  of  the 
barbarian  conquest  of  that  island.  As  we  have  seen  (par.  22),  the  Romanized 
Cehs  of  the  eastern  half  of  Britain  were  mostly  destroyed  or  driven  out  by  the 
fierce  Germanic  invaders,  so  that  these  intruders  remained  substantially  unmixed 
till  their  tongue  and  their  law  had  established  themselves  in  the  island.     Hence 


The  Formation  of  the  Romance  Languages        63 

53.  The  Formation  of  the  Romance  Languages.  —  During 
the  five  centuries  of  their  subjection  to  Rome,  the  natives  of 
Spain  and  Gaul  forgot  their  barbarous  dialects  and  came  to 
speak  a  corrupt  Latin.  This  exchange  of  languages  was  of 
course  effected  very  gradually.  Midway  in  the  period,  that  is 
to  say  about  the  third  century  after  Christ,  it  was  almost  a 
necessity  for  persons  who  dealt  with  all  classes  of  society  to  be 
familiar  with  both  the  Latin  and  the  Celtic  language ;  but  by 
the  fifth  century  the  native  tongue  had  everywhere  and  almost 
wholly  given  way  to  the  speech  of  the  conquerors. 

Now  in  exactly  the  same  way  that  the  barbarous  dialects 
of  the  Celtic  tribes  of  Gaul  and  of  the  Celtiberians  of  Spain 
had  given  way  to  the  more  refined  speech  of  the  Romans, 
did  the  rude  languages  of  the  Teutons  now  yield  to  the  more 
cultured  speech  of  the  Roman  provincials.  In  the  course  of 
two  or  three  centuries  after  their  entrance  into  the  empire, 
Goths,  Lombards,  Burgundians,  and  Franks  had,  in  a  large 
measure,  dropped  their  own  tongue,  and  were  speaking  that 
of  the  people  they  had  subjected.  The  conqueror  became 
the  conquered.  "  Rome,  which  had  Latinized  her  conquered 
provinces,  ultimately  Latinized  also  her  German  conquerors." 

But  there  is  need  we  bear  in  mind  that  the  Latin  used  by 
the  Roman  provincials  was  not  the  classic  speech  of  the 
capital.  Li  its  adoption  by  rude  and  ignorant  peoples,  the 
Latin  had  necessarily  suffered  change  and  degradation.  It 
was  this  vulgar  Latin  that  now  underwent  a  still  further 
corruption  upon  the  lips  of  the  mixed  descendants  of  the 
Romans  and  Teutons.  These  semi-barbarians,  children  that 
they  were,  had  the  same  dislike  for  the  difficult  declensions 
and  conjugations  of  the  Latin  that  many  young  pupils  enter- 
tain  to-day  ]    and   so  in   place   of  the   long  and   troublesome 

the  resemblance  in  manners,  social  arrangements,  and  language  between  the 
English  and  the  modern  Germans,  The  English  would  still  more  resemble  the 
Germans  of  to-day,  were  it  not  for  the  accident  of  the  Norman  Conquest,  which, 
in  the  eleventh  century,  mingled  the  speech  and  the  customs  of  Normandy  with 
the  speech  and  the  customs  of  England  (par.  167). 


64  MedicEvcil  History 

terminations  of  the  nouns  and  verbs,  they  substituted  par- 
ticles and  auxiUary  verbs.  Long  words  they  shortened  by 
dropping  out  syllables,  with  a  view  to  rendering  them  easier 
to  pronounce. 

These  changes  were  hastened  and  rendered  greater  than 
they  would  otherwise  have  been,  by  the  decay  of  literature 
and  learning;  for  nothing  so  conserves  the  forms  of  a  lan- 
guage as  its  embalmment  in  literature.  This  fixes  and  makes 
permanent  the  forms  of  words,  which  in  the  smft  stream  of 
illiterate  speech  are  worn  and  rounded  like  pebbles  in  a 
mountain  torrent. 

Furthermore,  because  of  the  absence  of  a  common  popular 
literature,  the  changes  that  took  place  in  one  country  did  not 
exactly  correspond  to  those  going  on  in  another.  Hence,  in 
the  course  of  time,  we  find  different  dialects  springing  up, 
and  by  about  the  ninth  century  the  Latin  has  virtually  dis- 
appeared as  a  spoken  language,  and  its  place  been  usurped 
by  what  will  be  known  as  the  Italian,  the  Spanish,  the  Portu- 
guese, the  P'rench,  and  the  Provencal  tongues,  all  more  or  less 
resembling  the  ancient  Latin,  and  all  called  Romance  lan- 
guages, because  children  of  the  old  Roman  speech. 

54.  Consequences  of  the  Confusion  of  Languages. — We  are 
now  in  position  to  discern  one  of  the  causes  that  helped  to 
render  denser  that  dark  pall  of  ignorance  which,  settling  over 
Western  Europe  in  the  fifth  century,  continued  almost  unre- 
lieved until  the  eleventh. 

As  the  provincial  Latin  began  to  change,  the  language  in 
which  the  books  were  written  and  the  speech  of  common  talk 
began  to  diverge.  Thus  the  manuscript  rolls  which  held  the 
wisdom  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans  soon  became  sealed  to  all 
save  the  learned.  In  this  way  the  confusion  of  tongues  con- 
spired with  the  general  confusion  and  anarchy  of  the  times 
to  extinguish  the  last  rays  of  science  and  philosophy,  and  to 
deepen  the  gloom  of  the  night  that  had  settled  upon  all  the 
lands  once  illumined  by  ancient  learning  and  culture.     Several 


TJie  Bdrbarians  and  Roman  Learjimg  65 

centuries  had  necessarily  to  pass  before  the  new  languages 
forming  could  develop  each  a  literature  of  its  own  (par.  281). 
Meanwhile  all  learning  was  shut  up  within  the  walls  of  the 
monasteries. 

55.  The  Barbarians  and  Roman  Learning.  —  The  senti- 
ments of  the  barbarians  tended  to  the  same  end  as  the 
separation  of  the  language  of  everyday  use  from  that  of 
letters.  They  prided  themselves  on  their  ignorance  of  letters, 
deeming  that  these  impaired  the  native  vigor  of  the  mind, 
and  rendered  soft  and  effeminate  the  becoming  hardihood  of 
the  warrior.  The  subjected  Roman  provincials  unfortunately 
came  to  entertain  the  same  opinion.  With  no  rewards  for 
learning,  no  praises  of  society  for  the  successful  cultivator  of 
letters,  both  naturally  fell  into  contempt  and  neglect.  "  For 
many  centuries,"  says  Hallam,  "  to  sum  up  the  account  of 
ignorance  in  a  word,  it  was  rare  for  a  layman,  of  whatever 
rank,  to  know  how  to  sign  his  name."  Charles  the  Great, 
king  of  the  Franks,  the  most  renowned  personage  of  the  five 
centuries  immediately  following  the  fall  of  Rome,  was  unable 
to  write  (par.  103). 

56.  The  Barbarian  Codes.  —  The  Teutonic  tribes,  before 
they  entered  the  Roman  empire,  had  no  written  laws.  As 
soon  as  settled  in  the  provinces,  however,  they  began,  in 
imitation  of  the  Romans,  to  frame  their  rules  and  customs 
into  codes,  and  so  we  hear  of  the  Salian,  the  Ripuarian,  the 
Burgundian,  the  Lombard,  and  the  Visigothic  code. 

In  some  countries,  particularly  in  Spain  and  Italy,  this  work 
was  under  the  supervision  of  the  clergy,  and  hence  the  codes 
of  the  Teutonic  peoples  in  these  countries  was  a  sort  of  fusion 
of  Roman  principles  and  barbarian  practices.  But  in  general 
these  early  compilations  of  laws  —  they  were  made,  for  the 
most  part,  between  the  sixth  and  ninth  centuries  —  were  not 
so  essentially  modified  by  Latin  influence  but  that  they  serve 
as  valuable  and  instructive  memorials  of  the  customs,  ideals, 
and  social  arrangements  of  the  Teutonic  peoples. 


66  Mediceval  History 

57.  The  Personal  Character  of  the  Teutonic  Laws.  —  The 
laws  of  the  barbarians,  so  long  as  they  remained  such,  that 
is  to  say,  until  Latins  and  Teutons  became  one  people,  were 
generally  personal,  instead  of  territorial  as  with  us ;  that  is, 
instead  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  a  given  country  being  subject 
to  the  same  laws,  there  were  different  ones  for  the  different 
classes  of  society.  The  Latins,  for  instance,  were  subject  in 
private  law  ^  only  to  the  old  Roman  code,  while  the  Teutons 
lived  under  the  tribal  rules  and  regulations  which  they  had 
brought  with  them  from  beyond  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube. 
The  curious  state  of  things  resulting  from  this  personality  of 
law,  as  it  is  called,  is  vividly  pictured  by  the  following  obser- 
vation of  a  chronicler  :  "  For  it  would  often  happen,"  he  says, 
"that  five  men  would  be  sitting  or  walking  together,  not  one 
of  whom  would  have  the  same  law  with  any  other." 

Even  among  themselves  the  Teutons  knew  nothing  of  the 
modern  legal  maxim  that  all  should  stand  equal  before  the 
law.  The  penalty  inflicted  upon  the  evil-doer  depended,  not 
upon  the  nature  of  his  crime,  but  upon  his  rank,  or  that  of 
the  party  injured.  Thus  slaves  and  serfs  could  be  beaten  and 
put  to  death  for  minor  offenses,  while  a  freeman  might  atone 
for  any  crime,  even  for  murder,  by  the  payment  of  a  fine,  the 
amount  of  the  penalty  being  determined  by  the  rank  of  the 
victim.  Among  the  Franks,  the  weregild,  or  "  man-money," 
as  the  compensation  for  murder  was  called,  was  fixed  by  the 
"  tariff  of  damages "  at  six  hundred  solidi  (the  solidus  was 
equal  to  about  thirty  or  forty  francs  of  the  money  of  to-day) 
for  the  life  of  a  vassal  of  the  king,  but  at  only  one-third  this 
sum  for  the  life  of  a  common  Frank.  Among  the  Saxons 
the  life  of  a  king's  thane  was  worth  twelve  hundred  shillings, 
while  that  of  a  churl  was  valued  only  one-sixth  as  high.'* 

The  satisfaction  allowed  to  despised  classes  of  persons  for 
assault   or  insult  was   sometimes   singularly   whimsical.     Thus 

3  All  were  alike  subject  to  the  same  public  or  political  law. 

4  Hallam's  Middle  Ages,  "  Weregild." 


Ordeals  67 

mountebanks  and  jugglers  were  simply  given  the  satisfaction 
of  striking  the  shadow  of  their  assailant ;  while  the  injured 
hired  champion  (par.  58) — a  person  held  in  especially  low 
esteem  —  was  to  consider  ample  reparation  to  have  been 
made  him  when  the  offender  cast  upon  him  a  ray  of  sun- 
shine reflected  from  a  polished  shield.^ 

58.  Ordeals.  —  Among  primitive  peoples,  before  public 
authority  is  strong  enough  to  undertake  the  punishment 
of  crime,  every  man  is  the  avenger  of  his  own  wrongs. 
Gradually,  however,  all  this  is  changed,  and  society  under- 
takes to  punish  wrong-doing.  Now  the  German  tribes  at 
the  time  to  which  we  have  brought  our  narrative  had,  speak- 
ing generally,  made  this  transition.  This  is  evidenced  not 
only  by  the  establishment  for  certain  crimes  of  fixed  penalties, 
such  as  we  have  noticed  in  the  preceding  paragraph,  but 
further  by  the  existence  among  them  of  institutions  to  ascer- 
tain the  guilt  or  the  innocence  of  accused  persons.  But  the 
agencies  relied  upon  for  this  purpose  show  in  how  rude  a 
state  the  administration  of  justice  among  them  was.  One 
very  common  method  of  proof  was  by  what  were  called 
ordeals,  in  which  the  question  was  submitted  to  the  judg- 
ment of  God.  Of  these  the  chief  were  the  ordeal  by  fire,  the 
ordeal  by  water,  and  the  wager  of  battle.^ 

The  ordeal  by  fire  consisted  in  taking  in  the  hand  a  piece  of 
red-hot  iron,  or  in  walking  bhndfolded  with  bare  feet  over  a 
row  of  hot  ploughshares  laid  lengthwise  at  irregular  distances. 
If  the  person  escaped  unharmed,  his  innocence  was  held  to 
be  established. 

Another  way  of  performing  the  fire-ordeal  was  by  running 
through  the  flames  of  two  fires  built  close  together,  or  by 
walking  over  live  brands  ;  hence  the  phrase  "  to  haul  over  the 

5  Lea's  Superstition  and  Force  (4th  ed.,  1892),  p.  188. 

6  The  wager  of  battle  is  by  some  writers  treated  as  a  distinct  form  of  trial ; 
but  being  an  appeal  to  the  decision  of  Heaven,  it  rested  on  the  same  principle 
as  the  trials  by  fire  and  water,  and  consequently  is  properly  given  a  place  among 
the  ordeals. 


68  Mediaeval  History 

coals."  It  was  in  this  way  that  the  first  crusaders  in  the 
eleventh  century  tried  a  priest  who  was  accused  of  deceit 
(par.  199)  ;  and  just  at  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century  the 
celebrated  Savonarola,  in  Italy,  consented  to  allow  a  compan- 
ion monk  to  walk  through  the  flames  to  settle  a  dispute  relat- 
ing to  certain  claims  made  by  the  reformer.  In  this  latter 
case,  however,  some  difficulties  in  arranging  the  preliminaries 
of  the  ordeal,  and  a  sudden  dash  of  rain,  which  put  out  the 
fire,  prevented  the  trial. 

The  ordeal  by  water  was  of  two  kinds,  by  hot  water  and  by 
cold.  In  the  hot-water  ordeal  the  accused  person  thrust  his 
arm  into  boiHng  water,  and  if  no  hurt  was  visible  uj^on  the 
arm  three  days  after  the  operation,  the  party  was  considered 
guiltless.  When  we  speak  of  one's  being  "  in  hot  water,"  we 
use  an  expression  which  had  its  origin  in  this  ordeal. 

In  the  cold-water  trial  the  suspected  person  was  thrown  into 
a  stream  or  pond  :  if  he  floated,  he  was  held  guilty ;  if  he 
sank,  innocent.  The  water,  it  was  believed,  would  reject 
the  guilty,  but  receive  the  innocent  into  its  bosom.  The 
practice  common  in  Europe  until  a  very  recent  date  of  trying 
supposed  witches  by  throwing  them  into  a  pond  of  water  to 
see  whether  they  would  sink  or  float,  grew  out  of  this  super- 
stition.'' 

The  trial  by  combat ^O"^  the  wager  of  battle,  as  it  was  called, 
was  simply  a  judicial  duel.  This  form  of  trial  was  seemingly 
introduced  into  jurisprudence  as  a  regulation  of  the  right  of 
private  war,  or  as  a  limitation  by  law  and  rule  of  the  barba- 
rian's primitive  right  to  avenge  his  own  wrongs.  In  the  course 
of  time  there  became  attached  to  it  the  idea  that  God  would 
intervene  to  defend  the  right,  and  then  it  became  in  principle 

7  There  was  a  difference,  however,  between  the  old  ordeal  and  the  later  trial, 
which  was  strictly  not  an  ordeal  at  all,  it  being  no  longer  an  appeal  to  the  decision 
of  God,  but  merely  a  test  as  to  change  in  specific  gravity,  the  superstition  now 
consisting  in  the  belief  that  the  body  of  a  witch  became,  through  communication 
with  evil  spirits,  imponderable  like  them,  and  thus  capable  of  being  spirited 
through  the  air. 


Ordeals  69 

altogether  like  the  other  ordeals  —  an  appeal  to  the  judgment 
of  Heaven. 

One  circumstance  that  caused  this  form  of  the  ordeal  to  be 
often  invoked  was  the  misuse  of  the  kind  of  trial  known  as 
compurgation,  or  the  wager  of  law?  This  allowed  a  person 
accused  of  a  crime  to  clear  himself  by  simply  swearing  that  he 
was  innocent,  provided  he  could  get  a  sufficient  number  of  his 
relatives  or  neighbors  to  swear  that  he  was  telling  the  truth .^ 
The  number  of  concurring  witnesses  was  dependent  upon  the 
seriousness  of  the  charge  or  the  rank  of  the  person  making  the 
oath.  Now  this  privilege  was  liable  to  abuse,  and  the  only 
resort  left  to  the  injured  person  in  such  case  was  to  challenge 
the  perjurer  to  submit  to  the  judgment  of  God  as  it  should 
be  pronounced  in  a  solemn  judicial  combat. 

This  form  of  trial  grew  into  great  favor.  Even  the  judge  in 
some  cases  resorted  to  it  to  maintain  the  authority  and  dignity 
of  his  court.  To  a  person  who  had  disregarded  a  summons 
the  judge  would  send  a  challenge  in  this  form  :  "  I  sent  for 
thee,  and  thou  didst  not  think  it  worth  thy  while  to  come ;  I 
demand  therefore  satisfaction  for  this  thy  contempt."  Religious 
disputes  also  were  sometimes  settled  by  this  sort  of  "  martial 
logic."  In  Spain  as  late  as  the  eleventh  century  a  contention 
as  to  which  of  two  liturgies  should  be  adopted  was  decided  by 
a  combat  between  two  knights. 

The  ordeal  was  frequently  performed  by  deputy,  that  is, 
one  person  for  hire  or  for  the  sake  of  friendship  would  under- 
take it  for  another ;  hence  the  expression  "  to  go  through  fire 
and  water  to  serve  one."  Especially  was  such  substitution 
common  in  the  judicial  duel,  as  women  and  ecclesiastics  were 
generally  forbidden  to  appear  personally  in  the  lists.  There  are 
instances  mentioned,  however,  where  even  women  performed 

8  The  wager  of  law  is  not  to  be  reckoned  among  the  ordeals,  as  it  lacked  the 
essential  element  of  an  ordeal,  namely,  the  apjaeal  to  the  judgment  of  Heaven. 

9  In  course  of  time  this  form  of  the  oath  was  changed,  so  that  the  compurgators, 
as  the  witnesses  were  called,  simply  swore  that  tliey  believed  the  oath  of  the 
accused  to  be  true  and  clean. 


70  MedicBval    History 

the  wager  of  battle  ;  in  which  case,  to  equalize  the  condi- 
tions, the  man  was  placed  in  a  pit  waist-deep,  with  his  left 
hand  tied  behind  his  back. 

The  champions,  as  the  deputies  were  called,  became  in  time 
a  regular  class  in  society,  like  the  gladiators  in  ancient  Rome. 
Religious  houses  and  chartered  towns  hired  champions  at  a 
regular  salary  to  defend  all  the  cases  to  which  they  might 
become  a  party.  In  order  that  the  champion  might  be  stimu- 
lated to  do  his  best  for  the  party  he  represented,  he  was 
hanged  or  suffered  the  loss  of  a  hand  or  a  foot  if  he  allowed 
himself  to  be  worsted  in  a  combat.^° 

In  the  management  of  the  ordeals  fraud  and  collusion  were 
often  practiced.  It  was  not  very  difficult  for  those  conduct- 
ing them  to  carry  through  the  ordeal  without  harm  the  person 
whose  innocence  they  were  interested  in  establishing.  Doubt- 
less they  sometimes  employed  the  devices  and  tricks  used  by 
the  mountebank  or  sleight-of-hand  performer  at  the  present 
day,  which  enable  him,  unhurt,  to  handle  fire,  and  to  do  other 
things  equally  marvelous  in  the  eyes  of  the  ignorant. 

59.  The  Revival  of  the  Roman  Law.  —  Now  these  codes 
of  the  barbarians,  the  character  of  which  we  have  simply 
suggested  by  the  preceding  illustrations,  gradually  displaced 

10  There  were  many  other  forms  of  the  ordeal,  besides  those  we  have  given,  in  use 
among  the  different  Teutonic  tribes,  some  of  which  were  plainly  native  customs, 
while  others  seem  to  have  been  introduced  by  the  Christian  priests.  Thus,  there 
was  the  ordeal  by  consecrated  bread ;  if  the  morsel  strangled  the  person,  he  was 
adjudged  guilty.  From  this  form  of  trial  arose  the  expression,  "  May  this  morsel 
be  my  last."  In  what  was  called  the  ordeal  of  the  bier  the  person  charged  with 
murder  was  made  to  touch  the  body  of  the  dead  man  ;  if  the  body  stirred  or  blood 
flowed  afresh  from  the  wound,  the  man  was  held  guilty  of  the  murder. 

Such  ordeals  are  found  among  all  barbarous  and  superstitious  people.  The 
Hindus  had  many  curious  ones.  In  one  the  person  accused  of  a  crime  was  forced 
to  swim  across  a  river  filled  with  crocodiles ;  if  caught  by  the  reptiles,  that  was 
conclusive  proof  of  his  guilt.  Proof  by  ordeal  was  also  known  among  the 
Hebrews  ;  see  Numbers  v,  11-31  ;  Joshua  vii,  16-18.  The  combat  between  David 
and  Goliath,  being  an  appeal  to  the  judgment  of  Heaven,  possesses  the  essential 
element  of  the  judicial  duel.  We  also  find  an  ordeal  in  the  test  proposed  by 
Elijah  to  the  prophets  of  Baal, —  I  Kings  xviii,  17-40. 


TJie  Revival  of  the  Rommi  Law  7 1 

the  Roman  law  in  all  those  countries  where  the  two  systems  at 
first  existed  alongside  each  other,  save  in  Italy  and  Southern 
France,  where  the  great  preponderance  of  the  Latin  popu- 
lation, in  connection  with  other  circumstances,  caused  the 
barbarian  laws  gradually  to  give  way  to  the  Roman.  But, 
after  a  while,  as  a  deeper  darkness  settled  over  Europe,  these 
written  laws  of  the  barbarians  also  fell  into  disuse.  The  spirit 
and  principles,  however,  of  these  early  collections  animated 
and  shaped  the  new  customs  and  usages  which  grew  up  to 
meet  the  changing  needs  of  society.  That  is  to  say,  speaking 
generally,  the  customs  and  practices  that  had  force  in  a 
great  part  of  Europe  during  the  earlier  mediaeval  centuries 
were  Teutonic  rather  than  Roman. 

But  this  supremacy  of  the  maxims  and  customs  of  the 
barbarians  over  the  law  system  of  the  Romans  was  destined 
not  to  be  permanent.  The  admirable  jurisprudence  of  Rome 
was  bound  to  assert  its  superiority.  Thus  about  the  close  of 
the  eleventh  century  there  was  a  great  revival  in  the  study 
of  the  Roman  law,  and  in  the  course  of  a  century  or  two  this 
became  either  the  groundwork  or  a  strong  modifying  element 
in  the  jurisprudence  of  almost  all  the  peoples  of  Europe. 

What  took  place  may  be  illustrated  by  reference  to  the  fate 
of  the  Teutonic  languages  in  Gaul,  Italy,  and  Spain.  As  the 
barbarian  tongues,  after  maintaining  a  place  in  those  coun- 
tries for  two  or  three  centuries,  at  length  gave  place  to  the 
superior  Latin,  which  became  the  basis  of  the  new  Romance 
languages,  so  now  in  the  domain  of  law  the  barbarian  maxims 
and  customs,  though  holding  their  place  more  persistently, 
likewise  finally  give  way,  almost  everywhere  and  in  a  greater 
or  less  degree,  to  the  more  excellent  law  system  of  the  empire. 
Rome  must  fulfill  her  destiny  and  give  laws  to  the  nations. 

Though  longer  delayed  in  their  adoption,  the  law  maxims 
and  principles  of  the  empire  at  length  became  more  widely 
spread  and  influential  than  the  Latin  speech  ;  for  Germany, 
which  never  gave   up   her  Teutonic   tongue,  finally  adopted 


72  MedicBval  History 

the  Roman  law  system,  to  the  degree  of  making  its  principles 
the  basis  of  her  jurisprudence.  And  even  England,  though 
she  clung  tenaciously  to  her  Teutonic  customs  and  maxims, 
just  as  she  held  on  to  her  own  Teutonic  speech,  could  not 
escape  the  influence  of  the  Roman  jurisprudence,  which 
penetrated  there,  and,  to  a  certain  extent,  chiefly  through 
the  courts  of  the  Church,  modified  English  law,  just  as  the 
Latin  in  an  indirect  way  finally  modified  and  enriched  the 
English  speech,  while  leaving  it  the  same  in  groundwork 
and  structure.  "  Our  laws,"  says  Lord  Bacon,  "  are  mixed  as 
our  language  ;  and  as  our  language  is  so  much  the  richer,  the 
laws  are  the  more  complete." 

Under  the  influence  of  the  classical  revival,  the  various 
ordeals,  which  were  already  disappearing  before  the  growing 
enlightenment  of  the  age  and  the  steady  opposition  of  the 
papal  authority,  rapidly  gave  way  to  modes  of  trial  more  con- 
sonant with  reason  and  the  spirit  of  the  civil  law. 

Sources  and  Source  Material.  —  Henderson's  Select  Historical  Docu- 
ments, pp.  176-189,  "The  Salic  Law,"  and  pp.  314-319,  "^Formtilce 
Liturgic<r '  in  use  at  Ordeals."  Lee's  Source-Book  of  English  History, 
chap.  V,  "  Anglo-Saxon  Laws."  Translations  afid  Reprints  (Univ.  of 
Penn.),  vol.  iv,  No.  4,  "  Ordeals,"  etc. 

Secondary  or  Modern  Works.  —  Emerton  (E.),  "^^Introduction  to 
the  Middle  Ages,  chap,  viii,  "  Germanic  Ideas  of  Law."  Lea  (H.  C), 
**  Superstition  and  Force :  Essays  on  the  Wager  of  Law,  the  Wager  of 
Battle,  the  Ordeal  and  Torture  (4th  ed.,  1892).  Invaluable  to  the  student 
of  primitive  culture.  GuizoT  (F.  P.  G.),  History  of  Civilization  in 
France,  vol.  i,  lects.  viii-xi.  This  important  work  forms  vols,  ii-iv, 
of  the  Appleton  edition  of  the  author's  '•  History  of  Civilization  in 
Europe,"  i  vol.,  and  "  History  of  Civilization  in  France,"  3  vols. 
Hallam  (H.),  View  of  the  State  of  Europe  during  the  Middle  Ages 
(revised  ed. ;  various  issues),  chap,  ix,  first  part.  Although  the  first 
edition  of  this  work  appeared  in  1818,  it  is  still  of  value.  SoHM  (R.), 
The  Institutes  of  Roman  Laiu  (trans,  by  James  C.  Leddie  :  2d  ed.,  1901), 
sect.  I,  "The  Reception  of  the  Roman  Law  in  Germany  ";  sects.  23-28, 
"  The  Subsequent  Fate  of  Roman  Law."  Hadley  (J.),  Introduction  to 
Roman  La7v,  lect.  ii,  "  The  Roman  Law  since  Justinian." 


CHAPTER   V 
THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE   IN   THE  EAST 

60.  The  Era  of  Justinian  (a.d.  527-565).  —  During  the 
fifty  years  immediately  following  the  fall  of  Rome,  the  Eastern 
emperors  struggled  hard  and  sometimes  doubtfully  to  with- 
stand the  waves  of  the  barbarian  inundation  which  constantly 
threatened  to  overwhelm  Constantinople  with  the  same  awful 
calamities  that  had  befallen  the  imperial  city  of  the  West. 
Had  the  New  Rome  —  the  destined  refuge  for  a  thousand 
years  of  Graeco-Roman  learning  and  culture  —  also  gone 
down  at  this  time  before  the  storm,  the  loss  to  the  cause  of 
civilization  would  have  been  incalculable. 

Fortunately,  in  the  year  527,  there  ascended  the  Eastern 
throne  a  prince  of  unusual  ability,  to  whom  fortune  gave  a 
general  of  such  rare  genius  that  his  name  has  been  allotted 
a  place  in  the  short  list  of  the  great  commanders  of  the 
world.  Justinian  was  the  name  of  the  prince,  and  Belisarius 
that  of  the  soldier.  The  sovereign  has  given  name  to  the 
period,  which  is  called  after  him  the  "  Era  of  Justinian." 

We  shall  first  notice,  very  briefly,  the  wars  of  Justinian,  — 
the  management  of  which  was  intrusted,  for  the  most  part, 
to  his  famous  general,  Belisarius ;  afterwards  we  shall  say 
something  of  his  works  of  peace,  which,  far  more  than  the 
conquests  of  his  arms,  entitle  the  prince  to  our  praise  and 
admiration. 

61.  The  Recovery  of  Africa  (a.d.  533).  —  Ambition  and 
religious  motives  united  in  urging  Justinian  to  endeavor  to 
wrest  from  the  barbarians  those  provinces  of  the  empire  in 
the  West   upon  which   they  had   seized.     It   seemed   to  him 


74  MedicEval  History 

a  reproach  and  disgrace  that  the  sovereigns  of  the  New 
Rome  should  appear  unable  to  retain  the  territories  won 
by  the  valor  of  the  consuls  and  the  Caesars  of  the  Old. 
He  coveted  for  himself  the  honor  of  restoring  to  their  ancient 
and  most  extended  circuit  the  boundaries  of  the  Roman 
empire. 

To  these  natural  promptings  of  pride  and  ambition  were 
added  the  persuasions  of  religion.  The  barbarians  who  had 
taken  possession  of  the  Western  provinces  were,  the  most  of 
them,  as  we  have  learned  (par.  2  6),  followers  of  Arius,  whose 
doctrines  were  held  to  be  heretical  by  the  orthodox  Catholics. 
But  these  semi-Christians  were,  nevertheless,  zealous  converts, 
and  making  up  in  zeal  what  they  lacked  in  orthodoxy,  became, 
some  of  them,  and  notably  the  Vandals,  furious  persecutors  of 
the  adherents  of  the  Athanasian  creed.  A  strong  appeal  was 
thus  made  to  the  piety  of  the  emperor  to  deliver  the  true 
Catholic  Church  of  the  West  out  of  the  hands  of  the  bar- 
barian heretics. 

The  state  of  affairs  in  Africa  invited  the  intervention  of 
Justinian  first  in  that  quarter.  Gelimer,  a  zealous  and 
bigoted  Arian,  had  just  usurped  the  Vandal  throne.  Justinian 
sent  an  embassy  to  expostulate  with  the  usurper  and  demand 
the  restoration  of  the  throne  to  the  rightful  prince.  Gelimer 
replied  to  the  imperial  commissioners  with  that  haughty  inso- 
lence characteristic  of  his  race.  "  King  Gelimer,"  thus  his 
answer  ran,  "  wishes  to  point  out  to  King  Justinian  that  it  is 
a  good  thing  for  rulers  to  mind  their  own  business."  Upon 
receiving  this  reply,  Justinian  resolved  on  war.  But  such  was 
the  terror  of  the  Vandal  name  that  the  subjects  of  the 
emperor  declaimed  against  such  a  distant  and  hazardous 
enterprise.  For  a  moment  Justinian  wavered  in  his  purpose. 
But  a  zealous  ecclesiastic  reanimated  the  hesitating  resolution 
of  the  emperor  by  declaring  that  he  had  seen  a  vision  in 
which  God  commanded  that  the  war  should  be  immediately 
undertaken. 


The  Recovery  of  Italy  75 

The  expedition  was  intrusted  to  the  command  of  a  general 
of  Thracian  birth  —  BeHsarius.  He  was  a  man  worthy  of  the 
confidence  that  his  master  reposed  in  his  fideUty  and  genius. 
Already  in  four  years'  warfare  upon  the  Persian  frontier 
(a.d.  528-531)  he  had  illustrated  his  rare  qualities  as  a 
commander,  although  yet  but  a  young  man  of  twenty-six 
years. 

With  the  general  issue  of  the  undertaking  we  have  already 
become  acquainted  (par.  19).  BeHsarius  returned  to  Con- 
stantinople with  many  Vandal  prisoners  and  with  a  large 
booty,  a  part  of  which  is  said  to  have  consisted  of  the  sacred 
vessels,  including  the  seven-branched  candlestick,  which  Titus 
in  the  reign  of  Vespasian  had  taken  from  the  Temple  at  Jeru- 
salem, and  which  the  Vandal  Geiseric  upon  the  sack  of  Rome 
in  the  year  a.d.  453  had  borne  away  with  him  to  Carthage.^ 
The  emperor  Justinian,  fearing  lest  this  sacred  relic  should 
bring  upon  his  own  capital  the  misfortunes  which  it  was 
believed  to  have  brought  upon  both  Rome  and  Carthage, 
caused  it  to  be  returned  to  Jerusalem  and  deposited  in  the 
church  of  the  Holy  Sepulcher. 

62.  The  Recovery  of  Italy  (a.d.  535-553).  —  The  sub- 
version of  the  Vandal  power  in  Africa  was  followed  by  the 
destruction  of  the  Ostrogothic  kingdom  in  Italy  (par.  16). 
In  the  year  535  BeHsarius  disembarked  his  army,  recruited 
by  many  Vandals  who  had  enlisted  under  the  standard 
of  their  conqueror,  upon  the  shores  of  Sicily,  then  in  the 
hands  of  the  Goths,  and  in  a  single  campaign  wrested  that 
island  from  their  grasp.  The  next  year  he  crossed  the 
Sicilian  straits  and  entered  upon  the  conquest  of  the 
peninsula. 

The  most  noteworthy  episode  of  the  long  struggle  which 
followed  was  the  defense  of  Rome  by  BeHsarius,  into  which 
city  the  imperial  forces  had  thrown  themselves.  The  little 
Roman   garrison  was  here  besieged   by  a  barbarian  army  of 

1  See  Rome :  Its  Rise  and  Fall,  pars.  222  and  279. 


76  Mediceval  History 

over  one  hundred  thousand  under  the  command  of  the 
Gothic  king  Witiges  (a.d.  537). 

The  investment  lasted  an  entire  year,  during  which  time 
the  Goths  attempted  again  and  again  to.  carry  the  defenses 
by  assault,  but  without  success.  Fifty  thousand  barbarians 
are  estimated  to  have  fallen  before  the  walls  of  the  capital. 
Nor  were  the  losses  of  the  besieged  any  less  considerable. 
A  large  proportion  of  the  population  of  the  city  perished  from 
hunger,  disease,  and  the  various  accidents  of  war,  while  the 
city  itself  suffered  irreparable  damage.  All  of  the  eleven 
aqueducts  constructed  under  the  consuls  and  Caesars  were 
destroyed  by  the  barbarians,  and,  with  the  exception  of  three, 
have  remained  in  a  ruined  state  ever  since.  Many  of  the 
architectural  monuments  within  the  city  were  either  wholly  or 
partially  demolished  and  the  material  used  in  strengthening 
the  fortifications.  The  stately  mausoleum  of  Hadrian  was 
converted  into  a  fortress,  and  the  numerous  masterpieces  of 
Greek  and  Roman  art  which  embellished  it  were  used  as 
missiles  and  flung  down  upon  the  heads  of  the  assailants.^ 

During  the  siege  Belisarius  sent  repeated  and  urgent  embas- 
sies to  his  master  at  Constantinople,  asking  for  immediate 
relief.  Small  reinforcements  were  at  length  thrown  into  the 
city ;  and  the  Goths,  despairing  of  the  reduction  of  the  place, 
broke  up  camp  and  commenced  a  hasty  retreat  northward, 
closely  pursued  by  Belisarius,  who  at  last  drove  them  within 
the  walls  of  Ravenna.  Witiges  was  finally  compelled  to  sur- 
render and  was  sent  a  prisoner  to  Constantinople  (540). 

At  this  moment,  when  the  conquest  of  Italy  was  all  but 
accomplished,  the  emperor,  moved  probably  by  jealousy, 
recalled  Belisarius,  and  before  long  the  Goths,  under  a  new 
and  able  leader,  Totila  (or  Baduila)  by  name,  were  again  in 

2  The  celebrated  statue  known  as  the  "  Barberini  Faun,". now  in  the  museum 
at  Munich,  was  in  the  seventeenth  century  dug  up  out  of  the  rubbish  at  the  foot 
of  the  mausoleum.  Possibly  it  was  one  of  the  precious  missiles  used  by  the 
defenders  of  the  place  to  repel  the  attack  of  the  Goths.  See  Hodgkin,  Italy  and 
her  Invaders,  vol.  iv,  p.  204. 


Tlic  Recovery  of  Italy  yy 

possession  of  Rome  (a.d.  546).  They  drove  every  soul  out 
of  the  city  and  then  evacuated  it  themselves,  having  first  dis- 
mantled its  walls.  "  For  forty  days  or  more,"  declares  a 
chronicler,  "  Rome  was  so  desolate  that  no  one,  either  man 
or  beast,  remained  there." 

Having  been  sent  back  to  regain  what  had  been  so  foolishly 
lost,  Belisarius  repaired  the  walls  of  Rome  and  regarrisoned 
the  city.  But  the  jealous  emperor  did  not  support  his  general 
with  either  troops  or  money,  and  finally  recalling  him  aban- 
doned Italy  to  the  Goths  (a.d.  548). 

But  the  entreaties  of  the  pope  and  of  the  Italians  at  length 
moved  Justinian  to  make  another  attempt  to  expel  the  barba- 
rians. The  command  of  the  imperial  forces  was  this  time 
intrusted  to  the  aged  general  Narses,  who,  in  the  execution 
of  the  undertaking,  evinced  military  capacity  second  only  to 
that  of  Belisarius.  He  soon  obtained  possession  of  Rome, 
this  making  the  fifth  time  that  the  unfortunate  city  had 
changed  hands  during  the  reign  of  Justinian.  All  Italy  was 
at  length  wrested  from  the  barbarians,  and  became  once  more 
a  part  of  the  Roman  empire  (a.d.  553). 

The  remnants  of  the  Gothic  nation,  upon  their  promising 
never  to  return,  were  allowed  to  leave  Italy.  They  crossed  the 
Alps  and  "disappeared  into  the  northern  darkness."^ 

BeHsarius  never  received  from  his  imperial  master  the 
reward  due  his  genius,  service,  and  fideUty.  Justinian  plainly 
was  jealous  of  him.  He  listened  to  every  whisper  against  him 
suggested  by  envy  or  malice,  and  finally,  on  an  unproved  and 
doubtless  unfounded  charge  of  disloyalty,^  laid  restraint  upon 
his  liberty,  and  confiscated  his  property.  After  a  time,  how- 
ever, the  veteran  commander  was  discharged  from  surveillance  ; 
but  the  injustice  of  his  master  seems  to  have  broken  the  spirit 

3  Besides  recovering  from  the  barbarians  Africa  and  Italy,  Justinian  also 
reconquered  from  the  Visigoths  the  southeastern  part  of  Spain. 

4  BeHsarius  was  not  guilty  of  treason,  but  he  does  seem  to  have  been  justly 
charged  with  having  amassed  a  vast  fortune  through  the  appropriation  of  an 
illegal  share  of  the  war  booty  secured  in  his  various  campaigns. 


yS  Medi(Eval  Histoiy 

of  the  old  soldier  and  he  died  a  few  months  after  his  release^ 
(a.d.  565).  His  ungrateful  sovereign  followed  him  in  less 
than  a  year. 

63.  Justinian  as  a  Builder.  — Justinian  was  the  Hadrian  of 
the  East.  His  taste  for  building  induced  him  to  spend  enor- 
mous sums  not  only  upon  the  embellishment  of  his  cajDital, 
but  also  in  the  construction  of  churches,  hospitals,  aqueducts, 
and  various  other  monuments  in  almost  every  part  of  his 
empire.  His  most  ambitious  architectural  undertaking  was  the 
rebuilding  with  increased  splendor  of  the  church  of  St.  Sophia, 
which,  founded  by  Constantine  the  Great,  had  been  burned 
during  a  riot  early  in  his  own  reign.  The  edifice  still  stands, 
although  the  cross  that  originally  surmounted  the  dome  was 
long  ago  replaced  by  the  Moslem  crescent.  The  admiration 
which  the  stately  structure  never  fails  to  excite  in  the  mind 
of  every  beholder  justifies  the  pride  of  the  imperial  builder, 
who,  in  the  midst  of  the  dedication  service,  is  said  to  have 
exclaimed,  "  I  have  surpassed  thee,  O  Solomon  !  " 

64.  Introduction  of  the  Silk  Industry. — The  introduction 
and  establishment  in  Europe  of  the  industry  of  silk  production 
deserves  special  notice  as  one  of  the  important  matters  of  a 
reign  so  crowded  with  significant  events  as  to  render  it  an 
epoch  in  history. 

Before  the  time  of  Justinian  the  markets  of  the  West  were 
supplied  with  silk  from  China,  where  the  culture  of  the  mul- 
berry-feeding silkworm  had  been  carried  on  as  one  of  the  most 
important  industries  of  the  country  from  time  immemorial. 
The  precious  material  was  brought  to  Europe,  sometimes  by 
sea,  but  more  usually  over  the  Asian  land  routes  of  travel.  It 
was  a  highly  prized  article  of  luxury,  the  more  dehcate  fabrics 
being  worth,  it  is  said,  their  weight  in  gold. 

5  There  is  no  foundation  for  the  story  with  which  romancers  have  embel- 
lished the  close  of  the  life  of  Belisarius.  "  That  he  was  deprived  of  his  eyes," 
says  Gibbon,  "  and  reduced  by  envy  to  beg  his  bread, '  Give  a  penny  to  Belisarius 
the  general ! '  is  a  fiction  of  later  times  which  has  obtained  credit,  or  rather  favor, 
as  a  strange  example  of  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune  " 


TJic  Code  of  Justinian  79 

The  Chinese  guarded  jealously  their  industry,  and  would 
not  allow  the  worms  to  be  carried  out  of  the  country.  Their 
watchfulness,  however,  was  eluded  by  two  Persian  monks,  who 
having  concealed  in  a  hollow  cane  some  eggs  of  the  silk- 
worm, made  their  way  out  of  the  empire  without  detection, 
and  finally  reached  Constantinople  safely  with  these  "spoils 
of  the  East,"  —  spoils  far  more  valuable  than  any  which  had 
ever  been  borne  to  the  Old  Rome  by  her  most  successful 
generals.  The  eggs  were  safely  hatched  and  the  species  was 
rapidly  propagated,  so  that  in  a  short  time  the  silk  industry 
of  Europe  became  an  important  factor  in  her  industrial  life. 

65.  The  Code  of  Justinian.  —  Among  all  the  acts  of  Justinian, 
that  which  conferred  the  most  signal  benefit  upon  succeeding 
ages  and  which  entitles  his  name  to  a  place  among  the  few 
illustrious  princes  whose  authority  and  oi)portunities  have 
been  devoted  to  advancing  the  well-being  oi  their  fellow- 
men,  was  the  collection  and  publication  of  the  Corpus  Juris 
Civiiis,  the  *'  Body  of  the  Roman  Law."  This  work  embodied 
all  the  law  knowledge  of  the  ancient  Romans,  and  was  the 
most  precious  legacy  of  Rome  to  the  world.  Upon  it  are 
founded,  as  we  have  already  learned,  the  law  systems  of 
most  of  the  leading  states  of  modern  Europe,  while  the 
jurisprudence  of  all  the  others  has  been  more  or  less  influ- 
enced by  it  (par.  59).  In  causing  its  publication,  Justinian 
earned  the  title  of  "The  Lawgiver  of  Civilization." 

66.  Closing  of  the  Schools  of  Athens.  —  It  was  during  the 
reign  of  Justinian  that  the  schools  of  rhetoric  and  philosophy 
at  Athens  were  closed  by  imperial  edict.  Their  suppression 
excites  our  astonishment,  as  the  act  at  first  blush  seems 
strangely  at  variance  with  the  disposition  of  a  sovereign  to 
whom  we  are  indebted  for  the  preservation  and  transmission 
of  the  laws  and  legal  learning  of  the  Roman  period. 

It  was,  in  part  at  least,  his  religious  scruples  which  led  the 
emperor  to  close  the  Athenian  schools.  Their  teachings 
and  methods  were  deemed  by  Justinian  to  be  unfriendly  to 


8o  Mcdiceval  History 

Christianity,  as  they  set  reason  before  faith ;  and  for  this 
cause,  together  with  poUtical  reasons,  perhaps,  he  issued  the 
decree  which  forever  silenced  the  eloquence  of  the  Attic 
Academy  and  Lyceum. 

The  intellectual  history  of  Hellas  begins  in  the  sixth  century 
before  Christ  with  the  Seven  Sages,  and  now  it  ends  in  the 
sixth  century  after  Christ  with  the  Seven  Exiles.  These  seven 
teachers  —  Diogenes,  Hermias,  Simplicius,  Eulalius,  Damascius, 
Priscian,  and  Isidore  by  name  —  resolved  to  seek  in  Persia 
that  freedom  of  thought  which  the  royal  edict  forbade  them  to 
exercise  in  their  own  land.  But  in  that  distant  country  the 
exile  philosophers  found  life  distasteful,  and  consequently, 
although  they  had  found  a  good  friend  in  the  great  Chosroes, 
they  soon  returned  to  Europe,  where  they  lived  in  silence  and 
died  in  obscurity.  With  them  passed  away  that  long  line  of 
Grecian  sages  who  for  twelve  hundred  years  had  occupied 
the  proud  position  of  teachers  of  the  world. 

67.  Calamities  of  Justinian's  Reign.  —  Although  the  reign 
of  Justinian  was  in  many  respects  auspicious  and  brilliant,  still 
it  was  for  the  empire  a  time  of  almost  unparalleled  woes  and 
sufferings. 

Among  the  calamitous  events  of  the  period  a  prominent 
place  must  be  given  the  seditions  at  Constantinople  and  the 
attendant  destruction  of  property  and  loss  of  life.  The  parties 
or  factions  indulging  in  these  disorders  grew  out  of  the  chariot 
races  of  the  circus.  These,  games  possessed  a  strange  and 
fatal  fascination  for  the  populace  of  the  capital,  such  as  the 
gladiatorial  spectacles  had  had  for  the  debased  multitudes  of 
Old  Rome.  The  people  became  divided  into  two  leading  fac- 
tions, known  as  the  Blues  and  the  Greens.  These  factions 
carried  their  rivalries  into  all  the  relations  of  life,  political  and 
religious,  and  became  ultimately  a  terrible  menace  to  the  peace 
and  good  order  of  society.  Often  they  indulged  in  unseemly 
disturbances,  even  in  the  presence  of  the  emperor  himself,  in 
the  circus. 


Calamities  of  Justiniaii  s  Reign  8 1 

In  the  year  532  there  broke  out  what  is  known  as  the 
"  Nika "  riot.  In  this  instance  the  Greens  and  the  Blues 
united  their  forces  against  the  government  and  mahciously  set 
fire  to  the  city.  For  five  days  a  conflagration,  ahiiost  as  dis- 
astrous to  the  New  Rome  as  the  Great  Fire  in  Nero's  reign  was 
to  the  Old  Rome,  raged  in  the  heart  of  the  capital.  Palaces, 
baths,  churches,  porticoes,  and  buildings  of  every  description 
were  reduced  to  ruins.  The  mob  was  finally  enticed  by  Jus- 
tinian within  the  Hippodrome,  where  it  was  set  upon  by  the 
soldiers  of  Belisarius  and  thirty-five  thousand  of  the  rioters 
were  slain. 

To  sedition  were  added  the  scourges  of  war,  pestilence,  and 
famine.  Under  the  visitation  of  these  desolating  agencies  the 
number  of  the  human  race  sensibly  diminished.  Some  of  the 
fairest  regions  of  the  earth,  depopulated  at  this  time,  have  re- 
mained almost  without  inhabitants  up  to  the  present  day.  The 
wars  in  Africa  against  the  Vandals,  and  the  tumults  arising 
from  religious  disputes,  wasted  the  population  of  that  region  ; 
the  Gothic  wars,  which  drew  their  slow  length  through  twenty 
years,  cost  Italy  millions  of  her  population  ;  the  Persian  wars 
resulted  in  frightful  losses  of  soldiers  and  of  the  inhabitants  of 
cities  ;  while  the  constant  incursions  of  the  outside  barbarians 
—  Turanians,  Slavs,  and  Teutons  —  kept  the  land  in  almost 
every  quarter  of  the  empire  wet  with  blood. 

The  hostile  agencies  of  nature  combined,  too,  with  the 
destructive  and  malignant  energies  of  man  himself,  and  seemed 
to  threaten  the  extermination  of  the  human  species.  Earth- 
quakes following  one  another  with  unparalleled  frequency  and 
violence,  rolled  beneath  cities  and  provinces,  and  carried  death 
and  dismay  everywhere.  Berytus  and  Antioch  on  the  Syrian 
coast  were  destroyed,  an  immense  number  of  persons  perishing 
in  the  overthrow  of  the  latter  city. 

Famine  prejjared  the  way  for  the  awful  pestilence  which, 
bred  probably  in  Egypt,  fell  upon  the  empire  in  the  year  542, 
and  did  not  wholly  cease  its  ravages  until  about  fifty  years 


82  MedicEval  History 

later.  This  plague  was  the  most  terrible  scourge  of  which 
history  has  any  knowledge,  save  perhaps  the  so-called  Black 
Death,  which  afflicted  Europe  in  the  fourteenth  century 
(par.  321).  It  is  believed  to  have  carried  off  one-third  of 
the  population  of  the  empire. 

The  last  increment  to  the  misery  and  wretchedness  of  the 
subjects  of  the  empire,  particularly  of  the  poor  peasantry,  was 
added  by  the  heavy  taxation  that  the  extravagant  expendi- 
tures of  the  emperor  made  necessary.  In  its  exhausting 
effects  upon  the  empire,  Justinian's  outwardly  brilliant  reign 
has  been  likened  to  that  of  Louis  XIV  of  France. 

68.  The  Reign  of  Heraclius  (a.d.  610-641).  —  For  half  a 
century  after  the  death  of  Justinian,  the  annals  of  the  Byzan- 
tine empire  are  unimportant.  Then  we  reach  the  reign  of 
Heraclius,  a  prince  about  whose  worthy  name  gather  matters 
of  significance  in  world-history. 

About  this  time  Chosroes  II,  king  of  Persia,  wrested  from 
the  empire  the  fortified  cities  that  guarded  the  Eu])hratean 
frontier,  and  overran  all  Syria,  Egypt,  and  Asia  Minor.  What 
was  known  as  the  True  Cross  was  torn  from  the  church  at 
Jerusalem  and  carried  off  in  triumph  to  Persia.  To  add  to 
the  gloom  and  distress  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  empire,  the 
Avars  were  desolating  its  Balkan  provinces  and  spreading 
their  ravages  to  the  very  gates  of  Byzantium. 

Thus  beset  on  every  side,  Heraclius  resolved  to  abandon 
Constantinople,  escape  to  Carthage,  and  make  that  city  the 
seat  of  the  imperial  government.^  His  ships  were  already 
packed  with  the  furniture  of  the  palace,  when  the  patriarch 

G  A  variety  of  motives,  doubtless,  led  Heraclius  to  this  determination,  just  as 
Constantine  was  influenced  by  many  considerations  when  he  transferred  the 
capital  from  the  Tiber  to  the  Bosporus.  The  imperial  government,  Roman  in 
its  spirit  and  tendencies,  was  in  antagonism  with  the  native  populations  of  the 
East.  It  was,  in  fact,  regarded  by  its  subjects  as  a  foreign  domination,  and  was 
in  no  sense  national.  By  removing  the  seat  of  government  to  Carthage,  which 
was  a  thoroughly  Roman  city,  Heraclius  might  hope  to  get  rid  of  the  Greek 
influence  that  surrounded  the  court  at  Constantinople,  and  to  strengthen  his 
administration  by  basing  it  on  a  loyal  Roman  population. 


TJie  Reign  of  Hcraclius  83 

of  Constantinople  interposed.  He  exhorted  the  disheartened 
emperor  never  to  despair  of  the  cause  of  the  empire  and  of  the 
Church,  and  by  entreaties  and  gentle  commands  led  him  to 
abandon  his  desperate  resolution,  and  to  take  a  solemn  oath 
that  he  would  never  remove  the  throne  from  the  spot  where 
Constantine  and  the  will  of  God  had  established  it. 

For  many  years  Heraclius  battled  heroically  with  the  assail- 
ants of  the  empire.  One  of  his  campaigns  deserves  a  place 
among  the  brilliant  military  exploits  of  history.  In  order  to 
compel  Chosroes,  whose  armies  were  distressing  the  Roman 
provinces,  to  call  his  soldiers  home,  Heraclius  conceived  the 
project  of  an  invasion  of  the  Persian  empire.  For  the  accom- 
plishment of  this  daring  undertaking, —  which  presents  a  strik- 
ing parallel  to  the  invasion  of  Africa  by  the  Roman  general 
Scipio  in  the  Second  Punic  War  in  order  to  compel  the 
Carthaginians  to  call  Hannibal  out  of  Italy  to  the  defense  of 
Carthage, — Heraclius  chose  a  company  of  only  five  thousand 
men,  with  whom  he  sailed  through  the  Black  Sea  to  the  port  of 
Trebizond  (a.d.  623).  Having  recruited  his  little  army  from 
among  the  hardy  mountaineers  of  Armenia,  he  pushed  on  into 
the  heart  of  Persia.  One  city  after  another  fell  into  his  hands  ; 
and  in  revenge  for  the  insults  heaped  by  the  infidels  upon  the 
Christian  churches,  the  altars  of  the  fire-worshipers  were  every- 
where overturned  and  the  fires  upon  them  quenched.  The- 
barmes,  the  place  held  sacred  by  tradition  as  the  birthplace  of 
Zoroaster,  was  laid  in  ruins,  in  special  revenge  for  the  desecra- 
tion of  the  holy  places  of  Jerusalem. 

Trembling  for  the  safety  of  his  throne,  Chosroes  hastily 
recalled  his  armies  from  the  remote  provinces  whither  their 
victorious  career  had  led  them,  and  as  they  arrived,  disposed 
them  in  such  a  manner  as  to  form  a  perfect  cordon  about  the 
little  army  of  the  brave  Heraclius.  But  the  Persian  armies 
were  as  powerless  now  to  withstand  the  valor  of  the  West 
as  they  were  ten  centuries  before.  Being  scattered  in  every 
direction,  they  sought  safety  behind  the  walls  of  their  cities. 


84  Mediceval  History 

After  besieging  and  capturing  one  of  these,  Heraclius  set 
out  on  his  return. 

This  daring  expedition  of  HeracUus,  although  it  doubtless 
saved  the  empire  from  immediate  dismemberment  and  inspired 
its  inhabitants  with  new  courage,  by  no  means  ended  the  war. 
The  Persians  now  made  a  counter  attack.  They  penetrated  to 
the  heart  of  the  Roman  empire,  and  laid  siege  to  Constanti- 
nople, in  which  enterprise  they  were  aided  by  the  united  hordes 
of  the  Avars  and  Slavs.  But  the  attempt  was  unsuccessful,  and 
they  were  obliged,  after  sustaining  heavy  losses,  to  abandon  the 
siege. 

The  exhausting  struggle  between  the  two  rival  empires  was 
at  last  decided  by  a  terrible  combat  known  as  the  battle  of 
Nineveh  (a.d.  627),  which  was  fought  upon  or  near  the  ruins 
of  the  old  Assyrian  capital.  The  Persian  army  was  almost 
annihilated. 

Chosroes  sought  safety  among  the  mountains  of  Susiana.  He 
soon  met  the  fate  almost  sure  to  overtake  an  unfortunate  mon- 
arch in  the  East.  One  of  his  sons  headed  a  revolt,  put  to 
death  eighteen  brothers  who  might  dispute  the  succession  with 
him,  and  cast  the  aged  Chosroes  into  prison.  In  a  few  days 
grief  or  violence  ended  his  life.  With  him  passed  away  the 
glory  of  the  Second  Persian  empire. 

The  new  king,  Siroes,  negotiated  a  treaty  of  peace  with 
Heraclius  (a.d.  628),  in  which  he  gave  up  all  the  conquests  of 
his  father,  surrendered  the  prisoners  and  standards  that  had 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Persians,  and  restored  the  "  True 
Cross,"  which  had  been  carried  off  by  Chosroes.  The  articles 
of  this  treaty  left  the  boundaries  of  the  tvvo  rival  powers 
unchanged.  Heraclius,  whose  rare  abilities,  desperate  daring, 
and  resolution  had  rescued  the  empire  and  Church  from  threat- 
ened destruction,  was  received  at  Constantinople  with  acclaim 
as  the  "  New  Scipio." 

69.  The  Approaching  Storm.  —The  two  combatants  in  the 
fierce  struggle  which  we  have  been  watching  were  too  much 


Services  of  the  Roman  Empire  in  the  East         85 

absorbed  in  their  contentions  to  notice  the  approach  of  a  storm 
from  the  deserts  of  Arabia,  —  a  storm  destined  to  overwhehn 
both  alike  in  its  destructive  course. 

Within  a  few  years  from  the  date  of  the  battle  of  Nineveh 
the  Saracens  entered  upon  their  surprising  career  of  conquest, 
which  in  a  short  time  completely  changed  the  face  of  the  entire 
East,  and  set  the  Crescent,  the  emblem  of  a  new  faith,  alike 
above  the  fire-altars  of  Persia  and  the  churches  of  the  empire. 
Only  a  few  years  elapsed  after  the  death  of  the  great  Chosroes, 
before  the  dominions  of  the  Persian  kings  were  overrun  by  the 
Arabian  conquerors ;  and  Heraclius  himself  lived  to  see  —  so 
cruel  are  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune  —  the  very  provinces  which 
he  had  wrested  from  the  hands  of  the  fire-worshipers  in  the 
possession  of  the  followers  of  Mohammed. 

But  these  seeming  misfortunes,  so  far  as  they  concerned 
the  Roman  empire,  were  really  blessings  in  disguise.  The 
empire  was  actually  strengthened  by  what  it  lost.  The  con- 
quests of  the  Saracens  cut  off  those  provinces  that  had  the 
smallest  Greek  element,  and  thus  rendered  the  population 
subject  to  the  emperor  more  homogeneous,  more  thoroughly 
Greek.  The  Roman  element  disappeared,  and  though  the 
government  still  retained  the  imperial  character  impressed 
upon  it  by  the  conquerors  of  the  world,  the  court  of  Constan- 
tinople became  Greek  in  tone,  spirit,  and  manners.  Hence, 
instead  of  longer  applying  to  the  empire  the  designation 
Roman,  many  writers  from  this  on  call  it  the  Greek  or 
Byzanti7ie  empire. 

70.  Services  rendered  European  Civilization  by  the  Roman 
Empire  in  the  East.''  —  The  later  Roman  empire  rendered  such 
eminent  services  to  the  European  world  that  it  justly  deserves 
an  important  place  in  universal  history.  First,  as  a  military 
outpost  it  held  the  Eastern  frontier  of  European  civilization 
for  a  thousand  years  against  Asiatic  barbarism.  The  historian 
Bury  would  have  us  think  of  Heraclius,  Leo  the  Isaurian,  and 

5"  Bury's  History  of  the  Later  Roman  E)np}re,  vol.  ii,  chap.  xiv. 


S6  MedicBval  History 

other  emperors  and  warriors  like  them,  as  "  the  successors  of 
Themistocles  and  Africanus." 

Second,  it  was  the  keeper  for  centuries  of  the  treasures 
of  ancient  civiHzation,  and  the  instructress  of  the  new 
Western  nations  in  law,  in  government  and  administration, 
in  literature,  in  painting,  in  architecture,  and  in  the  indus- 
trial arts.^ 

Third,  it  kept  alive  the  imperial  idea  and  principle,  and 
gave  this  fruitful  idea  and  this  moulding  principle  back  to  the 
West  in  the  time  of  Charles  the  Great.  Without  the  later 
Roman  empire  of  the  East  there  would  never  have  been  a 
Romano-German  empire  of  the  West  (par.  102). 

Fourth,  it  was  the  teacher  of  religion  and  civilization  to 
the  Slavic  races  of  Eastern  Europe.  Russia  forms  part  of 
the  civilized  world  to-day  by  virtue  of  what  she  received 
from  New  Rome. 

Sources  and  Source  Material.  —  The  Institutes  of  Justinian.  There 
are  many  English  translations  of  this  work  ;  that  by  Moyle  will  perhaps 
be  found  the  most  satisfactory. 

Secondary  or  Modern  Works.  —  Gibbon  (E.),  The  Decline  and  Fall 
of  the  Romati  Empire  (Bury's  ed.  recommended),  chaps,  xl-xliv,  on 
the  reign  of  Justinian.  Chap,  xliv  deals  with  Roman  jurisprudence. 
Oman  (C),  *  The  Story  of  the  Byzantine  Empire  (Story  of  the  Nations), 
chaps,  iv-xi ;  and,  by  the  same  author,  The  Dark  Ages,  chaps,  iii,  v,  vi, 
ix,  and  xii.  Hodgkin  {T.),* Italy  and  her  Invaders,  vol.  iv,  "The 
Imperial  Restoration."  Rawltnson  (Geo.),  The  Sevefith  Great  Ori- 
ental Monarchy,  chap.  xxiv.  Ency.  Brit.,  Art.  on  Justinian  by  James 
Bryce.  Bury  (J.  B.),  Ilistojy  of  the  Later  Roman  Empire,  2  vols. 
A  work  of  superior  scholarship.  Harrison  (F.),  Byzantine  History  in 
the  Early  Middle  Ages.  A  brilliant  lecture,  which  summarizes  the  results 
of  the  latest  studies  in  the  field  indicated.  Finlay  (G.),  History  of 
Greece  (ed.  by  Tozer),  vol.  i,  "  Greece  under  the  Romans." 

8  This  instruction  was  imparted  largely  througli  the  mediation  of  the  Italian 
cities,  and  particular!}'  of  Venice,  which  throughout  almost  all  the  mediaeval  time 
were  in  close  political  or  commercial  relations  with  Constantinople. 


CHAPTER   VI 
MOHAMMED   AND    THE   SARACENS 

71.  Origin  and  Character  of  the  Arabs. — The  Arabs,  who 
are  now  about  to  play  their  surprismg  part  in  history,  are,  after 
the  Hebrews  and  the  Phoenicians,  the  most  important  people  of 
the  Semitic  race.  Tradition  traces  their  descent  from  Ishmael, 
the  son  of  Abraham.  The  name  "  Saracen,"  applied  to  them, 
is  of  doubtful  origin,  but  seems  to  come  from  two  Arabic  words 
meaning  "  children  of  the  desert."  They  are  divided  into  two 
distinct  classes,  —  dwellers  in  towns  and  dwellers  in  tents.  It 
is  to  the  latter  class  alone  that  the  term  "  Bedawin  "  is  prop- 
erly applied.  These  nomad  Arabs,  who  comprise  probably 
about  one-fifth  of  the  population  of  Arabia,  have  never  been 
better  described  than  in  the  Bible  account  of  their  origin,  where 
Hagar,  while  comforted  with  the  promise  that  her  son  shall 
become  the  father  of  a  great  nation,  is  told  that  "  he  shall  be 
a  wild  man  and  his  hand  shall  be  against  every  man  and  every 
man's  hand  shall  be  against  him."  The  virtues  which  they 
prize  most  highly  are  hospitality,  generosity,  and  fidelity  to  the 
ties  of  kinship. 

Secure  in  their  inaccessible  deserts,  the  Arabs  have  never  as 
a  nation  bowed  their  necks  to  a  foreign  conqueror,  although 
portions  of  the  Arabian  peninsula  have  been  repeatedly  subju- 
gated by  different  invaders. 

72.  Religious  Condition  of  Arabia  before  Mohammed.  — 
The  religion  of  the  Arabs  before  the  reforms  of  Mohammed 
was  a  sort  of  mixture  of  fetichism  and  star-worship.  In  the 
minds  of  many  at  least  there  seems  to  have  been  a  dim  per- 
ception of  the  unity  of  God,  or  rather  of  a  Supreme  God. 

87 


88  MedicBval  History 

The  holy  city  of  Mecca  was  the  center  of  the  reUgious  Hfe 
of  all  the  Arabian  tribes.  Here  was  the  ancient  and  most 
revered  shrine  of  the  Kaaba,^  where  were  set  up  between  three 
and  four  hundred  idols.  Here  also  was  preserved  a  sacred 
black  stone  that  was  believed  to  have  been  given  by  an  angel 
to  Abraham.  To  this  Meccan  shrine  pilgrimages  were  made 
from  the  most  remote  parts  of  Arabia. 

But  though  a  debased  polytheism  was  the  prevailing  religion 
of  the  Arabian  tribes,  still  there  were  many  followers  of  other 
faiths ;  for  Arabia  at  this  time,  in  happy  and  reproving  contrast 
to  almost  every  other  country,  was  a  land  of  religious  freedom. 
Hence  religious  exiles  from  every  land  fled  hither  as  to  an 
asylum,  and  finding  here  a  toleration  that  they  sought  in  vain 
elsewhere,  freely  expounded  their  diverse  doctrines  in  different 
parts  of  the  peninsula.  The  altar  of  the  Persian  fire-worshiper 
rose  alongside  the  Jewish  synagogue  and  the  Christian  church. 
The  Jews  especially  were  to  be  found  in  many  districts  in  great 
numbers,  having  been  driven  from  Palestine  by  the  Roman 
persecutions.  From  them  the  Arab  teachers  had  been  made 
acquainted  with  the  doctrine  of  one  sole  God.  From  the 
numerous  Christian  converts  dwelling  among  them  they  had 
learned  something  of  the  doctrines  of  Christianity,  This  faith 
had  also  been  especially  forced  upon  their  attention  by  the 
strangely  austere  lives  of  the  Christian  anchorites  of  the  Syrian 
desert.  In  view  of  these  antecedents  of  the  religion  which 
Mohammed  gave  his  people,  his  creed  appears  to  some 
scholars,  as  for  instance  Emanuel  Deutsch,  to  be  essentially 
"  Judaism  as  adapted  to  Arabia,"  while  to  others  it  presents 
itself  as  an  heretical  or  modified  form  of  Christianity. 

About  the  time  to  which  we  have  now  brought  our  narrative 
there  was  much  religious  unrest  in  Arabia.  As  it  was  in  Judaea 
at  the  time  of  the  appearance  of  Christ,  so  was  it  now  in  this 
southern  land.     There  were  here   many  seekers  after  God,^ 

1  So  named  from  its  having  the  shape  of  a  cube. 

2  Reformers  called  Hanyfs,  or  Hanifs,  that  is,  "  Puritans." 


MoJuiDinicd  89 

men  who  had  become  dissatisfied  with  the  old  idolatry  and 
were  ready  to  embrace  a  purer  and  higher  faith. 

Such  was  the  religious  condition  of  the  tribes  of  Arabia 
about  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century  of  our  era,  when 
there  appeared  among  them  a  prophet  under  whose  teachings 
the  followers  of  all  the  idolatrous  worships  were  led  to  give 
assent  to  a  single  and  simple  creed,  and  were  animated  by  a 
fanatical  enthusiasm  that  drove  them  forth  from  their  deserts 
upon  a  career  of  conquest  which  could  not  be  stayed  until 
they  had  overrun  the  fairest  portions  of  the  Roman  and 
Persian  empires,  and  given  a  new  religion  to  a  large  part  of 
the  human  race. 

73.  Mohammed. — Mohammed,  the  great  prophet  of  the 
Arabs,  was  born  in  the  holy  city  of  Mecca,  probably  in  the  year 
570.  He  sprang  from  the  distinguished  tribe  of  the  Koreish, 
the  custodians  of  the  sacred  shrine  of  the  Kaaba.  At  the  age 
of  twelve  or  thirteen  he  is  said  to  have  visited,  in  company 
with  his  uncle,  the  bazaars  of  Damascus  and  other  Syrian 
towns,  and  thus  early  to  have  learned  something  of  the 
outside  world.  However  this  may  be,  it  is  certain  that  in 
his  early  years  he  was  a  shepherd  and  a  watcher  of  flocks  by 
night,  as  the  great  religious  teachers  Moses  and  David  had 
been  before  him.  Later  he  became  a  merchant  and  a  camel- 
driver.  Having  been  intrusted  with  the  management  of  the 
estate  of  a  certain  widow  named  Cadijah,  his  faithfulness,  in 
connection  with  the  graces  of  a  person  of  unusual  beauty  and 
the  fascinations  of  a  gifted  mind,  won  her  esteem  and  affection, 
and  she  became  his  wife. 

Mohammed  possessed  a  soul  that  was  early  and  deeply 
stirred  by  the  contemplation  of  those  themes  that  ever  attract 
the  religious  mind.  When  the  fast  of  Ramadan  approached, 
—  a  month  set  apart  for  humiliation  and  prayer,  —  he  was 
wont  to  withdraw  from  his  family  and  the  world,  to  a  cave  on 
Mount  Hira,  a  few  miles  from  Mecca,  and  there  spend  long 
vigils  in  religious  exercises  and  contemplation, 


90  MedicEval  History 

It  is  in  connection  with  these  visits  to  this  soUtary  chamber 
that  we  find  the  mystery  of  Mohammed's  Hfe.  He  declared 
that  there  he  had  visions  —  afterwards  repeated  elsewhere  — 
in  which  the  angel  Gabriel  appeared  to  him  and  made  to  him 
revelations  which  he  was  commanded  to  make  known  to  his 
fellow-men.  The  starting-point  of  the  new  faith  which  he 
was  to  teach  was  this  :  "  There  is  no  God  save  Allah,  and 
Mohammed  is  his  Prophet." 

Mohammed  communicated  the  nature  of  his  visions  to  his 
wife,  who,  while  not  doubting  the  reality  of  the  visitations, 
knew  not  whether  to  attribute  them  to  a  good  or  an  evil  spirit. 
Finally  she  became  convinced  that  the  visits  were  from  a  good 
angel,  acknowledged  the  divine  mission  of  her  husband,  and 
became  his  first  convert. 

For  a  long  time  Mohammed  now  endeavored  to  gain 
adherents  merely  by  persuasion ;  but  such  was  the  incredu- 
lity with  which  he  everywhere  met,  that  at  the  end  of  three 
years  his  disciples  numbered  only  forty  persons.  But  he  had 
gained .  two  staunch  friends  in  his  relatives,  Abu  Bekr  and  Ali, 
and  to  these  were  soon  added  a  third,  Omar  by  name,  all  of 
whom  were  destined  to  become  illustrious  champions  of  the 
new  faith. 

74.  The  Hegira  (622). — The  teachings  of  Mohammed  at 
last  aroused  the  anger  of  a  powerful  party  among  the  Koreish, 
who  feared  that  they,  as  the  guardians  of  the  national  idols  of 
the  Kaaba,  would  be  compromised  in  the  eyes  of  the  other 
tribes  by  allowing  such  heresy  to  be  openly  taught  by  one 
of  their  number,  and  accordingly  they  began  to  persecute 
Mohammed  and  his  followers. 

These  persecutions  led  to  the  flight  of  many  of  the  new 
converts  to  the  Christian  kingdom  of  Abyssinia  (615). 
Mohammed,  however,  remained  in  Mecca.  Plots  were  now 
formed  against  his  life,  and  he  resolved  to  flee  to  the  neigh- 
boring city  of  Medina.^     He   was   saved  from   assassination, 

3  Known  as  Yathreb  before  the  "  Flight." 


Mohammed  at  Medina  9 1 

while  attempting  to  escape,  by  the  devoted  Ali,  who,  wrapping 
himself  in  his  master's  mantle,  occupied  his  couch,  while 
Abu  Bekr  was  conducting  the  prophet,  under  cover  of  night, 
to  a  cave  a  short  distance  from  Mecca.  From  this  temporary- 
hiding  place  Mohammed  continued  his  flight  to  Medina. 

This  Ilegira,  or  "  flight,"  as  the  word  signifies,  occurred  in 
the  year  622,  and  was  considered  by  the  Moslems  as  such  an 
important  event  in  the  history  of  their  religion  that  they 
adopted  it  as  the  beginning  of  a  new  era. 

75.  Mohammed  at  Medina.  —  At  this  time  Medina  was 
merely  a  cluster  of  clan-villages  on  an  oasis  of  the  desert. 
Bitter  feuds  divided  the  clans,  and  the  community  was  in  a 
state  of  genuine  Arab  anarchy.  Mohammed  at  once  assumed 
the  functions  of  an  arbiter  and  lawgiver.  He  framed  for  the 
community  a  remarkable  charter  or  constitution,  which  united 
the  warring  clans  into  a  Httle  commonwealth,  —  the  nucleus  of 
the  great  Arabian  empire.  His  government  was  a  theocracy, 
like  that  of  ancient  Israel.  Mohammed  was  not  now,  as  while 
at  Mecca,  simply  a  prophet,  but  a  legislator,  judge,  and  king. 
It  is  only  by  bearing  in  mind  his  changed  position  that  we  shall 
understand  his  work  at  Medina  and  be  enabled  to  judge  it  justly. 

As  prophet,  Mohammed  continued  to  make  known  the 
revelations  that  came  to  him.  A  large  part  of  the  Koran,  but 
not  the  part  of  loftiest  religious  feeling,  was  given  at  Medina. 
In  the  httle  rude  mosque  which  he  had  caused  to  be  built  as  a 
place  of  devotion  and  assemblage,  the  apostle  preached  to  the 
people  and  led  them  in  the  service  of  prayer.  In  this  service 
he  made  an  innovation  of  the  greatest  significance.  At  first 
he  had  enjoined  upon  his  followers  in  praying  to  turn,  as  did 
the  Jews,  towards  Jerusalem,  but  faiUng  in  his  efforts  to  win 
over  this  people,  of  whom  there  was  a  large  number  settled  in 
the  suburbs  of  Medina,  and  to  persuade  them  to  recognize 
him  as  a  true  prophet,  he  broke  with  them,  and  commanded 
his  disciples  in  praying  to  turn  towards  Mecca.  This  meant 
that  the  attempt  to  effect  a  fusion  of  Judaism  and  Islam  had 


92  Mediceval  History 

failed,  and  that  Islam  was  to  run  its  course  as  a  distinct 
religion. 

As  lawgiver  and  judge,  Mohammed  decided  the  various 
cases,  civil  and  religious,  brought  to  him.  The  decisions  ren- 
dered by  him  and  the  precedents  he  set  form  the  chief  basis 
of  the  law  system  of  the  Moslem  world  to-day. 

As  chief  or  king,  Mohammed,  like  his  prototype  David, 
planned  and  led  border  raids  and  military  campaigns.  The  year 
after  the  Hegira  he  sent  out  an  expedition  to  intercept  a  caravan 
of  the  Koreish  and  to  make  it  a  prize.  This  was  in  strict 
accord  with  Arab  rule  and  custom,  for  the  Koreish  in  expelling 
Mohammed  from  Mecca  and  in  attempting  to  kill  him  had 
estabHshed  a  state  of  war  between  him  and  themselves.  This 
marauding  soon  led  to  a  pitched  battle,  the  so-called  battle 
of  Bedr  (624),  between  the  Meccans  and  the  followers  of 
Mohammed,  which  resulted  in  a  signal  victory  for  the  Mos- 
lems.    This  was  the  beginning  of  the  holy  wars  of  Islam.'* 

As  the  guardian  of  the  infant  state,  Mohammed  either 
expelled  or  caused  to  be  put  to  death  the  disturbers  of  its 
peace  and  security.  Chief  among  these  public  and  personal 
enemies  were  the  Jews.  Because  of  their  persistent  hostiHty 
towards  the  new  rehgion,  Mohammed  expelled  from  the 
country  two  of  the  three  Jewish  clans ;  the  third,  which  in 
a  critical  moment  had  proved  traitorous,  he  exterminated. 
All  the  men  to  the  number  of  eight  hundred  he  caused 
to  be  beheaded,  and  the  women  and  children  to  be  sold 
into  slavery. 

In  the  tenth  year  of  the  Hegira,  the  Meccans  having  violated 
a  truce  which  they  had  entered  into  with  the  new  state  at 
Medina,  Mohammed  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  ten  thousand 
Bedawin  marched  against  Mecca,  and  captured  the  city  almost 

4  Mohammed  about  this  time  gave  his  followers  the  following  revelation, 
which  had  great  influence  in  securing  for  early  Islam  its  remarkable  military 
successes :  "  And  those  who  are  slain  in  God's  cause,  their  works  shall  not  go 
wrong ;  He  *  *  *  will  make  them  enter  into  Paradise  whicli  he  has  told  them 
of."  —  The  Koran,  sura  xlvii,  5  (Palmer's  trans.). 


Mohani7ned  's  Embassies  to  Hcraclius  and  Chosroes     93 

without  a  blow.  The  prophet  dealt  most  magnanimously  with 
his  former  persecutors.  Only  a  very  few  were  proscribed.  It 
was  the  idols  alone  in  the  place  that  were  given  over  to 
destruction.  Entering  the  Kaaba,  Mohammed  exclaimed, 
"Truth  has  come  and  error  has  fled  away."  He  then  ordered 
that  all  the  idols  there  should  be  hewn  down. 

The  capture  of  Mecca  constitutes  a  great  landmark  in  the 
career  of  Islam.  The  Arabian  tribes  now  almost  unanimously 
turned  to  Mohammed  as  a  true  prophet.  During  the  year  follow- 
ing the  fall  of  Mecca  so  many  embassies  of  submission  came  to 
him  that  this  is  called  the  "Year  of  Deputations."  The  once 
rejected  prophet  had  become  the  spiritual  and  military  head  of 
the  innumerable  Arab  clans,  whom  the  intense  ardor  of  religious 
enthusiasm  had  welded  into  a  mighty  brotherhood  and  nation. 

There  is  nothing  outside  the  realm  of  miracles  more  wonder- 
ful than  this  quick  triumph  of  Islam  over  the  Arab  race  and  the 
change  wrought  in  them  by  the  force  of  a  great  conviction.^ 

In  the  founding  of  the  Moslem  empire,  Mohammed  with- 
out doubt  was  guilty  of  many  cruel  and  unjust  acts ;  but  it  is 
also  equally  certain  that  the  establishment  of  his  empire  was 
attended  by  less  injustice  and  cruelty  than  marks  the  establish- 
ment of  any  other  Asiatic  state  known  to  history  —  from  the 
Kingdom  of  Israel  in  Palestine  to  the  British  Empire  in  India. 

76.  Mohammed's  Embassies  to  Heraclius  and  Chosroes.  — 
Even  before  Arabia  had  become  entirely  obedient  to  his  creed, 
Mohammed  began  to  entertain  visions  of  a  universal  empire. 

Shortly  after  the  Hegira  he  sent  embassies  to  Heraclius,  the 
Eastern  emperor,  to  Chosroes  II  of  Persia,  and  to  other 
princes,  demanding  their  allegiance  to  him  as  the  Apostle  of 
the  only  God.  Heraclius  and  the  rulers  of  Egypt  and  Abys- 
sinia gave  the  ambassadors  a  courteous  hearing ;  but  Chosroes 
tore  in  pieces  the  letter  of  the  prophet.     When  Mohammed 

5  Without  doubt,  as  is  maintained  by  many,  the  Arab's  love  of  warfare  and 
hope  of  phmder  had  much  to  do  in  bringing  about  this  amazing  revolution  ;  but, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  later  crusading  movement  in  Christendom,  we  shall  not  be 
wrong  in  making  religious  feeling  its  chief  moving  principle. 


94  Mediaeval  History 

heard  of  the  act,  he  is  said  to  have  exclaimed  prophetically, 
"Thus  shall  God  rend  asunder  the  empire  of  Chosroes." 

77.  The  Death  of  the  Prophet.  —  Mohammed's  life  was  just 
sufficiently  prolonged  to  enable  him  to  set  the  Arabian  tribes 
on  their  marvelous  career  of  foreign  conquest.  Upon  the 
ground  of  an  insult  to  one  of  his  ambassadors  he  declared  war 
against  Heraclius,  and  wrested  from  the  empire  several  frontier 
cities.  These  were  the  only  conquests  made  beyond  the  limits 
of  the  peninsula  during  the  prophet's  lifetime. 

In  the  tenth  year  of  the  Hegira  Mohammed  made  a  farewell 
pilgrimage  to  Mecca.  He  there  spoke  to  a  vast  throng  of 
forty  thousand  pilgrims,  closing  what  he  felt  to  be  his  last 
public  address  with  these  words  :  "  O  Lord,  I  have  delivered 
my  message  and  fulfilled  my  mission."  A  few  months  later  he 
died,  and  was  buried  at  Medina,  and  his  tomb  there  is  to-day 
a  most  sacred  place  of  pilgrimage  for  the  Moslem  world. 

78.  The  Origin  of  the  Koran.  —  Before  going  on  to  trace 
the  conquests  of  the  successors  of  Mohammed,  we  must  try 
to  form  some  idea  of  the  religion  of  the  great  prophet. 

The  doctrines  of  Mohammedanism,  or  Islam,  which  means 
"  submission  to  God,"  are  contained  in  the  Koran,  which  is 
believed  by  the  orthodox  to  have  been  written  from  all  eter- 
nity on  tablets  in  heaven.  From  time  to  time  the  apostle 
recited^  to  his  disciples  portions  of  the  "  heav'enly  book"  as 
its  contents  were  revealed  to  him  in  his  dreams  and  visions. 
These  communications  were  held  in  the  "  breasts  of  men,"  or 
were  written  down  upon  bones,  pieces  of  pottery,  and  the  ribs 
of  palm  leaves.  Soon  after  the  death  of  the  prophet  these 
scraps  of  writing  were  religiously  collected,  supplemented  by 
tradition,  and  then  arranged  chiefly  according  to  length.  Thus 
came  into  existence  the  sacred  book  of  Islam. 

79.  The  Contents  of  the  Koran.  —  The  fundamental  doctrine 
of  the  creed  embodied  in   the   Koran  is  the  unity  of  Cxod  : 

6  Palmer  in  the  introduction  to  his  translation  of  the  Koran  says  that  it  is 
"  probable  Mohammed  could  neither  read  nor  write." 


The  Contents  of  the  Koran  95 

"There  is  no  God  save  Allah"  echoes  through  the  book.  To 
this  is  added  the  equally  binding  declaration  that  "  Mohammed 
is  the  Prophet  of  Allah." 

The  Koran  inculcates  four  cardinal  virtues.  The  first  of 
these  is  prayer  :  five  times  every  day  must  the  believer  turn 
his  face  towards  Mecca  and  engage  in  devotion.  The  second 
requirement  is  almsgiving.  The  third  is  keeping  the  fast  of 
Ramadan,  which  lasts  a  whole  month.  The  fourth  duty  is  mak- 
ing a  pilgrimage  to  Mecca.  Every  person  who  can  possibly 
do  so  is  required  to  make  this  journey. 

To  the  faithful  the  Koran  promises  a  heaven  filled  with 
every  sensual  delight,  with  flowers  and  fruits  and  bright-eyed 
houris  of  ravishing  beauty,  and  threatens  unbelievers  and  the 
doers  of  evil  with  the  torments  of  a  hell  filled  with  every 
horror  of  flame  and  demon.'' 

80.  The  Sunna.  — Islam  is  not  based  upon  the  Koran  alone. 
It  rests  in  part  upon  what  is  known  as  the  Sunna ,  that  is,  a 
great  body  of  traditions  of  the  prophet's  sayings,  —  those  not 
forming  a  part  of  the  sacred  book,  —  his  actions,  practices, 
and  decisions  handed  down  from  his  immediate  companions. 
The  first  collection  of  these  was  made  in  the  second  century 
after  Mohammed's  death.  These  traditions  are  regarded  by 
the  orthodox  Moslem  as  being  almost  as  sacred  and  authori- 
tative as  the  words  of  the  Koran  itself.  In  regard  to  its  sig- 
nificance for  the  development  of  Islam,  we  may  compare  the 
Sunna  to  the  body  of  traditions  handed  down  alongside  the 
Bible  in  the  Christian  Church,  and  which  has  so  greatly  influ- 
enced the  development  particularly  of  Catholic  Christianity. 

81.  Abu  Bekr,  First  Successor  of  Mohammed  (632-634). — 
Upon  the  death  of  Mohammed  a  dispute  at  once  arose  as  to 
his  successor  ;  for  the  prophet  left  behind  no  son,  nor  had  he 
designated  upon  whom  his  mantle  should  fall.  Abu  Bekr,  the 
apostle's  father-in-law,  was  at  last  chosen  to  the  position,  with 

''  For  descriptions  of  Paradise  and  Hell,  see  suras  xxii,  xliv,  Iv,  Ivi,  Ixxvii,  and 
Ixxxvii. 


96  Mediceval  History 

the  title  of  Caliph,  or  Successor  of  the  Prophet,  although  many 
claimed  that  the  place  belonged  to  Ali,  the  prophet's  cousin 
and  son-in-law,  and  one  of  his  first  and  most  faithful  com- 
panions. This  question  of  succession  was  destined  at  a  later 
period,  as  we  shall  see  (par.  87),  to  divide  the  Mohammedan 
world  into  two  factions,  animated  by  the  most  bitter  and  last- 
ing hostility  towards  each  other. 

During  the  first  part  of  his  calii^hate,  Abu  Bekr  was  engaged 
in  suppressing  revolts  in  different  parts  of  the  peninsula ;  for 
upon  the  death  of  Mohammed  many  of  the  tribes  broke  away 
from  the  tiresome  restrictions  which  the  prophet  had  put  upon 
them,  and  refused  to  pay  the  tribute  and  alms  that  he  had 
exacted.  Moreover,  several  impostors  appeared  and  set  them- 
selves up  as  prophets.  Most  prominent  among  these  was 
Moseilama,  who  succeeded  in  attracting  a  large  and  dangerous 
following.  But  Khalid,  the  general  of  Abu  Bekr,  defeated  the 
self-commissioned  apostle  and  slew  thousands  of  his  adherents. 
With  such  revengeful  swiftness  and  energy  did  Khalid  reduce 
to  subjection  the  seditious  tribes  that  he  gained  the  surname 
of  "  the  Sword  of  God." 

With  affairs  in  Arabia,  both  as  regards  rebels  and  rival 
prophets,  thus  composed,  Abu  Bekr  was  free  to  carry  out  the 
last  injunction  of  the  prophet  to  his  followers,  which  enjoined 
them  to  spread  his  doctrines  by  the  sword  till  all  men  had 
confessed  the  creed  of  Islam,  or  consented  to  pay  tribute  to 
the  faithful. 

82.  The  Conquest  of  Syria  and  Palestine  (634-637). — 
The  country  which  Abu  Bekr  resolved  first  to  reduce  was 
Syria.  A  call  addressed  to  all  the  faithful  throughout  Arabia 
was  responded  to  with  the  greatest  alacrity  and  enthusiasm. 
From  every  quarter  the  warriors  flocked  to  Medina,  until  the 
desert  about  the  city  was  literally  covered  with  their  black 
tents  and  crowded  with  men  and  horses  and  camels.  After 
invoking  the  blessing  of  God  upon  the  hosts,  Abu  Bekr  sent 
them  forward  upon  their  holy  mission. 


TJic  Conquest  of  Syria  and  Palestine  97 

The  warriors  of  the  caHph  were  successful  in  their  first 
engagement  in  Syria,  and  were  enabled  to  send  to  Medina  a 
large  amount  of  booty  as  the  first-fruits  of  their  crusade.  The 
sight  of  spoils  stirred  the  plundering  instincts  of  the  rovers  of 
the  desert,  and  soon  large  reinforcements  were  flocking  from 
all  parts  of  Arabia  to  the  army  in  Syria. 

The  emperor  HeracHus  made  a  brave  effort  to  defend  the 
holy  places  against  the  fanatical  warriors  of  the  desert,  but  all 
in  vain.  His  armies  were  cut  to  pieces.  Seeing  there  was 
no  hope  of  saving  Jerusalem,  he  removed  from  that  city  to 
Constantinople  the  "  True  Cross,"  which  he  had  rescued  from 
the  Persians  (par.  68).  "Farewell,  Syria,"  were  his  words 
as  he  turned  from  the  consecrated  land  which  he  saw  must 
be  given  up  to  the  enemies  of  his  faith. 

Damascus  soon  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Arabs  (634). 
The  same  day  that  saw  the  capture  of  this  city  witnessed  the 
death  of  Abu  Bekr.  In  dying  he  had  appointed  Omar  as  his 
successor.  When  Omar  was  informed  of  Abu  Bekr's  inten- 
tion, it  is  said  that  he  besought  him  to  change  his  choice,  as 
he  had  no  need  of  the  place.  "  But  the  place  has  need  of 
you,"  was  the  reply  of  Abu  Bekr ;  and  thus  Omar  became  the 
second  of  the  successors  of  the  prophet. 

The  change  in  the  caliphate  did  not  interrupt  the  opera- 
tions of  the  Syrian  army.  After  a  short  siege  Jerusalem  was 
surrendered  into  the  hands  of  the  Moslems  (637).  We  must 
notice  the  articles  of  capitulation,  for  the  terms  imposed  upon 
the  conquered  Christians  by  the  caliphs  were  always  the  same, 
and  having  examined  them  in  this  case,  there  will  be  no  occa- 
sion for  our  stopping  to  dwell  upon  the  different  negotiations 
that  now  follow  one  another  in  rapid  succession. 

Omar  himself  went  to  Jerusalem  to  receive  the  keys  of  the 
city,  and  to  arrange  the  terms  of  the  surrender.  These  were, 
that  the  Christians  should  not  erect  any  new  churches ;  that 
their  religious  houses  should  always  be  opened  to  Mussulman 
travelers,   whom   the  monks   must   entertain   as   guests   three 


98  Mediceval  History 

days ;  that  the  Christians  should  ahvays  stand  when  in  the 
presence  of  a  Moslem  \  that  they  should  not  wear  the  same 
kind  of  sandals  or  turbans  as  the  believers ;  that  they  should 
not  use  saddles  ;  that  they  should  not  employ  the  Arabic  lan- 
guage in  their  inscriptions ;  that  they  should  not  display  the 
Cross  ;  and  that  they  should  not  ring  the  bells  of  their  churches. 
Beside  these  there  were  various  other  though  less  important 
restrictions. 

After  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  the  cities  of  Antioch  and  Aleppo 
soon  yielded  to  the  Saracen  arms,  and  then  as  to  all  of  Syria 
the  command  of  the  prophet  had  been  fulfilled.  During  the 
following  few  years  the  Arabs  overran  the  greater  part  of  Asia 
Minor,  and  finally  pitched  their  tents  on  the  shores  of  the 
Black  Sea  and  of  the  Hellespont.  Fitting  out  vessels  in  the 
Syrian  ports,  they  made  descents  upon  the  Greek  cities  of 
the  ^gean.  It  was  in  one  of  these  raids  that  they  found 
the  prostrate  Colossus  of  Rhodes,  which  they  are  said  to 
have  sold  for  a  good  price  to  a  junk  dealer.  From  this 
time  on,  down  to  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century,  the 
pirate-ships  of  the  Moslems  were  harassing  almost  without 
intermission  one  or  another  of  the  Christian  shores  of  the 
Mediterranean  lands. 

83.  The  Conquest  of  Persia  (632-641). —While  Khalid, 
with  other  chieftains,  was  effecting  the  conquest  of  Syria, 
another  lieutenant  of  the  caliph,  Sad  by  name,  was  setting 
afoot  the  conquest  of  Persia.  Enervated  as  this  country  was  by 
luxury,  and  weakened  by  her  long  wars  with  the  Eastern 
emperors,  she  could  offer  but  feeble  resistance  to  the  terrible 
energy  of  the  Saracens.  In  a  few  years  the  authority  of  the 
Koran  was  established  throughout  the  country. 

Arabian  legend  declares  that  this  triumph  of  Islam  over 
the  religion  of  Zoroaster  was  foreshadowed  by  a  miracle  on 
the  night  that  Mohammed  was  born,  when  the  flames  upon  the 
altars  of  the  fire-worshipers,  which  had  been  kept  burning 
from  age  to  age,  were  suddenly  extinguished. 


Conquests  in  Central  Asia  99 

84.  Conquests  in  Central  Asia. — Under  the  successors  of 
Omar,  the  Arabs,  following  the  footsteps  of  Alexander,  crossed 
the  mountains  that  wall  Persia  on  the  north,  and  effected  the 
conquest  of  the  regions  watered  by  the  Oxus  and  the  Jaxartes. 
In  these  parts  Islam  came  in  contact  with  the  Tartar  races  of 
Central  Asia.  The  conversion  of  these  nomadic  tribes,  which 
took  place  under  various  circumstances  and  at  different  periods, 
was  a  matter  of  great  historical  significance,  for  it  was  their 
swords  that  were  destined  to  uphold  and  spread  the  creed  of 
Mohammed  when  the  fiery  zeal  of  his  own  countrymen  should 
abate,  and  their  arms  lose  the  dreaded  power  which  religious 
fanaticism  had  for  a  moment  imparted  to  them  (chap.  xv). 

85.  The  Conquest  of  Egypt  (640).  —  The  reduction  of 
Persia  was  not  yet  fully  accompHshed  when  Omar  commis- 
sioned Amru,  one  of  the  chiefs  whose  valor  had  won  for 
Islam  the  cities  of  Syria,  to  carry  the  standard  of  the  prophet 
into  the  valley  of  the  Nile. 

Egypt  was,  at  this  time,  one  of  the  most  populous  and 
highly  civilized  of  the  countries  under  the  rule  of  the  Eastern 
emperors.  Since  its  conquest  by  the  Romans  (30  B.C.),  it  had 
remamed  in  the  hands  of  the  Caesars  of  Rome  or  of  Constanti- 
nople, and  from  its  inexhaustible  granaries  were  loaded  the 
vast  fleets  of  grain  ships  that  supplied  the  markets  of  those 
imperial  cities.  It  was  now  defended  by  the  garrisons  of  Hera- 
clius,  and  was  further  protected  by  the  ancient  renown  of  the 
Pharaohs  and  the  Ptolemies,  visions  of  whose  glory  and  power 
still  filled  the  imagination  of  the  East.  Omar  himself,  even 
after  the  army  of  the  faithful  was  upon  its  march,  began  to 
fear  lest  zeal  had  passed  into  presumption  in  making  an  attack 
upon  so  powerful  a  state,  and  dispatched  messengers  after 
Amru,  bidding  him,  if  not  already  across  the  frontiers  of 
Egypt,  to  turn  back ;  but  if  within  the  country,  to  "  trust  God 
and  his  sword."  Amru,  surmising  the  contents  of  the  letter, 
—  which  had  reached  him  while  he  was  yet  in  Syria,  —  marched 
on  until  across  the  Egyptian  frontier,  then  opened  and  read  it 


I  oo  MedicBval  History 

to  his  soldiers.  All  declared  with  one  voice  that  Allah  had 
ordained  that  they  were  to  plant  the  standard  of  the  apostle 
upon  the  citadels  of  Egypt. 

Pelusium,  the  ancient  stronghold  which  from  the  times  of 
the  Pharaohs  had  defended  the  eastern  frontiers  of  the  country, 
was  captured  after  a  short  siege,  and  all  Egypt  then  lay  open 
to  the  march  of  the  Saracens.  Fortunately  for  their  bold 
undertaking,  the  Coptic  Christians,  the  descendants  of  the 
ancient  Egyptians,  constituting  probably  nine-tenths  of  the 
population,  had  been  alienated  from  the  court  of  Constanti- 
nople by  the  persecutions  they  had  endured  on  account  of 
their  departure  from  the  orthodox  creed  of  the  Church.  They 
therefore  hailed  as  deliverers  the  Arabs,  who  promised  to  per- 
mit them  to  retain  their  religion  upon  the  payment  of  tribute. 
This  they  were  quite  willing  to  do,  as  the  amount  they  would 
be  required  to  transmit  to  the  vicar  of  the  prophet  could  not 
in  any  event  be  larger  than  the  exactions  wrung  from  them  by 
the  officers  of  the  Eastern  emperor. 

The  imperial  forces  that  garrisoned  the  capital  Alexandria 
held  out  against  the  arms  of  the  Saracens  for  more  than  a 
year,  and  then  abandoned  the  city  to  the  enemy.  Amru, 
in  communicating  the  intelligence  of  the  important  event  to 
Omar,  told  him  also  about  the  famous  Alexandrian  Library, 
and  asked  what  he  should  do  with  the  books.  Omar  is  said  to 
have  replied,  "  If  these  books  agree  with  the  Koran,  they  are 
useless ;  if  they  disagree,  they  are  pernicious  :  in  either  case 
they  ought  to  be  destroyed."  Accordingly  the  books  were 
distributed  among  the  four  thousand  baths  of  the  capital,  and 
served  to  feed  their  fires  for  six  months.^ 

The  loss  of  Alexandria  was  regarded  at  Constantinople  as  an 
event  almost  as  calamitous  as  would  have  been  the  capture  of 

8  This  entire  story  is  regarded  by  many  critics  as  improbable  and  apocryphal. 
Gibbon  not  only  doubts  the  fact  of  the  destruction  of  the  books,  but  refuses  to 
lament  their  loss  if  destroyed.  It  is  probable  that  the  collection  was  partly 
burned  during  the  troubles  attending  JuUus  Caesar's  invasion  of  Egypt ;  and 
that  more  of  the  books  were  destroyed  by  the  early  Christians  themselves,  as 


TJie  Caliphs  Othman  and  AH  loi 

that  capital  itself.  The  emperor  Heraclius  was  so  affected  by 
the  intelligence  that  he  survived  the  disaster  only  a  few  days. 
But  there  was  still  sufficient  spirit  in  the  successors  to  the 
throne  of  Constantinople  to  prompt  them  to  put  forth  repeated 
efforts  for  the  recovery  of  the  lost  capital.  Three  times  did 
the  imperial  forces  obtain  possession  of  the  prize,  and  as  often 
were  they  expelled  by  the  Saracens,  who  at  last  destroyed  the 
fortifications  of  the  place,  to  prevent  another  occupation  by 
the  Romans. 

86.  The  Caliphs  Othman  and  Ali.  — Omar  fell  by  the  hand 
of  an  assassin  in  the  ninth  year  of  his  caliphate,  and  Othman 
(644-656)  was  chosen  as  his  successor.  He  at  once  set  him- 
self to  the  pious  work  of  carrying  still  further  from  Mecca  the 
standard  of  the  apostle  of  God.  But  dissensions  and  jealous- 
ies were  already  arising  among  the  followers  of  the  prophet, 
and  the  vigor  and  unity  of  effort  that  had  characterized  the 
caliphates  of  Abu  Bekr  and  Omar,  and  given  irresistible  might 
to  the  Moslem  arms,  were  no  longer  to  be  found  in  the  coun- 
cils of  Mecca.  Othman  soon  had  a  strong  party  arrayed 
against  him,  and  finally  he  was  assassinated  in  his  own  house, 
in  the  eighty-second  year  of  his  age  and  the  twelfth  of  his 
reign.  Ali  (656-661),  the  son-in-law  of  Mohammed,  —  he 
had  married  Fatima,  the  daughter  of  the  prophet,  —  was,  after 
some  delay,  chosen  or  rather  declared  caliph. 

87.  The  Establishment  of  the  Dynasty  of  the  Ommeiades 
(661).  —  The  quarrel  of  the  several  parties  at  last  broke  out 
in  civil  war.  Ali  w^as  scarcely  placed  in  the  caliphate  before 
he  was  forced  to  send  an  army  against  a  pretender,  Moawiyah 
by  name,  who  had  set  up  a  rival  court  at  Damascus,  and  whose 
claims  were  supported  by  the  able  and  ambitious  Amrou,  the 
conqueror  of  Egypt.     Three  men,  with  a  view  to  removing  the 

being  the  "  monuments  of  idolatry."  The  famous  dilemma  about  the  uselessness 
or  perniciousness  of  the  books  is  one  of  those  sayings  that  have  been  accorded  a 
various  parentage.  The  sentiment  mittafis  mutatidis  has  been  attributed  among 
others  to  Bishop  Theophilus  of  Alexandria,  who  lived  about  tlie  close  of  the 
fourth  century,  and  who  displayed  a  fanatical  liostility  to  everything  classical. 


1 02  Mediaeval  History 

causes  of  discord,  planned  the  assassination  of  AH,  Moawiyah, 
and  Amru.  The  last  two  escaped  the  fate  intended  for  them, 
but  AH  feH  a  victim  to  the  conspiracy  (66 1). 

AH  was  the  fourth  and  last  of  those  caHphs  who  were  rela- 
tives or  close  companions  of  Mohammed,  and  whose  acts  and 
decisions  for  that  reason  possess  an  authority  second  only  to 
that  of  the  words  and  practices  of  the  prophet  himself. 

Moawiyah  was  now  recognized  as  caliph.  He  succeeded  in 
making  the  office  hereditary  instead  of  elective  or  appointive, 
as  it  had  been  hitherto,  and  thus  established  what  is  known  as 
the  dynasty  of  the  Ommeiades,''  the  rulers  of  which  family  for 
nearly  a  century  (661-750)  issued  their  commands  from  the 
city  of  Damascus. 

In  securing  their  power  the  Ommeiades  had  caused  the 
murder  of  the  two  sons  of  AH,  —  Hassan  and  Hosain.  These 
youths  were  ever  regarded  as  martyrs  by  the  friends  of  the 
house  of  AH,  and  their  untimely  and  cruel  fate  serv'ed  to  render 
perpetual  the  feuds  whose  beginning  we  have  seen  (par.  81). 
Notwithstanding  all  the  mutations  of  sovereignties  and  races 
in  the  Mohammedan  world,  these  early  dissensions  have  been 
kept  alive,  and  still  divide  the  disciples  of  the  prophet  into 
two  factions  that  cherish  the  most  implacable  hatred  towards 
each  other. ^" 

88.  The  Conquest  of  Northern  Africa  (643-689).  —  But 
notwithstanding  these  feuds  and  divisions,  during  the  reigns  of 
Othman,  AH,  and  their  immediate  successors.  Northern  Africa 
was  subjugated  from  Egypt  to  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar.  The 
lieutenants  of  the  caliphs,  however,  were  obliged  to  do  much 
and  fierce  fighting  before  they  obtained   possession  of  these 

9  So  called  from  Omeyyah,  an  ancestor  of  Moawiyah. 

10  The  Mohammedans  of  Persia,  who  are  known  as  Shiahs,  are  the  leaders  of 
the  party  of  Ali,  while  the  Turks  and  Arabs,  known  as  Sunnites,  are  the  chief 
adherents  of  the  opposite  party.  These  latter  take  their  name  from  the  fact  that 
they  hold  the  Sunna  (par.  So)  as  sacred  and  authoritative.  The  Shiahs,  on  the 
other  hand,  reject  all  these  traditions  of  the  propliet  save  such  as  can  be  traced 
back  to  Ali  or  to  his  immediate  posterity. 


The  Conquest  of  Northern  Africa  103 

often  disputed  shores.  They  had  to  contend  not  only  with  the 
Grseco-Roman  Christians  of  the  coast,  but  to  battle  with  the 
idolatrous  Moors  of  the  interior.  Furthermore,  all  Europe 
had  begun  to  feel  alarm  at  the  threatening  progress  of  the 
Saracens,  and  to  view  with  apprehension  their  rapid  advance 
towards  the  west ;  so  now  Roman  soldiers  from  Constanti- 
nople and  Gothic  warriors  from  Italy  and  Spain  hastened  across 
the  sea  to  aid  in  the  protection  of  Carthage  and  to  help  arrest 
the  alarming  progress  of  these  enthusiasts  of  the  desert. 

But  all  was  of  no  avail.  Destiny  had  given  to  the  followers 
of  the  prophet  the  land  of  Hannibal  and  Augustine.  Akbar, 
Hassan,  and  other  valiant  chiefs  of  the  Moslems  turned 
repeated  defeat  into  ultimate  victory.  The  long  and  desper- 
ate struggle  was  illustrated,  as  were  all  the  campaigns  of  the 
Arabs,  by  surprising  exploits  of  valor  and  splendid  examples 
of  religious  zeal.  Even  before  Carthage  had  been  taken, 
Akbar,  regardless  of  the  fact  that  he  was  leaving  a  host  of 
enemies  in  his  rear,  led  his  followers  along  the  shore  to  the 
westernmost  limits  of  the  continent,  and  then,  urging  his  horse 
into  the  waters  of  the  Atlantic,  cried,  "  Great  God  !  if  my 
course  were  not  stopped  by  this  sea,  I  would  still  go  on  to  the 
unknown  kingdoms  of  the  West,  preaching  the  unity  of  thy 
holy  name,  and  putting  to  the  sword  the  rebellious  nations  who 
worship  any  other  gods  than  thee  "  (689). 

It  was  not  until  several  years  after  this  that  Carthage  fell 
finally  into  the  hands  of  the  Arabs.  Its  Roman  and  Gothic 
defenders  were  driven  to  their  ships,  the  city  was  burnt,  and 
every  vestige  of  the  capital  as  carefully  erased  as  it  had  been 
by  the  unrelenting  Romans  a  thousand  years  before.  Nothing 
save  a  few  hovels  has  since  marked  the  spot. 

The  half-Romanized  provincials  -of  the  coast,  —  such  as  the 
ravages  of  the  Vandalic  wars  and  the  swords  of  the  Moslems 
had  spared,  —  the  Moors  of  the  interior,  and  the  Saracens, 
gradually  melted  into  a  single  race  confessing  the  creed  and 
speaking  the  language  of  the  conquerors  ;  and  to-day  it  would 


1 04  MedicEval  History 

be  impossible  to  distinguish  the  swarthy  Arab  Moor  of  North- 
ern Africa  from  the  tawny  Bedawi  of  Syria  or  Arabia. 

By  this  conquest  all  the  countries  cf  North  Africa,  whose 
history  for  a  thousand  years  and  more  had  been  intertwined 
with  that  of  the  opposite  shores  of  Europe,  and  which  at  one 
time  seemed  destined  to  share  the  career  of  freedom  and 
progress  opening  to  the  people  of  that  continent,  were  drawn 
back  into  the  fataHsm,  the  despotism,  and  the  stagnation  of 
the  East.  From  being  an  extension  of  Europe  they  became 
once  more  a  mere  extension  of  Asia.  Henceforth,  until 
towards  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century,  we  shall  have 
occasion  to  notice  their  affairs  only  incidentally,  and  then 
only  as  the  piratical  tribes  of  the  degenerate  coast  shall  need 
to  be  chastised  by  the  Christian  sovereigns  of  Europe,  or  by 
the  government  of  the  Great  Republic  beyond  the  sea  invaded 
by  the  chieftain  Akbar. 

89.  Attacks  upon  Constantinople.  —  Within  fifty  years  from 
the  death  of  Mohammed  his  standard  had  been  carried  by  the 
lieutenants  of  his  successors  through  Asia  Minor  to  the  Helles- 
pont, on  the  one  side,  and  across  Africa  to  the  Straits  of 
Gibraltar,  on  the  other.  From  both  of  these  points,  so  remote 
•  from  each  other,  the  fanatic  warriors  of  the  desert  were  casting 
longing  glances  across  the  narrow  passages  of  water,  which 
alone  separated  them  from  the  single  continent  that  their 
swift  coursers  had  not  yet  traversed,  or  whence  the  spoils  of 
the  unbeHevers  had  not  yet  been  borne  to  the  feet  of  the  vicar 
of  the  prophet  of  God.  We  may  expect  to  see  the  Saracens 
at  one  or  both  of  these  points  attempt  the  invasion  of  Europe. 

The  first  attempt  was  made  in  the  East  (673),  where  the 
Arabs  endeavored  to  gain  control  of  the  Bosporus  by  wrest- 
ing Constantinople  from  the  hands  of  the  Eastern  emperors. 
After  incurring  heavy  losses,  they  abandoned  the  undertaking. 

In  717-718  the  city  was  again  invested  by  a  powerful  Sara- 
cen army  and  fleet ;  but  the  indomitable  spirit  of  the  emperor, 
Leo  the  Isaurian,  and  the  fortunate  possession  by  the  besieged 


GREATEST    EXTENT 

of  the 

SARACEN     DOMINIONS 

C.A.D.  750 


20      Longitude     25  East 


The  Conquest  of  Spain  105 

of  a  recently  invented  combustible  compound,  called  marine 
fire  (Greek  fire),  saved  the  capital  for  several  centuries  longer 
to  the  Christian  world. 

This  check  that  the  Saracens  received  before  Constantinople 
was  doubtless  next  in  importance  for  European  civilization  to 
the  check  given  their  conquering  hordes  a  little  later  in  France, 
at  the  great  battle  of  Tours. 

90.  The  Conquest  of  Spain  (711).  —  While  the  Moslems 
were  thus  being  repulsed  from  Europe  at  its  eastern  extremity, 
the  gates  of  the  continent  were  opened  to  them  by  treachery  ^^ 
at  the  western,  and  they  gained  a  foothold  in  Spain.  At  the 
great  battle  of  Xeres  (711),  Roderic,  the  last  of  the  Visigothic 
kings  (par.  17),  was  hopelessly  defeated,  and  all  the  penin- 
sula, save  some  mountainous  regions  in  the  northwest,  quickly 
submitted  to  the  invaders. 

What  the  Roman  legions  had  with  difficulty  effected  only 
after  two  hundred  years'  hard  fighting,  the  lieutenants  of  the 
caliphs  accompHshed  in  the  space  of  a  few  months.  By  this 
conquest  some  of  the  fairest  provinces  of  Spain  were  lost  to 
Christendom  for  a  period  of  eight  hundred  years  (par.  219). 

No  sooner  had  the  subjugation  of  the  country  been  effected 
than  multitudes  of  colonists  from  Arabia,  Syria,  and  North 
Africa  crowded  into  the  peninsula,  until  in  a  short  time  the 
provinces  of  Seville,  Cordova,  Toledo,  and  Granada  became  pre- 
dominantly Arabic  in  dress,  manners,  language,  and  religion. 

91.  Invasion  of  France;  Battle  of  Tours  (732).  —  Four  or 
five  years  after  the  conquest  of  Spain  the  Saracens  crossed  the 
Pyrenees  and  established  themselves  upon  the  plains  of  Gaul. 
This  advance  of  the  Moslem  hosts  beyond  the  northern  wall 
of  Spain  was  viewed  with  the  greatest  alarm  by  all  Christen- 
dom.    It  looked  as  though  the  followers  of  Mohammed  would 

n  Count  Julian,  a  Gothic  noble  who  had  been  intrusted  with  the  command  of 
the  important  fortress  of  Ceuta,  which  guarded  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  was  the 
Judas  who,  tradition  says,  in  revenge  for  some  real  or  fancied  wrong,  betrayed 
his  country  into  the  hands  of  the  Mohammedans. 


1 06  Mediceval  History 

soon  possess  all  the  continent.  As  Draper  pictures  it,  the 
Crescent,  lying  in  a  vast  semicircle  upon  the  northern  shore 
of  Africa  and  the  curving  coast  of  Asia,  with  one  horn  touch- 
ing the  Bosporus  and  the  other  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  seemed 
about  to  round  to  the  full  and  overspread  all  Europe. 

In  the  year  732,  exactly  one  hundred  years  after  the  death 
of  Mohammed,  the  Franks,  under  their  able  leader  Charles 
(par.  20),  and  their  allies  met  the  Moslems  upon  the  plains 
of  Tours  in  the  center  of  Gaul,  and  committed  to  the  issue  of 
a  single  battle  the  fate  of  Christendom  and  the  future  course 
of  history.  The  desperate  valor  displayed  by  the  warriors  of 
both  armies  was  worthy  of  the  prize  at  stake.  Abderrahman, 
the  Mohammedan  leader,  fell  in  the  thick  of  the  fight,  and 
night  saw  the  complete  discomfiture  of  the  Moslem  hordes. 
The  loss  that  the  sturdy  blows  of  the  Germans  had  inflicted 
upon  them  was  enormous,  the  accounts  of  that  age  swelling 
the  number  killed  to  the  impossible  figures  of  375,000.  The 
disaster,  at  all  events,  was  so  overwhelming  that  the  Saracens 
lost  hope  of  extending  their  conquests  farther  into  Gaul,  and 
gradually  withdrew  behind  the  Pyrenees. 

The  young  Christian  civilization  of  Western  Europe  was 
thus  delivered  from  an  appalling  danger,  such  as  had  not 
threatened  it  since  the  fearful  days  of  Attila  and  the  Huns. 

92.  Beginning  of  the  Dynasty  of  the  Abbassides  (750). — 
Only  eighteen  years  after  the  battle  of  Tours  an  important 
event  marked  the  internal  history  of  the  caliphate.  This  was 
the  overthrow  of  the  house  of  the  Ommeiades  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  that  of  the  Abbassides. 

We  have  already  seen  how  the  setting  up  of  the  Ommeiade 
throne  was  accompanied  by  the  proscription  and  murder  of 
the  sons  of  Ah,  the  rights  of  whose  family  were  maintained  by 
a  large  party  among  the  Moslems  (par.  87).  The  adherents 
of  this  house  were  especially  numerous  in  Persia,  and  it  was 
that  country  which  finally  became  the  center  of  a  revolt 
against   the   Ommeiades.      The    revolutionists   proclaimed    as 


The  Golden  Age  of  the  Caliphate  107 

caliph  Abdallah,  a  descendant  of  Abbas,  uncle  of  Mohammed. 
The  movement  was  successful;  the  Ommeiades  were  pro- 
scribed and  massacred,  and  Abdallah  became  the  founder  of 
the  celebrated  house  of  the  Abbassides,  so  called  from  the 
new  caUph's  progenitor. 

Refusing  to  reign  in  the  city  of  Damascus  because  of  its 
pollution  by  the  Ommeiade  usurpers,  the  new  family  soon 
after  coming  to  power  established  the  seat  of  the  royal  resi- 
dence on  the  lower  Tigris,  and  upon  the  banks  of  that  river 
founded  the  renowned  city  of  Bagdad  (762),  which  was  des- 
tined to  remain  the  abode  of  the  Abbasside  caliphs  for  a 
period  of  five  hundred  years,  —  until  the  subversion  of  the 
house  by  the  Tartars  of  the  North. 

93.  The  Golden  Age  of  the  Caliphate.  —  By  the  time  that  the 
foundations  of  Bagdad  w^ere  laid,  the  successors  of  Mohammed 
had  quite  forgotten  the  rude  simplicity  that  characterized  the 
court  of  Medina,  and  had  become  as  luxurious  in  habits  and 
tastes  as  the  effeminate  Greeks  and  Persians  whom  they  had 
subjugated.  Hence  the  new  capital  rose  splendid  as  an  Orien- 
tal dream.  Gorgeous  palaces,  splendid  mosques,  and  stately 
public  buildings  of  every  kind  told  of  the  influence  upon  the 
Arabs  of  the  arts  of  the  conquered  peoples. 

The  golden  age  of  the  caliphate  of  Bagdad  covered  the 
latter  part  of  the  eighth  and  the  ninth  century  of  our  era,  and 
was  illustrated  by  the  reigns  of  such  princes  as  Al-Mansur 
(754-775)  and  the  renowned  Harun-al-Raschid  (786-809). 
During  this  period  science  and  philosophy  and  literature  were 
most  assiduously  cultivated  by  the  Arabian  scholars,  and  the 
court  of  the  caliphs  presented  in  culture  and  luxury  a  striking 
contrast  to  the  rude  and  barbarous  courts  of  the  kings  and 
princes  of  Western  Christendom. 

94.  The  Dismemberment  of  the  Caliphate.  —  "  At  the  close 
of  the  first  century  of  the  Hegira,"  writes  Gibbon,  "the 
caliphs  were  the  most  potent  and  absolute  monarchs  of  the 
globe.    The  word  that  went  forth  from  the  palace  at  Damascus 


1 08  MedicEval  History 

was  obeyed  on  the  Indus,  on  the  Jaxartes,  and  on  the 
Tagus."  Scarcely  less  potent  was  the  word  that  at  first  went 
forth  from  Bagdad.  But  in  a  short  time  the  extended  empire 
of  the  Abbassides,  through  the  quarrels  of  sectaries  and  the 
ambitions  of  rival  aspirants  for  the  honors  of  the  caliphate, 
was  broken  in  fragments,  and  the  authority  of  the  rulers  of 
Bagdad  finally  reduced  to  the  merest  shadow. 

In  the  proscription  and  slaughter  of  the  unfortunate  family 
of  the  Ommeiades  two  or  three  members  of  the  house  had 
escaped.  One  of  these,  a  youth  by  the  name  of  Abderrahman, 
fled  to  Egypt,  and  thence  made  his  way  along  the  African 
coast  to  Spain,  where  he  was  received  with  acclamation  by 
the  Moslems,  who  declared  themselves  independent  of  the 
Abbassides,  and  proclaimed  the  fugitive  Emir  ^^  of  Cordova 
(755).     Thus  was  the  Mohammedan  world  rent  in  twain. 

Besides  the  parties  of  the  Ommeiades  and  the  Abbassides 
a  third  afterwards  arose,  which,  however,  never  acquired  the 
renown  of  either  of  the  other  two,  nor  maintained  itself  so 
long.  These  sectaries  were  the  Fatimites.  They  took  their 
name  from  Fatima  (the  daughter  of  Mohammed  and  wife  of 
Ali),  w^hose  descendants  were  held  by  them  to  be  the  rightful 
successors  to  the  authority  of  the  apostle.  Having  obtained 
a  foothold  in  Northern  Africa,  they  gradually  extended  their 
authority,  until  in  the  year  969  they  wrested  Egypt  from  the 
hands  of  the  Abbassides  of  Bagdad,  and  founded  Cairo,  upon 
the  Nile,  as  their  capital.  Palestine,  a  large  part  of  Syria, 
and  the  islands  of  Sardinia  and  Sicily  were  afterwards  added 
to  their  dominions. 

So  now  the  empire  of  the  Saracens  was  divided  into  three 
parts,  and  from  three  capitals  —  from  Bagdad  upon  the  Tigris, 
from  Cairo  upon  the  Nile,  and  from  Cordova  upon  the  Guadal- 
quivir —  were  issued  the  commands  of  three  rival  caUphs,  each 
of  whom  was  regarded  by  his  adherents  as  the  sole  rightful 

12  The  title  of  "caliph  "  was  not  assumed  by  the  Moslem  rulers  of  Spain  until 
the  time  of  Abderrahman  III  (912-961). 


Religion  and  Langnage  of  the  Arabs  109 

spiritual  and  civil  successor  of  the  apostle.  All,  however, 
held  the  great  Arabian  prophet  in  the  same  reverence,  all 
maintained  with  equal  zeal  the  sacred  character  of  the  Koran, 
and  all  prayed  with  their  faces  turned  toward  the  holy  city 
of  Mecca. 

95.  Spread  of  the  Religion  and  Language  of  the  Arabs.  — 
Just  as  the  Romans  Romanized  the  peoples  they  conquered, 
so  did  the  Saracens  Saracenize  the  populations  of  the  countries 
subjected  to  their  authority.  Over  a  large  part  of  Spain,  over 
North  Africa,  Egypt,  Syria,  Mesopotamia,  Babylonia,  Persia, 
Northern  India,  and  portions  of  Central  Asia,  were  spread  — 
to  the  more  or  less  perfect  exclusion  of  native  customs,  speech, 
and  worship — the  manners,  the  language,  and  the  religion  of 
the  Arabian  conquerors.^^ 

In  Arabia  no  religion  was  tolerated  save  the  faith  of  the 
Koran.  But  in  all  the  countries  beyond  the  limits  of  the 
peninsula,  freedom  of  worship  was  allowed  (save  to  idolaters, 
who  were  to  be  "rooted  out"),  yet  unbelievers  must  purchase 
this  liberty  by  the  payment  of  a  moderate  tribute.  Thus 
throughout  all  the  conquered  countries,  Christians,  Jews,  and 
Fire-worshipers  were  alike  granted  the  privilege  of  retaining 
the  faith  of  their  fathers.  In  some  cases  a  part  of  the 
churches  of  the  Christians  were  taken  away  from  them,  as 
the  legitimate  spoils  of  conquest,  and  converted  into  mosques. 

But  notwithstanding  the  toleration  granted  these  several 
faiths,  the  Christian  and  Zoroastrian  religions  —  but  not  the 
Jewish  —  gradually  died  out  almost  everywhere  throughout 
the  domains  of  the  caliphs.^"^  The  African  Church,  which 
had  given  birth  to  a  Cyprian  and  an  Augustine,  and  which 
for  centuries  preceding  the  Saracen  conquest  had  been  most 

13  Beyond  the  eastern  edge  of  Mesopotamia  the  Arabs  failed  to  impress  their 
language  upon  the  subjected  peoples,  or  in  any  way,  save  in  the  matter  of  creed, 
to  leave  upon  them  any  important  permanent  trace  of  their  conquests. 

14  Conversions  to  the  Moslem  faith  were  accelerated  by  that  policy  of  the 
conquerors  which  at  first  gave  a  pension  to  every  Moslem,  together  with  exemp- 
tion from  poll  and  land  taxes. 


1 1  o  Mediceval  History 

powerful  in  wealth,  learning,  and  followers,  gradually  fell 
away,  until  by  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century  there 
probably  was  not  a  single  church  upon  the  shores  of  Northern 
Africa. 

In  Spain,  in  the  provinces  of  Cordova,  Seville,  Valencia, 
and  Granada,  Islam  became  the  predominant  feith.  In  Syria 
and  Mesopotamia  the  Nestorian  and  Jacobite  churches  main- 
tained only  a  feeble  foothold.  In  Persia  the  fires  of  the  fire- 
worshipers,  after  languishing  for  several  centuries,  finally 
expired,  save  at  Yezd,  where  a  few  followers  of  the  old 
worship  still  fed  the  sacred  flames,  and  Islam  became  the 
prevalent  creed  throughout  the  ancient  home  of  the  fliith  of 
Zoroaster.^^  In  Northern  India  Mohammedanism  obtained  a 
strong  foothold,  which  it  has  retained  to  the  present  day, 
although  it  never  became  there  the  dominant  religion ;  while 
among  the  Tartar  tribes  about  the  Oxus  and  Jaxartes  the 
creed  of  the  prophet  was  embraced  to  the  virtual  exclusion  of 
all  ancient  forms  of  idolatry. 

96.  The  Civilization  of  Arabian  Islam. ^"^  —  The  Saracens 
were  co-heirs  of  antiquity  with  the  Germans.  The  Germans 
received  and  transmitted  to  later  times  particularly  the  literary, 
philosophical,  and  legal  treasures  of  the  Hebrew  and  Gr^eco- 
Roman  cultures,  while  the  Arabs  made  especially  their  own 
the  scientific  ^"  accumulations  of  the  ancient  civilizations  and 
bequeathed  them  to  Christian  Europe.  These  elements  of 
civilization  they  added  to  and  enriched,  and  in  several  of  the 

15  The  number  of  Guebers,  or  fire-worshipers,  in  Persia  at  the  present  time  is 
about  100,000,  found  for  the  most  part  at  Yezd  and  in  the  province  of  Kerman. 
A  larger  number  may  be  counted  in  Western  India,  the  descendants  of  the 
Guebers  who  fled  from  Persia  at  the  time  of  the  Arabian  invasion.  They  are 
there  called  Parsees,  from  the  land  whence  they  came.  After  the  English,  they 
are  the  most  enterprising,  intelligent,  and  influential  class  in  India  to-day. 
They  are  more  like  Europeans  than  any  other  Asiatic  people. 

16  Kremer's  Ciclturgcschicltte  des  Orients  ttnter  den  Chalifcn^  chaps,  vii 
and  ix. 

17^  Gibbon  affirms  that  no  Greek  poet,  orator,  or  historian  was  ever  translated 
into  Arabic.     See  Decline  and  Fall,  chap.  Hi. 


TJie  Civilization  of  Arabian  Islam  ill 

countries  of  which  they  took  possession,  especially  in  Baby- 
lonia and  in  Spain,  developed  a  civilization  which  in  some 
respects  far  surpassed  any  that  the  world  had  yet  seen. 

In  the  arrangements  of  their  court,  the  organization  of  their 
army,  and  the  administration  of  their  government  the  Arabs 
imitated  the  Persians  or  the  Byzantine  Greeks.  Their  govern- 
ment was  an  absolute  monarchy,  such  as  has  always  been  the 
favorite  form  of  government  among  Oriental  peoples.  Since 
in  the  Mohammedan  state  the  temporal  and  the  spiritual 
power  are  united  in  the  same  hands,  the  caliph  was  the  high 
priest,  the  judge,  and  the  ruler  of  the  nation.  The  most 
important  officer  beneath  the  caliph  was  the  vizier,  or  prime 
minister,  who,  when  the  caliph  chanced  to  be  weak  or  ineffi- 
cient, became  the  virtual  head  of  the  government  and  the  real 
source  of  patronage  and  power. 

The  Moslem  law  system,  the  basis  of  which  is  found  in  the 
Koran,  was  the  most  original  creation  of  the  Arab  mind. 
After  the  Roman  law,  it  is  probably  the  most  influential  and 
widely  obeyed  system  of  laws  and  regulations  that  any  race 
or  civilization  has  developed.  Since  the  system  embraces 
religious  as  well  as  civil  matters,  it  is  in  some  respects  like 
the  Mosaic  code,  from  which  it  liberally  borrowed.  It  deals 
with  all  kinds  of  subjects  and  relations,  ranging  from  prayer 
and  pilgrimages  to  contracts  and  inheritances. 

In  Arabia  and  in  all  the  countries  of  which  the  Arabs  had 
made  themselves  masters,  there  had  been  carried  on  from  time 
immemorial  the  chief  industrial  arts.  The  establishment  of 
the  wide  empire  of  the  caliphs  quickened  this  industrial  life, 
and  caused  all  these  arts  to  be  carried  to  a  state  of  perfection 
that  was  not  surpassed  until  the  great  industrial  inventions 
and  improvements  of  our  own  day. 

Commerce  and  trade  also  assumed  a  fresh  activity  and  a 
new  importance.  The  Arabs  in  Babylonia  and  in  Syria  be- 
came the  heirs  and  successors  of  the  ancient  Chaldaeans 
and  the  Phoenicians,  and  recreated  that  commercial  activity 


J 1 2  Mediceval  History 

of  the  earlier  time  that  nourished  the  great  cities  of  Babylon, 
Tyre,  and  Sidon.  As  in  the  Odyssey  of  Homer  we  have  a 
mirror  of  the  commercial  activity  and  the  adventurous  trade 
voyages  of  the  early  maritime  Greeks,  so  in  the  marvelous 
stories  of  Sifidbad  the  Sailor  we  have  a  like  mirror  of  the 
voyages  and  adventures  of  the  Arabian  sailors.     > 

The  great  intellectual  activity  that  characterized  the  earlier 
centuries  of  Arabian  Islam  resulted,  at  least  in  part,  from  the 
study  of  the  Koran,  just  as  in  the  Christian  West  the  intel- 
lectual life  of  the  mediaeval  ages  was  at  first  quickened  by 
the  study  of  the  Bible.  Thus  the  sciences  of  grammar,  rhetoric, 
lexicography,  theology,  and  jurisprudence  grew  up  out  of  the 
study  and  interpretation  of  the  words  of  the  sacred  ~^book. 

Alongside  these  studies,  historical  and  biographical  writings 
naturally  took  an  important  place.  The  need  of  preserving  in 
their  original  form  the  sayings  of  Mohammed  and  the  tradi- 
tions of  his  life,  as  well  as  the  desire  to  transmit  to  posterity 
the  story  of  the  wonderful  conquests  and  exploits  of  the 
founders  of  the  Arabian  empire,  inspired  and  encouraged  the 
writing  of  biography  and  history.  In  both  fields  the  early  cen- 
turies of  Arabian  Islam  produced  many  illustrious  names. 

In  the  lighter  forms  of  literature  —  romance  and  poetry  — 
the  Arabs  produced  much  that  possesses  a  high  degree  of 
excellence.  In  the  field  of  romance  they  followed  the  Persian 
story-tellers.  The  inimitable  tales  of  the  Arabian  Nights' 
Entertainments ,  besides  being  a  valuable  commentary  on 
Arabian  life  and  manners  at  the  time  of  the  culmination  of 
Oriental  culture  at  the  court  of  Bagdad,  forms  also  an  addition 
to  the  imperishable  portion  of  the  literature  of  the  world. 
The  poetry  of  the  Arabs  was  wholly  original.  It  was  the 
natural  and  beautiful  expression  of  the  Arabian  genius  and 
temperament. 

The  physical  sciences  were  also  pursued  by  the  Arabian 
scholars  with  great  eagerness  and  with  considerable  success. 
Geography  was   forced   upon   their    attention    by   their  wide 


The  Civilization  of  Arabian  Islam  113 

conquests  and  their  extended  trade  relations.  From  the  Greeks 
and  the  Hindus  they  received  the  germs  of  astronomy,  geom- 
etry, arithmetic,  algebra,  medicine,  botany,  and  other  sciences. 
The  scientific  writings  .of  Aristotle,  Euclid,  and  Galen,  and 
Hindu  treatises  on  astronomy  and  algebra  were  translated 
from  the  Greek  and  Sanskrit  into  Arabic  and  formed  the  basis 
of  the  Arabian  studies  and  investigations.  Almost  all  of  the 
sciences  that  thus  came  into  their  hands  were  improved  and 
enriched  by  them,  and  then  transmitted  to  European  scholars. ^^ 
They  made  medicine  for  the  first  time  a  true  science.  They 
devised  what  is  known  from  them  as  the  Arabic  or  decimal 
system  of  notation, ^^  and  gave  to  Europe  this  indispensable 
instrument  of  all  scientific  investigations  dependent  upon 
mathematical  calculations.  In  chemistry  they  never  advanced 
beyond  alchemy,  but  in  their  experiments  as  alchemists  they 
discovered  the  existence  and  nature  of  several  of  the  chemical 
elements  and  thus  laid  the  basis  of  modern  chemistry.  Their 
astronomical  knowledge  is  indicated  by  their  successful  meas- 
urement of  a  degree  of  a  great  circle  of  the  earth,  and  their 
calculation  of  the  obliquity  of  the  ecliptic  and  the  precession 
of  the  equinoxes. 

All  this  literary  and  scientific  activity  naturally  found  expres- 
sion in  the  establishment  of  schools,  universities,  and  libraries. 
In  all  the  great  cities  of  the  Arabian  empire,  as  at  Bagdad, 
Cairo,  and  Cordova,  centuries  before  Europe  could  boast  any- 
thing beyond  cathedral  or  monastic  schools,  great  universities 
were  drawing  together  vast  crowds  of  eager  young  Moslems 

18  What  Europe  received  in  science  from  Arabian  sources  is  kept  in  remem- 
brance by  such  words  as  alchemy^  alcohol,  alembic,  algebra,  alkali,  abiianac, 
azimtith,  chemistry,  elixir,  zenith,  and  nadir.  To  how  great  an  extent  the 
chief  Arabian  cities  became  the  manufacturing  centers  of  the  mediseval  world 
is  indicated  by  the  names  which  these  places  have  given  to  various  textile 
fabrics  and  other  articles.  Thus  miislijt  comes  from  Mosul,  on  the  Tigris, 
daviask  from  Damascus,  and  gauze  from  Gaza.  Damascus  and  Toledo  blades 
tell  of  the  proficiency  of  the  Arab  workmen  in  metallurgy. 

19  The  figures  or  numerals,  with  the  exception  of  the  zero  symbol,  employed 
in  their  system,  they  seem  to  have  borrowed  from  India. 


114  Mediceval  History 

and  creating  an  atmosphere  of  learning  and  refinement.  The 
famous  university  at  Cairo,  which  has  at  the  present  day  an 
attendance  of  several  thousand  students,  is  a  survival  from 
the  great  days  of  Arabian  Islam. 

In  the  erection  of  mosques  and  other  public  edifices  the 
Arab  architects  developed  a  new  and  striking  style  of  archi- 
tecture, —  one  of  the  most  beautiful  specimens  of  which  is 
preserved  to  us  in  the  palace  of  the  Moorish  kings  at  Granada, 
—  a  style  which  has  given  to  modern  builders  some  of  their 
finest  models  and  most  fruitful  motives. 

97.  The  Evil  and  the  Good  in  Islam. — The  first-fruits  of 
Islam  might  well  lead  one  to  regard  it  as  a  faith  conducive 
to  civilization  ;  but  in  many  of  its  teachings  and  inherited 
institutions  it  is  a  system  unfavorable  to  individual  develop- 
ment and  social  progress. 

In  opposition  to  Christianity,  Islam  tolerates  polygamy  -" 
and  places  no  restraint  upon  divorce,^^  thus  destroying  the 
sacredness  of  family  life.  It  also  gives  a  religious  sanction  to 
the  institutions  of  the  harem  and  the  zenana,  thereby  creating 
a  vitiated  atmosphere  for  Moslem  children  and  depriving  all 
classes  alike  of  the  elevating  and  refining  influences  of  true 
social  intercourse. 

Further,  Islam  in  authorizing  the  faithful  to  make  slaves  of 
their  captives  in  holy  wars,  legalizes  slavery  ;  Mohammedan 
countries  are  the  main  strongholds  of  slavery  at  the  present 
time.  It  also  fosters  religious  intolerance ;  the  Moslem  is 
forbidden  by  his  religion  to  grant  equality  to  unbelievers. 
Again,  it  unites  in  the  same  hands  both  religious  and  civil 
authority  and  thereby  creates  despotism. 

Still  another  most  serious  defect  of  Islam  is  found  in  the 
immutable  character  of  its  system  of  laws.     All  the  enactments 


2"  The  Koran  (sura  iv,  3)  allows  the  believer  to  take  "  two,  or  three,  or  four 
wives,  and  not  more."  By  a  special  dispensation  (sura  xxxiii,  49)  Mohammed 
was  allowed  to  take  a  larger,  and  seemingly  indefinite,  number.  At  one  time  the 
prophet  had  ten  wives.  21  Sura  ii,  229,  230. 


The  Evil  and  the  Good  in  Islain  115 

and  judicial  decisions  of  Mohammed  and  of  the  first  four 
caliphs  are  regarded  as  binding,  at  least  in  spirit,  for  all  time. 
Since  the  system,  as  we  have  learned  (par.  96),  covers  the 
civil  as  well  as  the  religious  sphere,  Mohammedan  law  has 
been  prevented  from  adapting  itself  to  the  changing  needs  of 
society.  This  is  doubtless  one  cause  of  the  unprogressive 
character  of  Mohammedan  society  as  contrasted  with  the 
progressive  civilization  of  the  Western  races,  who  were  the 
fortunate  inheritors  of  the  admirable  secular,  and  therefore 
flexible,  system  of  the  Roman  law. 

Islam,  however,  inculcates  some  inspiring  truths  and  recom- 
mends some  great  virtues.  Like  Christianity  it  teaches  the 
unity  of  God,  immortality,  and  retributive  rewards  and  pun- 
ishments after  death.  These  doctrines  render  it  immeasur- 
ably superior  to  fetichism  or  to  polytheism,  and  have  made  it 
a  great  force  for  the  uplift  of  multitudes  of  idolatrous  tribes  in 
Asia  and  Africa. 

Among  the  leading  virtues  inculcated  by  Islam  is  that  of 
temperance.  The  Koran  forbids  positively  to  the  believer  the 
use  of  wine  and  inferentially  of  all  strong  drinks.^"  To  this 
prohibition  is  attributable  the  fact  that  drunkenness  is  less 
common  and  open  in  Mohammedan  than  in  Christian  lands. 

Finally,  in  forming  our  estimate  of  Islam  we  should  care- 
fully bear  in  mind  that  the  religion  as  held  and  practiced  by 
the  different  Mohammedan  races  to-day,  particularly  by  the 
Ottoman  Turks,  is  a  very  degenerate  form  of  the  Islamic  faith 
when  compared  with  that  held  and  practiced  by  the  Arabs, 
the  people  among  whom  it  first  arose.  Mohammedanism, 
like  Christianity,  was  at  its  best  in  what  we  may  call  its 
Apostolic  Age. 

Sources  and  Source  Material.  —  The  Koran.  The  translation  by 
Palmer,  in  "Sacred  Books  of  the  East"  series,  is  the  best.  That  by 
Sale  is  now  antiquated.  The  translation  in  meter  by  Rodwell  conveys 
some  idea  of  the  literary  merits  of  the  original.     This  version  is  also 

22  Sura  V,  92. 


1 1 6  Mediceval  History 

valuable  on  account  of  the  chronological  arrangement  of  the  suras,  or 
chapters.  The  Koran,  like  the  Bible  for  Christianity,  is  our  chief  source 
for  a  knowledge  of  Islam  as  a  religion.  The  Speeches  and  Table-  Talk 
of  the  Prophet  Mohammed  (chosen  and  translated  by  Stanley  Lane- 
Poole).  The  Bible,  Ezekiel,  chap,  xxvii;  for  a  striking  picture  of  the 
old  Oriental  trade  and  caravan  routes  in  which  the  Arabians  were 
largely  interested.  The  Arabian  Nights''  Entertaint?ienis  (translated  by 
Edward  Forster;  revised  ed..  New  York,  1895).  For  the  breath  and 
aroma  of  the  Orient.  European  History  Studies  (Univ.  of  Nebraska), 
vol.  ii,  No.  3,  "  Selections  from  the  Koran." 

Secondary  or  Modern  Works.  —  Muir  (W.),  The  Cordn  :  Its  Compo- 
sition and  Teachings  ;  The  Life  of  MohaiJimed,  4  vols.  (3d  ed.  in  i  vol.) ; 
Aftnals  of  the  Early  Caliphate  ;  and  The  Rise  and  Decline  of  Islam. 
All  these  works  are  based  on  the  original  sources ;  they  are,  however, 
written  in  an  unfriendly  and  unsympathetic  spirit.  Smith  (R.  B.), 
^Mohammed  and  Mohammedanism.  Written  in  an  attractive  style. 
Has  a  short  bibliography.  Deutsch  (E.),  Literary  Remains.  Contains 
the  important  essay  entitled  "  Islam."  This  same  essay  also  forms  an 
appendix  to  the  preceding  work  by  Smith.  Sprenger  (A.),  The  Life 
of  Mohammed  {A\\2ih.2ihdi6.,  1851).  Irving  ( W.),  ^Mahomet  and  his  Stuces- 
sors  (numerous  editions).  Gibbon  (E.),  Decline  and  Fall,  chaps.  1-lii. 
Still  valuable.  Carlyle  (T.),  *Heroes  and  Hero-  Worship,  lect.  ii,  "  The 
Hero  as  Prophet."  Bracing  reading.  Stanley  (A.  P.),  History  of  the 
Eastern  Church.  Read  lecture  entitled  "  Mohammedanism  in  its  Rela- 
tions to  the  Eastern  Church."  .Schaff  (P.),  History  of  the  Christian 
Church,  vol.  iv,  chap,  iii,  pp.  143-202,  "Mohammedanism  in  its  Rela- 
tions to  Christianity."  Freeman  (E.  A.),  *  History  and  Conquests  of  the 
Saracens  (2d  ed.,  London,  1876).  A  rapid  sketch  by  a  master.  Oilman 
(A.),  The  Saracens  from  the  Earliest  Times  to  the  Fall  of  Bagdad 
(Story  of  the  Nations).  Contains  a  list  of  over  two  hundred  books 
bearing  on  the  subject,  with  short  appreciations  of  the  most  important 
works.  Syed  Ameer  Ali,  The  Spirit  of  Islatn  :  or  the  Life  and  Teach- 
ings  of  Mohammed  (2d  ed.,  London,  1896).  By  a  Mohammedan  bar- 
rister-at-law.  The  writer  maintains  that  Islam,  as  is  insisted  upon  by 
Christians  for  Christianity,  should  be  judged  by  its  spirit,  and  not  by 
the  practice  of  its  professors.  Also  the  same  author's  Short  History  of 
the  Saracens.  Poole  (S.  L.),  Studies  in  a  Mosque.  Smith  (H.  P.),  The 
Bible  in  Islam,  chap,  x,  "  Church  and  State  " ;  for  Mohammed's  position 
at  Medina.  The  articles  by  Wellhausen,  Noldeke,  and  Guyard,  under 
the  word  Mohammedanism  in  the  Encyc.  Brit.,  have  a  very  special  value. 
MiLMAN  (H.  H.),  History  of  Latin  Christianity,  vol.  ii,  bk.  iv,  chaps,  i 
and  ii. 


CHAPTER   VII 

CHARLES    THE   GREAT    AND   THE   RESTORATION    OF    THE 
EMPIRE   IN   THE   WEST 

98.  General  Remarks.  —  In  the  foregoing  chapter  we  traced 
the  rise  and  decline  of  the  power  of  the  Saracens.  We  saw 
the  Semitic  East  roused  for  a  moment  to  a  Hfe  of  tremendous 
energy  by  the  miracle  of  religious  enthusiasm,  and  then  b^eld 
it  sinking  rapidly  again  into  inaction  and  weakness,  disap- 
pointing all  its  early  promises.  Manifestly  the  Law  is  not  to 
go  forth  from  Mecca.  The  Semitic  race  is  not  to  lead  the 
civilization  of  the  world. 

But  returning  again  to  the  West,  we  discover  among  the 
Teutonic  barbarians  indications  of  such  youthful  energy  and 
life,  that  we  are  at  once  persuaded  that  to  them  have  been 
given  the  future  time  and  the  world.  The  Franks,  who,  with 
the  aid  of  their  confederates,  withstood  the  advance  of  the 
Saracens  upon  the  field  of  Tours,  and  saved  Europe  from  sub- 
jection to  the  Koran  (par.  91),  are  the  people  that  first  attract 
our  attention.  Among  them  it  is  that  a  man  appears  who 
makes  the  first  notable  attempt,  after  that  of  Theodoric  the 
Ostrogoth,  to  restore  peace  and  order  in  society  and  reestab- 
Hsh  civilization.  Charlemagne,  or  Charles  the  Great,  their  king, 
is  the  imposing  figure  that  moves  amidst  all  the  events  of  the 
time  ;  indeed,  is  the  one  who  makes  the  events,  and  renders 
the  period  in  which  he  lived  an  epoch  in  universal  history. 

The  story  of  this  era  affords  the  key  to  very  much  of  the 
subsequent  history  of  Western  Europe.  The  mere  enumera- 
tion of  the  events  which  are  to  claim  our  attention  will  illus- 
trate the  important  and  germinal  character  of  the  period.     We 

117 


1 1 8  Mediceval  History 

shall  tell  how  the  mayors  of  the  palace  of  the  Merovingian 
princes  became  the  actual  kings  of  the  Franks  •  how,  through 
the  help  of  the  Frankish  kings,  the  popes  laid  the  founda- 
tions of  their  temporal  sovereignty ;  and  how  Charles  the 
Great  became  the  head  of  the  restored  empire  in  the  West, 
and  throughout  its  extended  limits  laid  the  basis  of  modern 
civilization. 

As  we  have  already  pointed  out  (par.  28),  it  was  the  early 
and  fortunate  alliance  entered  into  by  the  kings  of  the  Franks 
with  the  Catholic  Church  that  was  one  main  cause  of  their 
marvelous  good  fortune  and  of  their  final  ascendency  in 
Western  Europe. 

9^.  How  Duke  Pippin  became  King  of  the  Franks  (751). — 
Charles  Martel,  whom  we  have  already  met  on  the  memorable 
field  of  Tours  (par.  20),  although  the  most  prominent  per- 
sonage of  his  time,  was,  as  we  have  learned,  nominally  only 
an  officer  of  the  Frankish  court.  With  the  title  of  Mayor  of 
the  Palace,  he  administered  the  government  in  the  name  of  a 
series  of  weak  Merovingian  sovereigns,  whom  he  set  up  one 
after  another,  leaving  long  gaps  between  their  nominal  reigns. 
It  would  have  been  easy,  we  should  suppose,  for  the  powerful 
duke  to  have  taken  into  his  own  hands  the  supreme  power, 
but,  constrained  probably  by  motives  of  policy,  he  never 
assumed   the  title  of  king. 

But  Charles's  son,  Pippin,^  aspired  to  the  royal  title  and 
honors.  The  way  in  which  he  set  about  to  secure  the  prize 
illustrates  at  once  the  reverence  in  which  the  kingly  name 
was  held,  and  the  influence  of  the  Church  in  these  barbarous 
times.  In  concurrence  with  the  nobles  of  the  realm,  Pippin 
sent  to  Pope  Zacharias  at  Rome  ambassadors  who  represented 
things  to  him  in  such  a  way  as  to  imply  that  it  was  the  wish  of 
the  Franks  that  the  Merovingian  king  should  be  deposed,  and 
that  the  duke,  whose  own  deeds,  together  with  those  of  his 

1  Two  sons  of  Charles  Martel,  Carloman  and  Pippin,  succeeded  to  his  author- 
ity ;  but  Carloman  soon  resigned  his  office  and  became  a  monk. 


Basis  of  tJic  Temporal  Power  of  the  Popes       119 

illustrious  father,  had  done  so  much  for  the  Frankish  nation 
and  for  Christendom,  and  who  wielded  all  the  power  of  roy- 
alty, should  be  invested  with  the  symbols  and  titles  of  the 
kingly  office. 

Zacharias,  anxious  to  make'  Pippin  his  friend,  since  he 
needed  help  against  the  Lombards,  gave  implied  approval  to 
the  proposed  scheme  by  replying  that  it  seemed  altogether 
reasonable  that  the  one  who  was  king  in  power  should  be 
king  also  in  name.  This  was  sufficient.  Childeric  —  such 
was  the  name  of  the  Merovingian  king  — -  was  straightway 
deposed ;  his  long  hair  and  beard,  the  symbol  of  Merovingian 
royalty,  were  cut  off ;  and  then  he  was  placed  in  a  monastery. 
Behind  the  walls  of  the  cloister  the  last  of  the  long-haired 
kings  of  the  Franks  is  lost  to  history.  Pippin,  in  the  name  of 
the  pope,  was  anointed  by  the  missionary  bishop  Boniface  as 
king  of  the  Franks  (751).  In  this  way  he  became  the  founder 
of  a  new  royal  race,  known  as  the  Carolingian  from  his 
illustrious  son,  Charles  the  Great. 

The  part  taken  by  the  pope  in  this  important  matter  of  the 
deposition  of  the  Merovingian  king,  and  the  exalting  of  the 
dukes  of  Austrasia  to  the  royal  dignity,  was  afterwards  magni- 
fied and  made  a  precedent  which  subsequent  bishops  of  Rome 
quoted  with  effect  when  endeavoring  to  establish  their  claim 
to  the  right  of  deposing  for  heresy  or  misrule  the  temporal 
princes  of  the  earth. 

100.  Pippin  helps  to  establish  the  Temporal  Pov/er  of  the 
Popes  (756).  —  Pippin  had  inherited  the  talent  and  ambition 
of  his  father,  and  during  his  vigorous  reign  (751-768)  widened 
the  boundaries  of  the  Frankish  realm  and  raised  the  aspir- 
ing Carolingian  house  to  still  higher  distinction.  The  most 
important  transactions  of  his  reign  are  connected  with  the 
affairs  of  Italy  and  the  papacy. 

In  the  year  753  Pope  Stephen  II,  who  was  troubled  by  the 
king  of  the  Lombards  (Aistulf),  made  a  long  and  dangerous 
journey  to  the  court  of  Pippin,  and  besought  his  aid  against 


I20  Medi(Eval  History 

the  barbarian.  Pippin,  quick  to  return  the  favor  which  the 
head  of  the  Church  had  rendered  him  in  the  securing  of  his 
crown,  straightway  interposed  in  behalf  of  the  pope.  His 
appearance  with  an  army  in  Italy  caused  the  king  of  the  Lom- 
bards to  promise  to  return  to  the  pope  "  all  that  was  due 
him  "  ;  but  Pippin  had  hardly  reached  home  again  before  the 
treacherous  Lombard,  instead  of  restoring  to  the  Roman  see 
what  he  had  taken  from  it,  was  besieging  Rome.  A  second  time 
Pippin,  stirred  by  urgent  letters  from  the  pope,  crossed  the  Alps 
with  his  army,  expelled  the  Lombards  from  their  recent  con- 
quests, and  made  a  donation  to  the  pope  of  the  regained  lands  ^ 
(756).  As  a  symbol  of  the  gift  he  laid  the  keys  of  Ravenna, 
Rimini,  and  of  many  other  cities  on  the  tomb  of  Saint  Peter. 

This  endowment  may  be  regarded  as  having  practically  laid 
the  basis  of  the  temporal  sovereignty  of  the  popes ;  for 
although  Pope  Stephen  may  have  already  resolved  to  cast  off 
allegiance  to  the  Eastern  emperor  and  set  up  an  independent 
Church  state,'"^  still  it  is  not  probable  that  he  could  have 
carried  out  successfully  such  an  enterprise  had  he  not  been 
aided  in  his  project  by  the  Frankish  king. 

The  entrance  of  the  Roman  bishops  among  the  secular 
princes  of  the  peninsula  had  most  disastrous  consequences 
for  Italy.  It  caused  them  to  become  the  determined  foes  of 
an  Italian  monarchy,  since  they  foresaw  that  the  fonnation  of 
a  united  Italy  meant  the  loss  of  their  temporal  power  —  the 
actual  outcome  of  the  unification  of  Italy  in  our  own  day. 

lOi.  Accession  of  Charles  the  Great;  his  Wars. — Pippin 
died  in  the  year  768,  and  his  kingdom  passed  into  the  hands 
of  his  two  sons,  Carloman  and  Charles,  the  latter  being  better 
known    by    the    name    he    achieved    of    "  Charlemagne,"    or 

2  These  lands  thus  donated  to  the  pope  embraced  lands  that  the  Lombard 
king  had  wrested  from  the  exarchate  as  well  as  from  the  pope.  The  sovereignty 
of  all  these  belonged  nominally  to  the  emperor  at  Constantinople.  His  claims 
were  ignored  by  Pippin. 

8  See  W.  Sickel,  Kirchenstaat  unci  Karoliiiger,  in  the  Hisiorische  Zeitschrift 
for  1900  (Bd.  84,  pp.  385-409). 


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Accession  of  Charles  the  Great ;  his   Wars        1 2 1 

Charles  the  Great.  Three  years  after  the  accession  of  the 
brothers,  Carloman  died,  and  Charles  took  possession  of  his 
dominions. 

Charles's  long  reign  of  nearly  half  a  century  —  he  ruled 
forty-six  years  —  was  filled  with  military  expeditions  and 
conquests,  by  which  he  so  extended  the  boundaries  of  his 
dominions  that  at  his  death  they  embraced  the  larger  part  of 
Western  Europe.  He  made  fifty-two  military  campaigns,  the 
chief  of  which  were  against  the  Lombards,  the  Saracens,  the 
Saxons,  and  the  Avars.     Of  these  we  shall  speak  briefly. 

Among  the  first  undertakings  of  Charles  was  a  campaign 
against  the  Lombards,  whose  king,  Desiderius,  a  bitter  enemy 
of  the  Frankish  monarch,  had  given  an  asylum  to  the  widow 
of  Carloman,  and  had  asked  Pope  Adrian  to  anoint  her  infant 
son  as  the  successor  of  his  father.  The  \)0\)q  refusing  to  com- 
ply with  his  request,  Desiderius  threatened  to  seize  his  terri- 
tory, and  was  proceeding  to  carry  out  his  threat,  when  Adrian 
appealed  for  aid  to  his  friend  Charles.  The  king  at  once 
marched  into  Italy,  wrested  from  Desiderius  all  his  possessions, 
shut  up  the  unfortunate  king  in  a  monastery,  and  placed  on 
his  own  head  the  famous  iron  crown  of  the  Lombards  (par.  21). 
A\'hile  in  Italy  he  visited  Rome,  and  in  return  for  the  favor  of 
the  pope,  confirmed  the  donation  of  his  father,  Pippin  (774). 

In  the  year  778  Charles  gathered  his  warriors  for  a  crusade 
against  the  Mohammedan  Moors  in  Spain.  He  crossed  the 
Pyrenees  and  succeeded  in  winning  from  the  Moslems  all 
the  northeastern  corner  of  the  peninsula.  These  lands  thus 
regained  for  Christendom  he  made  a  part  of  his  empire,  under 
the  title  of  the  Spanish  March.  As  Charles  was  leading  his 
victorious  bands  back  across  the  Pyrenees,  the  rear  of  his 
army,  while  hemmed  in  by  the  walls  of  the  Pass  of  Ronces- 
valles,  was  set  upon  by  the  wild  mountaineers  (the  Gascons) 
and  cut  to  pieces  before  he  could  give  relief  Of  the  details 
of  this  event  no  authentic  account  has  been  preserved ;  but 
long  afterwards,  associated  with  the  fabulous  deeds  of  the  hero 


122  MedicEval  History 

Roland,  it  formed  a  favorite  theme  of  the  tales  and  songs  of 
the  Trouveurs  of  Northern  France  (par.  350). 

But  by  far  the  greater  number  of  the  campaigns  of  Charles 
were  directed  against  the  pagan  Saxons,  who  almost  alone  of 
the  German  tribes  still  retained  their  ancient  paganism. 
The  Saxons  were  fighting  not  only  for  their  homes  but 
for  their  religion ;  for  the  establishment  of  Christianity 
among  them  was  one  of  Charles's  objects  in  attempting  their 
subjugation. 

Reduced  to  submission  again  and  again,  as  often  did  they 
rise  in  desperate  revolt.  The  heroic  Witikind  was  the  "second 
Arminius "  who  encouraged  his  countrymen  to  resist  to  the 
last  the  intruders  upon  their  soil.  Finally  Charles,  angered 
beyond  measure  by  the  obstinacy  of  the  barbarians  in  refus- 
ing to  accept  him  as  their  sovereign  and  Christianity  as 
their  religion,  caused  forty-five  hundred  prisoners  in  his  hands 
to  be  beheaded  in  revenge  for  the  contumacy  of  the  nation.* 
Witikind  at  last  yielded,  threw  himself  upon  the  mercy  of 
Charles,  was  kindly  treated,  received  the  sacrament  of  bap- 
tism, and,  if  we  may  believe  tradition,  ended  his  life  in  a 
monastery.  Many  of  his  countrymen  fled  across  the  sea  to 
Scandinavia,  and  their  descendants  —  such  is  the  retribution 
in  events  —  helped  to  man  the  ships  of  the  Vikings,  the 
commencement  of  whose  depredations  on  his  subjects  Charles 
himself,  according  to  tradition,  lived  to  lament  (par.  125). 

To  the  east  and  the  southeast,  behind  the  German  tribes 
which  Charles  had  reduced  to  obedience,  were  heathen  Slavs 
and  Tartars.  Among  the  latter  were  the  Avars,  a  race  ter- 
rible as  the  Huns  of  Attila,  and  an  offshoot  seemingly  of 
the  same  stock.  These  savage  folk,  now  established  in  the 
ancient  Pannonia,  were  distressing  the  Bavarians,  subjects  of 
Charles. 

4  The  so-called  massacre  of  Verden  (782).  The  attempt  of  the  German 
scholar  Ulmann  to  prove  the  transmitted  account  of  this  massacre  to  be  unhis- 
torical  cannot  be  regarded  as  successful. 


Restoration  of  the  Empire  in  the  West  123 

In  a  series  of  campaigns  (790-805)  Charles  broke  their 
power,  destroyed  their  so-called  "Great  Ring,"  a  sort  of  royal 
camp  and  stronghold,  —  securing  here  enormous  spoils  which 
the  barbarians  had  collected  in  their  various  marauding  expe- 
ditions, —  and  reduced  the  race  to  a  tributary  condition. 
This  subjugation  of  the  Avars  was  one  of  the  greatest  ser- 
vices that  Charles  rendered  the  young  Christian  civilization  of 
Europe.  For  three  centuries  they  had  been  the  scourge  of  all 
their  neighbors. 

102.  Restoration  of  the  Empire  in  the  West  (800).  —  An 
event  of  seemingly  Httle  real  moment,  yet,  in  its  influence  upon 
succeeding  affairs,  of  the  very  greatest  importance,  now  claims 
our  attention.  Pope  Leo  III  having  called  upon  Charles 
for  aid  against  a  hostile  faction  at  Rome,  the  king  soon  ap- 
peared in  person  at  the  capital,  and  punished  summarily  the 
disturbers  of  the  peace  of  the  Church.  The  gratitude  of  Leo 
led  him  at  this  time  to  make  a  most  signal  return  for  the  many 
services  of  the  Frankish  king.  To  understand  his  act  a  word 
of  explanation  is  needed. 

For  a  considerable  time  a  variety  of  circumstances  had  been 
fostering  a  growing  feeling  of  enmity  between  the  Italians  and 
the  emperors  at  Constantinople.  Disputes  had  arisen  between 
the  Church  of  the  East  and  that  of  the  West,  and  the  Byzan- 
tine rulers  had  endeavored  to  compel  the  Latin  Church  to 
introduce  certain  changes  and  reforms  in  its  worship,  —  which 
thing  had  aroused  the  most  determined  opposition  of  the 
Roman  bishops.  They  denounced  the  Eastern  emperors  as 
schismatics  and  heretics,  and  upbraided  them  with  having 
allowed  the  Christian  lands  of  the  East,  while  they  were  pre- 
occupied in  a  wicked  persecution  of  the  orthodox  Church  of 
the  AVest,  to  fall  a  prey  to  the  Arabian  infidels. 

Just  at  this  time,  moreover,  by  the  crime  of  the  Empress 
Irene,  who  had  deposed  her  son  Constantine  VI,  and  put  out 
his  eyes,  that  she  might  have  his  place,  the  Byzantine  throne 
was  vacant,  in  the  estimation  of  the  Italians,  who  contended 


1 24  Mediceval  History 

that  the  crown  of  the  Caesars  could  not  be  worn  by  a  woman. 
In  view  of  these  circumstances  it  was  natural  that  Pope  Leo 
and  those  about  him  should  have  conceived  the  purpose  of 
taking  away  from  the  heretical  and  effeminate  Greeks  the 
imperial  crown,  and  bestowing  it  upon  some  strong  and  ortho- 
dox and  worthy  prince  in  the  West. 

Now,  among  all  the  Teutonic  chiefs  of  Western  Christendom, 
there  was  none  who  could  dispute  in  claims  to  the  honor  with 
the  king  of  the  Franks,  the  representative  of  a  most  illustrious 
house,  and  the  strongest  champion  of  the  young  Christianity 
of  the  West  against  her  pagan  foes.  Accordingly,  as  Charles 
was  participating  in  the  solemnities  of  Christmas  Day  in  the 
Church  of  Saint  Peter  at  Rome,  the  pope  approached  the 
kneeHng  king,  and  placing  a  crown  of  gold  upon  his  head,  pro- 
claimed him  Emperor  and  Augustus^  (800). 

The  intention  of  Pope  Leo  was,  by  a  sort  of  reversal  of  the 
act  of  Constantine  the  Great,  to  bring  back  from  the  East  the 
seat  of  the  imperial  court ;  but  what  he  really  accomplished 
was  a  restoration  of  the  line  of  emperors  in  the  West,  which 
324  years  before  had  been  ended  by  Odovacar,  when  he  de- 
throned Romulus  Augustulus  and  sent  the  royal  vestments  to 
Constantinople.  We  say  this  was  what  he  actually  effected ; 
for  the  Greeks  of  the  East,  disregarding  wholly  what  the 
Roman  people  and  the  pope  had  done,  maintained  their  line 
of  emperors  just  as  though  nothing  had  occurred  in  Italy.  So 
now  from  this  time  on  for  centuriss  there  were,  most  of  the 

5  Einhard  says  that  Charles  was  not  aware  of  the  intention  of  the  pope,  and 
that  had  he  been,  he  would  not  have  gone  into  Saint  Peter's  that  day.  Until 
recently  this  has  generally  been  interpreted  as  simply  meaning  that  Charles  was 
averse  to  having  the  imperial  crown  bestowed  in  just  the  way  it  was,  it  having 
been  assumed  that  he  really  desired  the  title  of  Emperor,  but  would  perhaps 
have  preferred  to  place  the  crown  on  his  head  with  his  own  hands,  as  Napoleon 
did  a  thousand  years  later,  and  thus  not  seem  to  be  beholden  to  any  one  for  it. 
But  many  scholars  are  now  inclined  to  the  opinion  that  Einhard's  words  mean 
precisely  what  they  say,  and  that  Charles  did  not  desire  the  titles  of  Emperor 
and  Augustus.  In  the  view  of  these  scholars  the  restoration  of  the  empire  was 
actually  the  work  of  the  pope  and  his  party. 


CJiarles  the  Great  as  a  Ruler  125 

time,  two  emperors,  one  in  the  East  and  another  in  the  West, 
each  claiming  to  be  the  rightful  successor  of  Caesar  Augustus, 
and  each  upon  occasion  denouncing  the  other  as  a  pretender 
and  an  impostor.^ 

The  domains  over  which  Charles  ruled  with  imperial  author- 
ity were  quite  as  ample  as  those  embraced  within  the  most 
extended  limits  of  the  old  Roman  empire  in  the  West.  Africa 
and  almost  all  of  Spain  were,  indeed,  in  the  hands  of  the  Sara- 
cens, and  Britain  was  held  by  the  Saxons ;  but  almost  all  of 
Italy,  modern  France,  the  Netherlands,  Switzerland,  Germany, 
and  much  of  what  is  now  Austria-Hungary  obeyed  his  com- 
mands, and  their  numerous  and  varied  tribes  and  peoples 
swore  fealty  to  him   as  emperor. 

103.  Charles  the  Great  as  a  Ruler.  —  Charles  the  Great  must 
not  be  regarded  as  a  warrior  merely.  His  most  noteworthy 
work  was  that  which  he  effected  as  a  legislator  and  administra- 
tor. In  this  field,  too,  were  exhibited  the  finer  qualities  of  his 
masterful  personality.  In  building  up  his  great  empire  Charles 
practiced  much  cruelty  and  unrighteousness,  but  over  this 
empire,  once  established,  he  ruled  with  the  constant  solicitude 
of  a  father. 

6  From  this  time  on  it  will  be  proper  for  us  to  use  the  terms  Western  empire 
and  Eastern  empire.  These  names  should  not,  however,  be  employed  before 
this  time,  for  the  two  parts  of  the  old  Roman  empire  were  simply  administrative 
divisions  of  a  single  empire ;  but  we  may  properly  enough  speak  of  the  Roman 
empire  in  the  West,  and  the  Roman  empire  in  the  East,  or  of  the  Western  and 
Eastern  emperors.  What  it  is  very  essential  to  note  is,  that  the  restoration  of 
the  line  of  the  Western  emperors  actually  destroyed  the  unity  of  the  old  empire, 
so  that  from  this  time  on  until  the  destruction  of  the  Eastern  empire  in  1453, 
there  were,  as  we  have  said  in  the  text,  two  rival  emperors,  each  in  theory  having 
rightful  suzerainty  of  the  whole  world,  whereas  the  two  emperors  in  Roman 
times  were  the  co-rulers  of  a  single  and  indivisible  World-Empire.  See  Bryce's 
The  Holy  Roman  Empire. 

The  line  of  Western  Teutonic  emperors  was  maintained  until  the  nineteenth 
century,  when  it  was  ended  by  the  act  of  Napoleon  in  the  dismemberment  of  Ger- 
many (in  1806).  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  as  this  Western  empire  came  to  be 
called,  played  a  most  important  part,  as  we  shall  see,  in  the  affairs  of  mediaeval 
Europe.  It  was,  indeed,  scarcely  more  than  a  name  ;  but  then  there  is  often  very 
much  in  a  name. 


1 26  Medi(Eval  History 

For  the  purposes  of  government,  Charles,  following  the 
model  afforded  by  the  lands  of  the  old  Merovingian  kingdom, 
laid  off  his  vast  dominions  into  administrative  districts,  known 
as  counties,  at  the  head  of  each  of  which  was  placed  a  gov- 
ernor bearing  the  title  of  Count.  It  is  important  that  we 
should  notice  carefully  this  governmental  system,  for  embedded 
in  it  lay  the  germs  of  Feudalism  (par.  144). 

Among  the  characteristic  institutions  of  the  empire  was  the 
Diet,  or  General  Assembly,  a  survival  manifestly  of  the  old 
Teutonic  folk-moot  (par.  10).  This  body  held  a  meeting 
every  year  in  the  spring.'  At  these  gatherings  there  took 
place  merely  an  interchange  of  views  between  Charles  and 
the  assembled  freemen  of  the  realm ;  for  the  Diet  was  not  a 
legislative  body.  Its  functions  were  confined  to  giving  the 
emperor  advice  and  information.  Its  relation  to  Charles  is 
well  shown  by  the  words  with  which  he  is  represented  as 
having  once  addressed  one  of  its  meetings  :  "  Counsel  me," 
he  said,  "that  I  may  know  what  to  do." 

In  connection  with  the  General  Assembly  we  should  notice 
the  celebrated  Capitularies  of  Charles.  These  were  not  laws 
proper,  but  collections  of  decrees,  decisions,  and  instructions 
covering  matters  of  every  kind,  civil  and  religious,  public  and 
domestic.  Some  of  them  were  drawn  up  with  the  concur- 
rence of  the  Diet ;  a  greater  number  embodied  simply 
Charles's  o^vn  ideas  of  what  his  chiefs  or  his  subjects  needed 
in  the  way  of  advice,  suggestion,  or  command. 

Another  noteworthy  feature  of  the  government  of  Charles 
was  the  itinerant  commissioners  {i?iissi  do7nimd)  whose  duty 
it  was  to  visit  at  stated  intervals  all  parts  of  a  given  circuit, 
observe  how  the  local  magistrates  were  discharging  their 
several  duties,  correct  what  was  wTong,  and  report  to  the 
emperor  all  matters  of  which  he  should  be  informed.  This 
was  an   admirable  device    for   putting  the   head   of   the   vast 

'  In  the  autumn  there  gathered  a  second  smaller  assembly,  or  council,  which 
was  composed  solely  of  the  magnates  of  the  empire  and  the  chief  royal  advisers. 


Chaises  the  Great  as  a  Ruler  127 

empire  in  close  and  almost  jDersonal  touch  with  all  its  parts 
near  and  remote. 

Charles,  particularly  after  his  coronation  as  emperor,  exer- 
cised as  careful  a  superintendence  over  religious  as  over  civil 
affairs.  He  called  synods  or  councils  of  the  clergy  of  his 
dominions,  presided  at  these  meetings,  revised  the  canons  of 
the  Church,  and  addressed  to  the  abbots  and  bishops  of  his 
empire  fatherly  words  of  admonition,  reproof,  and  exhortation. 

Education  was  also  a  matter  to  which  Charles  gave  zealous 
attention.  He  was  himself  from  first  to  last  as  diligent  a 
student  as  his  busy  life  permitted.  His  biographer,  Einhard, 
says  that  he  could  repeat  his  prayers  as  well  in  Latin  as  in 
German,  and  that  he  understood  Greek,  although  he  had 
difficulty  in  its  pronunciation.  He  never  ceased  to  be  a 
learner.  In  his  old  age  he  tried  to  learn  to  write,  but  found 
that  it  was  too  late. 

Distressed  by  the  dense  ignorance  all  about  him,  Charles 
labored  to  instruct  his  subjects,  lay  and  clerical,  by  the  estab- 
lishment of  schools  and  the  multiplication  and  dissemination 
of  books  through  the  agency  of  the  copyists  of  the  monas- 
teries. He  invited  from  England  the  celebrated  Alcuin,  one 
of  the  finest  scholars  of  the  age,  and  with  his  help  organized 
what  became  known  as  the  Palace  School,  in  which  his  chil- 
dren and  courtiers  and  he  himself  were  pupils.  A  rare  spirit 
of  comradeship  seems  to  have  pervaded  this  happy  school. 
The  different  members  of  it  were  in  pleasantry  given  Hebrew 
or  classical  names.  Charles  was  known  as  King  David  ;  Alcuin 
as  Flaccus  ;  while  still  others  bore  the  names  of  Homer,  Pindar, 
Samuel,  Columba,  and  Jeremiah.  The  lessons,  debates,  and 
conversations  of  the  school  extended  to  all  matters  of  intel- 
lectual interest,   theological  and  scientific. 

A  great  number  of  other  schools  were  established  by  Charles 
in  connection  with  the  cathedrals  and  monasteries  throughout 
his  dominions.  Many  of  these  were  organized  by  Alcuin  ; 
the   one  connected   with   the   celebrated   monastery  of  Saint 


128  MedicEval  History 

Martin  at  Tours,  of  which  estabhshment  he  was  abbot  for  many 
years,  became  under  his  direction  one  of  the  most  renowned 
schools  in  Europe.  Alcuin's  influence  was  unbounded.  It  is 
said  that  ahiiost  all  the  great  men  of  the  following  generation 
were  disciples  and  pupils  of  his. 

In  causing  the  establishment  of  these  schools  Charles  set  at 
work  influences  that  left  a  deep  and  permanent  impression 
upon  European  civilization.  They  mark  the  beginning  of  a 
new  intellectual  Hfe  for  Western  Christendom. 

104.  The  Death  of  Charles  (814)  ;  his  Place  in  History. — 
Charles  enjoyed  the  imperial  dignity  only  fourteen  years,  dying 
in  814.  Einhard  in  speaking  of  the  event  simply  says  that  he 
was  buried  on  the  day  of  his  death  within  the  basilica  at 
Aachen,  which  he  himself  had  built.  A  later  tradition  affirms 
that  the  dead  monarch  was  placed  upon  a  throne,  with  his 
royal  robes  about  him,  his  good  sword  by  his  side,  and  a  book 
of  the  Gospels  open  on  his  lap.*^  It  seemed  as  though  men 
could  not  beheve  that  his  reign  was  over.     And  it  was  not. 

By  the  almost  universal  verdict  of  students  of  the  mediaeval 
period,  Charles  the  Great  has  been  pronounced  the  most 
imposing  personage  that  appears  between  the  fall  of  Rome 
and  the  fifteenth  century.  "He  stands  alone,"  says  Hallam, 
"  like  a  beacon  upon  a  waste,  or  a  rock  in  the  broad  ocean." 
He  is  the  King  Arthur  of  the  French  —  the  favorite  hero  of 
mediaeval  minstrelsy.  His  greatness  has  erected  an  enduring 
monument  for  itself  in  his  name,  the  one  by  which  he  is  best 
known  —  Charlemagne. 

The  fame  of  his  greatness  reached  as  far  as  the  distant 
court  of  the  caliphs  of  Bagdad ;  for  Harun-al-Raschid  sent 
him  as  gifts  an  elephant,  and  a  curious  water-clock,  which,  with 
its  self-opening  doors  and  moving  figures,  attested  at  once,  as 

8  This  account  differs  so  widely  from  that  of  contemporaries  of  Charles  that 
it  cannot  be  received  as  historical.  Consult  Lindner,  Die  Fabel  von  der  Be- 
stattung  Karls  des  Grossen  ;  Mombert,  Charles  the  Great,  pp.  484-486;  and 
Hodgkin,  Charles  the  Great ^  p.  250. 


The  Results  of  Jiis  Reign  129 

has  been  remarked,  the  friendship  of  the  caHph  and  the 
ingenuity  of  the  x-\rabian  artists. 

The  French  form  of  the  name  —  Charlemagne  —  under 
which  the  Frankish  monarch  has  passed  into  history  has  fos- 
tered the  misconception  that  he  was  a  French  king.  But  in 
fact  Charles  was  simply  a  Teutonic  prince,  sustaining  exactly 
the  same  relation  to  the  Latinized  inhabitants  of  the  old 
empire  as  was  held  by  Theodoric,  or  Euric,  or  Clovis.  "  The 
coming  to  power  of  the  Carolingians,"  writes  Freeman,  ''  was 
almost  like  a  second  German  conquest  of  Gaul."  "  Charles, 
above  all  things,"  says  Church,  "  was  a  German.  He  was  in 
language,  in  ideas,  in  policy,  in  tastes,  in  his  favorite  dweUing- 
places,  a  Teutonic,  not  a  Latin  or  Latinized  king." 

105.  The  Results  of  his  Reign.  —  Among  the  many  results 
of  the  reign  of  Charles  the  Great  we  should  take  notice  of 
the  three  following  : 

First,  he  did  for  Germany  what  Julius  Caesar  did  for  Gaul,  — 
brought  this  barbarian  land  within  the  pale  of  civilization  and 
made  it  a  part  of  the  new-forming  Romano-German  world. 

Second,  through  the  part  he  played  in  the  revival  of  the 
empire,  he  helped  to  give  to  the  following  generations  ''a 
great  political  ideal,"  and  to  set  up  an  authority  among  the 
European  princes  which  was  destined  to  lend  character  to 
large  sections  of  mediaeval  history  (chap.  xii). 

Third,  Charles  kneaded  into  something  like  a  homogene- 
ous mass  the  various  racial  elements  composing  the  mixed 
society  of  the  wide  regions  over  which  he  ruled.  Through- 
out his  long  and  vigorous  reign  that  fusion  of  Roman  and 
Teuton  of  which  we  spoke  in  a  previous  chapter  went  on 
apace.  Charles  failed  indeed  to  unite  the  various  races  in 
his  vast  empire  in  a  permanent  political  union,  but  he  did 
much  to  create  among  them  those  religious,  intellectual,  and 
social  bonds  which  were  never  afterwards  severed.  From  his 
time  on,  as  it  has  been  concisely  expressed,  there  was  a 
Western  Christendom. 


1 30  Medicsval  History 

100.  Division  of  the  Empire;  the  Treaty  of  Verdun  (843). 
—  Like  the  kingdom  of  Alexander  and  that  of  many  another 
great  conqueror,  the  mighty  empire  of  Charles  the  Great  fell 
to  pieces  soon  after  his  death.  "  His  scepter  was  the  bow  of 
Ulysses  which  could  not  be  drawn  by  any  weaker  hand." 

The  empire  had  been  consolidated  by  four  such  men  of 
ability,  energy,  and  genius  as  seldom  succeed  one  another  in 
the  same  labor;  but  with  the  great  Charles  the  short-lived 
glory  of  the  house  of  the  Carolingians  passed  away  forever. 

Charles  was  followed  by  his  son  Lewis,  surnamed  the  Pious 
(814-840).  He  associated  with  himself  in  the  government 
his  four  sons,  Lothair,  Pippin,  Lewis,  and  Charles,  whose  quar- 
rels kept  the  empire  in  constant  turmoil  and  made  bitter 
the  last  days  of  their  father. 

Upon  the  death  of  Lewis  I,  fierce  contention  broke  out 
afresh  among  the  surviving  princes,  and  myriads  of  lives  were 
sacrificed  in  the  unnatural  strife.'^  Finally,  by  the  famous 
Treaty  of  Verdun  (843),  the  empire  was  divided  as  follows: 
to  Lewis  was  given  the  part  east  of  the  Rhine,  the  nucleus  of 
the  later  Germany ;  to  Charles  the  part  west  of  the  Rhone 
and  the  Meuse,  one  day  to  become  France  ;  while  to  Lothair 
was  reserved  the  narrow  central  strip  between  these,  stretch- 
ing across  Europe  from  the  North  Sea  to  the  Mediterranean, 
including  the  rich  lands  of  the  lower  Rhine,  the  valley  of  the 
Rhone,  and  all  of  Italy.  To  Lothair  also  was  given  the 
imperial  title. 

This  treaty  is  celebrated,  not  only  because  it  was  the  first 
great  treaty  among  the  European  states,  but  also  on  account 
of  its  marking  the  divergence  from  one  another,  and  in  some 
sense  the  origin  of  two  of  the  great  nations  of  modern  Europe, 
—Romanic  France  and  Teutonic  Germany. 

107.    The  End  of  the  Carolingian   Dynasties.  —  After  this 
dismemberment  of  the  dominions  of  Charles  the  Great   the 

'^  Pippin  died  two  years  before  his  father  (in  838),  and  the  part  of  the  empire 
that  had  been  given  to  him  was  divided  between  Lothair  and  Charles. 


Re7ieival  of  the  Empire  by  Otto  the  Great        i  3 1 

annals  of  the  different  branches  of  the  Carolingian  family 
become  intricate,  wearisome,  and  uninstructive.  A  fate  as 
dark  and  woeful  as  that  which,  according  to  Grecian  story, 
overhung  the  royal  house  of  Thebes  seemed  to  brood  over  the 
house  of  Charlemagne.  In  all  its  different  lines  a  strange 
and  adverse  destiny  awaited  the  lineage  of  the  great  king. 
The  tenth  century  witnessed  the  extinction  of  the  family. 

In  France  the  Carolingian  dynasty  gave  place  to  the  Cape- 
tian  in  987.  By  this  time  the  Romano-Celtic  element  had 
completely  triumphed  over  the  Teutonic,  had  absorbed  and 
assimilated  it  or  thrown  it  off,  —  had  averted  what  seemed 
inevitable  in  the  days  of  the  first  Carolingians,  namely,  that 
the  intruding  German  element  would  so  impress  itself  upon 
the  Latinized  Gauls  that  their  country  would  become  simply 
an  extension  of  Germany. 

108.  Renewal  of  the  Empire  by  Otto  the  Great  (962).  —  In 
the  division  of  the  dominions  of  Charles  the  Great,  the  impe- 
rial title,  as  we  have  just  seen,  w^ent  to  Lothair.  The  title, 
however,  meant  scarcely  anything,  carrying  with  it  little  or  no 
real  authority.  The  king  who  bore  the  title  enjoyed  a  sort  of 
nominal  preeminence  among  the  different  rulers  of  the  several 
fragments  of  the  shattered  empire,  but  that  was  all.  Thus 
matters  ran  on  for  more  than  a  century,  the  empty  honor  of 
the  title  sometimes  being  enjoyed  by  the  kings  of  Italy,  and 
again  by  those  of  the  Eastern  Franks. 

But  with  the  accession  of  Otto  I  to  the  throne  of  Germany 
in  the  year  936,  there  appeared  among  the  princes  of  Europe 
a  second  Charles  the  Great.  Besides  being  king  of  Germany, 
he  became,  through  interference  on  request  in  the  affairs  of 
Italy,  king  of  that  country  also.  Furthermore,  he  wrested 
large  tracts  of  land  from  the  Slavs,  and  'forced  the  Danes, 
Poles,  and  Hungarians  to  acknowledge  his  suzerainty.  Thus 
favored  by  fortune,  he  naturally  conceived  the  idea  of  reviving 
once  more  the  imperial  authority,  just  as  it  had  been  revived 
in  the  time  of  the  great  Charles, 


132  MedicEval  History 

So  in  962,  just  a  little  more  than  a  century  and  a  half  after 
the  coronation  at  Rome  of  Charles  the  Great,  Otto,  at  the 
same  place  and  by  the  same  papal  authority,  was  crowned 
Emperor  of  the  Romans.  For  a  generation  no  one  had  borne 
the  title.  From  this  time  on  it  was  the  rule  that  the  prince 
whom  the  German  electors  chose  as  their  king  had  a  right  to 
the  crown  of  Italy  and  also  to  the  imperial  crown. 

After  this  the  empire  came  to  be  called  the  Holy  Roman 
Empire,  although,  as  Voltaire  very  truthfully  remarked,  it  was 
"neither  holy,  nor  Roman,  nor  an  empire."  Respecting  the 
great  part  that  the  idea  of  the  empire  played  in  subsequent 
history  we  shall  speak  in  a  later  chapter  (chap.  xii). 

Sources  and  Source  Material.  —  Eginhard  (Einhard),  Zz/^  of  the 
Emperor  Karl  the  Great  (translation  by  William  Glaister  recommended). 
Einhard  was  Charles's  confidential  friend  and  secretary.  "  Almost  all 
our  real,  vivifying  knowledge  of  Charles  the  Great,"  says  Hodgkin, 
"  is  derived  from  Einhard,  and  .  .  .  the  Vita  Caroli  is  one  of  the  most 
precious  bequests  of  the  early  Middle  Ages."  Henderson's  Select  His- 
torical Documents,  pp.  189-201,  "Capitulary  of  Charlemagne,  issued  in 
the  year  802."  Translations  atici  Reprints  (Univ.  of  Penn.),  vol.  vi, 
No.  5,  "  Selections   from  the  Laws  of  Charles  the  Great." 

Secondary  or  Modern  Works.  —  Hodgkin  (T.),  **Charlcs  the  Great 
(Foreign  Statesmen),  and  Mombert  (J.  I.),  A  History  of  Charles  the 
Great.  The  first  is  the  best  short  biography  in  English.  Bryce  (J.), 
The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  chaps,  iv,  v,  and  xxi,  gives  a  clear  view  of  the 
import  of  the  restoration  of  the  empire.  Emerton  (E.),  Introductiott 
to  the  Middle  Ages,  chaps,  xii-xiv.  Oman  (C),  The  Dark  Ages,  chaps, 
xx-xxii.  GuizoT  (F.  P.  G.),  Histoiy  of  Civilization  in  France,  vol.  i, 
lect.  XX  (see  remarks,  page  72).  Sergeant  (L.),  The  Franks  (Story  of 
the  Nations),  chaps,  xvi-xxii.  An  admirable  sketch,  with  a  calm  and 
moderate  appraisement  of  Charles's  work.  West  (A.  F.),  Alcuitt  and  the 
Rise  of  the  Christian  Schools  (Great  Educators),  and  Mullinger  (J.  B.), 
*The  Schools  of  Charles  the  Great ;  for  the  influence  of  the  schools 
founded  by  Charles  the  Great  upon  the  intellectual  life  of  the  Middle 
Ages.  Freeman  (E.  A.),  The  Chief  Periods  of  Etiropean  History, 
lects.  iii  and  iv.  Adams  (G.  B.),  Civilizatio7i  durijtg  the  Middle  Ages, 
chap.  vii.     Davis  (H.  W.  C),  Charlemagne  (Heroes  of  the  Nations). 


CHAPTER   VIII 

THE  NORTHMEN:    THE   COMING   OF   THE   VIKINGS 

I.  Introductory 

109.  The  People  and  the  Northern  Lands.  —  Northmen, 
Norsemen,  Scandinavians,  are  different  names  applied  in  a 
general  way  to  the  early  inhabitants  of  Denmark,  Norway, 
and  Sweden.  For  the  reason  that  those  making  settlements 
in  England  came  for  the  most  part  from  Denmark,  the  term 
"  Danes  "  is  often  used  with  the  same  wide  application  by  the 
English  writers. 

These  people  were  very  near  kin  to  those  tribes,  Goths, 
Vandals,  Franks,  Anglo-Saxons,  and  the  rest,  that  seized  upon 
the  western  provinces  of  the  Roman  empire.  They  were 
Teutons  in  language,  religion,  habits,  and  spirit.  We  cannot 
be  certain  when  they  took  possession  of  the  northern  penin- 
sulas, but  it  is  probable  that  they  had  entered  those  countries 
long  before  Caesar  invaded  Gaul, 

If  we  think  it  strange  that  any  of  the  Teutonic  tribes  should 
have  chosen  homes  in  those  dreary  regions,  where  the  mid- 
winter sun  scarcely  appears  above  the  southern  horizon  and 
the  land  and  water  are  locked  in  frost  and  ice  for  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  year,  we  must  call  to  mind  that  these  peoples  when 
they  entered  those  lands  had  not  yet  advanced  beyond  the 
hunting  and  fishing  stage  of  culture  ;  and  that  the  Scandi- 
navian peninsula,  rough  with  mountains  and  indented  with 
numerous  fiords,  affords  one  of  the  best  hunting  and  fishing 
districts  of  Europe,  —  a  region  which  even  now  invites  each 
summer    the    sportsman    from     England    and    other    lands. 

^33 


1 34  Mediceval  History 

Besides,  the  country  abounds  in  iron  and  copper,  which 
metals  these  German  warriors  had  learned  to  employ  in  the 
manufacture  of  their  arms  ;  and  this  perhaps  was  an  additional 
attraction  to  the  barbarians. 

1 10.  The  Northmen  as  Pirates  and  as  Colonizers.  —  For  the 
first  eight  centuries  of  our  era  the  Norsemen  are  practically 
hidden  from  our  view  in  their  remote  northern  home  ;  but 
towards  the  end  of  the  eighth  century  their  black  piratical 
crafts  are  to  be  seen  creeping  along  the  coasts  of  Britain, 
Ireland,  and  the  Frankish  empire,  and  even  venturing  far  up 
the  inlets  and  creeks. 

Every  summer  these  dreaded  sea-rovers  made  swift  descents 
upon  the  exposed  shores  of  these  countries,  plundered, 
burned,  murdered ;  and  then  upon  the  approach  of  the 
stormy  season  they  returned  to  winter  in  the  sheltered  fiords 
of  the  northern  peninsula.  After  a  time  the  bold  corsairs 
began  to  winter  in  the  lands  they  had  harried  during  the 
summer ;  and  soon  all  the  shores  of  the  countries  visited 
were  dotted  with  their  stations  or  settlements.  With  a  foot- 
hold once  secured,  fresh  bands  came  from  the  crowded  lands 
of  the  North  ;  the  winter  stations  grew  into  permanent  colonies  ; 
the  surrounding  country  was  gradually  wrested  from  the 
natives ;  and  in  course  of  time  the  settlements  coalesced  into 
a  real  kingdom. 

Thus  Northern  Gaul  fell  at  last  so  completely  into  the  hands 
of  the  Northmen  as  to  take  from  them  the  name  of  Normandy ; 
while  Northeastern  England,  crowded  with  setders  from  Den- 
mark and  surrendered  to  Danish  rule,  became  known  as  the 
Da7ielagh  (Dane-law).  From  Normandy,  as  a  new  base  of 
operations,  fresh  colonies  went  out,  and  made  conquests  and 
settlements  in  South  Italy  and  Sicily,  and  in  England.  While 
these  things  were  going  on  in  Europe,  other  bands  of  North- 
men were  pushing  out  into  the  western  seas  and  colonizing  Ice- 
land and  Greenland,  and  visiting  the  shores  of  the  American 
continent. 


Causes  of  the  Migration  i  3  $ 

Commencing  in  the  latter  part  of  the  eighth  century,  these 
marauding  expeditions  and  colonizing  enterprises  did  not  cease 
until  the  eleventh  century  was  far  advanced.  The  consequences 
of  this  wonderful  outpouring  of  the  Scandinavian  peoples  were 
so  important  and  lasting  that  the  movement  may  well  be  com- 
pared, as  it  has  been,  to  the  great  migration  of  their  German 
kinsmen  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries.  Europe  is  a  second 
time  inundated  by  the  Teutonic  barbarians. 

The  most  noteworthy  characteristic  of  these  Northmen  is 
the  readiness  with  which  they  laid  aside  their  own  manners, 
habits,  ideas,  and  institutions,  and  adopted  those  of  the  coun- 
try in  which  they  established  themselves.  "  In  Russia  they 
became  Russians  ;  in  France,  Frenchmen  ;  in  Italy,  Italians ; 
in  England,  twice  over  Englishmen :  first  in  the  case  of  the 
Danes,  and  secondly  in  that  of  the  later  Normans."  ^ 

III.  Causes  of  the  Migration. — The  main  causes  which 
have  been  assigned  to  what  we  may  call  the  Scandinavian 
Migration  are  :  (i)  the  Norseman's  love  of  adventure  and 
hope  of  plunder;  (2)  overpopulation;  (3)  the  estabHshment 
in  Denmark  and  Norway  of  great  kingdoms,  the  tyranny  of 
whose  rulers  led  many  to  seek  in  other  lands  that  freedom 
which  was  denied  them  at  home ;  and  (4)  the  existence  of  a 
rule  of  succession  which  gave  everything  to  the  eldest  member 
of  the  family,  leaving  only  the  kingdom  of  the  seas  to  the 
younger  members. 

The  last-mentioned  cause  gave  leaders  to  the  bands  that 
went  out,  their  chiefs  usually  being  portionless  sons  of  the 
ruling  or  royal  families.  Because  of  their  noble  birth  these 
chieftains,  just  as  soon  as  they  headed  an  expedition,  were 
given  the  title  of  king,  and  so  very  naturally  came  to  be 
called  Sea-kings.  The  term  "Viking,"  from  vie,  meaning 
a  fiord  or  arm  of  the  s^a,  is  more  properly  used  to  designate 
those  of  humbler  origin  who  could  lay  no  claim  to  royal 
distinction. 

1  Johnson,  The  Normans  in  Eiirofe^  p.  19. 


136  MedicEval  Histoiy 

112.  Settlements  in  Scotland,  Ireland,  and  the  Western 
Isles.  —  As  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  century 
the  Northmen  took  possession  of  the  Orkney  and  Shet- 
land Islands  and  of  the  Hebrides.  Before  a  centur>^ 
had  elapsed  the  latter  isles,  in  connection  with  the  western 
coast  of  Scotland  and  a  large  part  of  Ireland,  formed  a 
sort  of  Scandinavian  maritime  kingdom,  the  rulers  of  which 
often  disputed  with  the  Celtic  chiefs  of  Scotland  and  Ireland 
the  possession  of  their  lands,  just  as  the  Danes  disputed 
with  the  English  the  possession  of  England.  These  North- 
men played  a  most  important  part  in  the  affairs  of  both 
Scotland   and    Ireland   down  to  the  thirteenth  century, 

113.  Colonization  of  Iceland  and  Greenland. — The  first 
Scandinavian  colonists  to  Iceland  were  men  fleeing  from  the 
tyranny  of  Harold  Fairhair,  king  of  Norway.  They  settled  in 
the  island  about  874.  In  1874  the  Icelanders  celebrated  the 
millennial  anniversary  of  the  settlement  of  their  island,  an 
event  very  like  our  "Centennial"  of  1876.  The  exiles  estab- 
lished in  the  dreary  island  a  sort  of  republic,  and  made  that 
northern  land,  centuries  before  Columbus  pushed  out  into  the 
western  seas  and  discovered  the  New  World,  the  home  of 
freedom. 

Greenland  was  discovered  by  the  Northmen  in  the 
year  981,  and  was  colonized  by  them  soon  afterwards. 
Their  settlements  appear  to  have  flourished  for  several 
centuries,  and  a  number  of  churches  and  monasteries  were 
built ;  but  in  the  course  of  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth 
centuries  the  colonists  were  swept  away  by  some  obscure 
agency. 

America  was  reached  by  the  Northmen  as  early  as  the  open- 
ing of  the  eleventh  century  ;  the  "  Vinland  "  of  their  traditions 
was  probably  some  part  of  the  New  England  coast.  Whether 
these  first  visitors  to  the  continent  ever  made  any  settlements 
in  the  new  land  is  a  disputed  question.  If  they  did,  all 
certain    traces    of  these    had    disappeared    before   the   redis- 


TJie  Saga  Literature  of  Iceland  137 

covery  of  the  continent  by  the  navigators  of  the  sixteenth 
century.^ 

114.  The  Saga  Literature  of  Iceland.  — We  have  intimated 
that  the  early  colonists  of  Iceland  were  men  of  quality  and 
convictions,  —  choice  spirits  from  among  the  Norwegians ; 
men  who  exiled  themselves  from  their  native  land  because, 
like  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  they  preferred  a  life  of  hardship  and 
exile  with  freedom,  to  one  of  ease  and  plenty  at  home  with 
unworthy  submission.  The  character  of  the  settlers  had  its 
influence  upon  the  history  of  the  colony.  Iceland  became  not 
only  the  hearth-place  of  liberty,  but  also  the  literary  center  of 
the  Scandinavian  world.  It  was  to  the  Norse  race  what  the 
isle  of  Chios  was  to  the  early  Greeks.  There  grew  up  here 
a  class  of  scalds,  or  bards,  who,  before  the  introduction  of 
writing,  preserved  and  transmitted  orally  the  sagas  or  legend^ 
of  the  northern  races.  Ballads  of  wild  exploits  many  of  them 
are,  thrilling  with  the  fierce  energy  of  the  bold  Vikings. 

Towards  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  according  to 
the  most  trustworthy  opinion,  some  person  or  persons  col- 
lected many  of  these  ancient  mythological  poems  and  legends 
then  floating  among  the  people,  catching  some  or  most  of 
them  evidently  from  the  lips  of  the  scalds.  This  collection, 
which  was  discovered  in  1643,  is  known  as  the  Elder  or 
Poetic  Edda.  About  the  same  time  that  this  collection  was 
made,  another,  known  as  the  Younger  or  Prose  Edda,  was 
gathered  by  Snorro  Sturleson  (1178-1241),  an  Icelandic  writer 
of  renown,  sometimes  called  the  "  Northern  Herodotus." 

These  poems  and  legends  of  the  northern  nations,  thus  pre- 
served to  us  amidst  the  snow  and  ice  of  the  dreary  island  of  the 

2  The  story  of  the  discovery  of  America  by  the  Northmen  was  committed  to 
writing  in  Iceland  between  the  years  1387  and  1395  ;  and  as  Cokimbus  is  known 
to  have  visited  that  island  in  1477,  it  is  conjectured  by  some  that  he  may  have 
there  learned  of  the  existence  of  a  continent  to  the  westward,  and  by  these 
reports  have  been  encouraged  to  persevere  in  the  great  undertaking  of  his  life. 
In  none  of  his  writings,  however,  is  there  any  hint  that  he  was  ever  influenced 
in  the  least  by  such  reports. 


138  Mediaeval  History 

North  Atlantic,  are  aniong  the  most  interesting  and  important 
of  the  Hterary  memorials  that  we  possess  of  the  early  Teutonic 
peoples.  They  reflect  faithfully  the  beliefs,  manners,  and 
customs  of  the  Norsemen  and  the  wild  adventurous  spirit  of 
their  Sea-kings. 

115.  The  Norsemen  in  Russia.  ^ — While  the  Norwegians 
were  sailing  boldly  out  into  the  Atlantic  and  taking  possession 
of  the  isles  and  coasts  of  the  western  seas,  the  Swedes  were 
pushing  their  crafts  across  the  Baltic  and  vexing  all  its  shores. 
These  sea-rovers  at  first  directed  their  expeditions  mainly 
against  the  Finnic  and  Slavonian  tribes  that  dwelt  upon  the 
eastern  shore  of  that  sea,  and  exacted  from  them  a  tribute  of 
furs  and  skins. 

Gradually  they  extended  their  authority  inland.  About  the 
.middle  of  the  ninth  century  we  find  the  famous  Scandinavian 
chief  Rurik  and  his  followers  in  possession  of  Kiev  and  Nov- 
gorod. Either  by  right  of  conquest  or  through  the  invitation 
of  the  contentious  Slavonian  clans,  Rurik  acquired,  in  the  year 
862,  kingly  dignity,  and  became  the  founder  of  the  first  royal 
line  of  Russia.  The  state  estabhshed  by  him  and  his  descend- 
ants was  the  beginning,  or  rather  the  prototype,  of  the  great 
empire  of  the  modern  Tzars. 

116.  The  Varangians  at  Constantinople. — Soon  after  the 
Northmen  had  established  themselves  in  Russia,  they  launched 
their  long  boats  on  the  rivers  that  flow  into  the  Black  Sea,  and 
floated  down  these  streams  in  search  of  fortune  and  adventure 
in  the  South.  As  formidable  fighters  they  were  welcomed  by 
the  emperors  of  the  Eastern  empire,  and  under  the  name  of 
Varangians  were  enlisted  into  the  imperial  service  and  assigned 
the  honorable  duty  of  guarding  the  person  of  the  emperor. 

Their  position  at  the  Byzantine  court  was  the  same  as  that 
of  the  Pretorians  at  Rome,  or  of  the  Janizaries  in  the  modern 
state  of  the  Turkish  sultans  (par.  245).  They  rendered  good 
service  to  the  Eastern  emperors  in  their  struggles  with  their 
various   enemies,  being   headed   sbmetimes   by  distinguished 


The  Danes  in  Englmid  139 

Scandinavian  chiefs  whom  circumstances  had  driven  into  exile, 
or  prospect  of  adventure  had  allured  to  the  Mediterranean 
lands. 

II.     The  Danes   in  England 

117.  Their  Ravages  in  the  Island. — The  Northmen  — 
Danes,  as  called  by  the  English  writers  —  began  to  make 
descents  upon  the  English  coast  toward  the  close  of  the  eighth 
century.  These  sea-rovers  spread  the  greatest  terror  through- 
out the  island  ;  for  they  were  not  content  with  plunder,  but, 
being  pagans,  they  took  special  delight  in  burning  the  churches 
and  monasteries  of  the  now  Christian  Anglo-Saxons,  or  English 
as  we  shall  hereafter  call  them.  In  a  short  time  fully  one-half 
of  England  was  in  their  hands.  The  wretched  English  were 
subjected  to  exactly  the  same  treatment  that  they  had  inflicted 
upon  the  Celts.  Just  when  it  began  to  look  as  though  they 
would  be  wholly  enslaved  or  driven  from  the  island  by  the 
heathen  intruders,  Alfred  came  to  the  throne  of  Wessex  (871). 

118.  King  Alfred  (87 1-90 1)  and  the  Danes.  — Alfred  was  the 
fourth  and  youngest  son  of  Ethelwulf,  being  born  in  the  year 
849.  While  yet  a  mere  child  he  accompanied  his  father  to 
Rome  and  was  adopted  by  the  pope  as  his  godson.  Possibly 
this  act  was  not  without  its  influence  upon  the  boy,  for  through- 
out his  life  Alfred  was  the  staunch  friend  and  zealous  patron  of 
the  Church.  However  this  may  be,  we  may  perhaps  speak 
more  positively  of  a  mother's  influence  in  forming  the  character 
and  shaping  the  life  of  England's  greatest  king.  King  Ethel- 
wulf's  queen  is  said  to  have  excited  emulation  among  her 
children  by  offering  a  volume  of  Saxon  poetry  as  a  gift  to  the 
one  who  should  be  the  first  to  commit  the  poems  to  memory. 
Alfred,  who  had  a  bright  and  active  mind,  won  the  prize. 
The  love  for  the  heroic  tales  and  ballads  of  his  race  thus  early 
awakened  in  the  boy,  we  may  well  believe,  had  at  least  some- 
thing to  do  in  forming  those  literary  tastes  which  gave  aim  and 
effort  to  so  much  of  the  activity  of  his  maturer  years. 


140  Mediceval  History 

Alfred  had  just  reached  manhood  —  he  was  in  his  twenty- 
second  year  —  when,  by  the  event  of  his  brother  Ethelred's 
death  in  battle  with  the  Danes,  he  was  called  to  the  throne. 
The  Danes  already,  as  we  have  seen,  held  a  large  portion  of 
England.  For  six  years  the  youthful  king  fought  heroically  at 
the  head  of  his  brave  thanes ;  but  each  year  the  possessions 
of  the  English  grew  smaller,  and  finally  Alfred  and  his  few 
remaining  followers  were  forced  to  take  refuge  in  the  woods  and 
morasses. 

After  a  time,  however,  the  affairs  of  Alfred  began  to  mend. 
He  gained  some  advantage  over  the  Danes,  but  he  could  not 
expel  them  from  the  island,  and  by  the  treaty  of  Wedmore 
(878)  gave  up  to  them  all  the  northeastern  part  of  England. 
Guthrum,  the  Danish  leader,  received  Christian  baptism,  but 
the  accounts  that  we  have  of  his  subsequent  conduct  represent 
him  as  anything  but  an  exemplary  Christian. 

After  the  subjection  and  settlement  of  Guthrum  and  his 
followers,  Alfred's  little  kingdom  was  comparatively  free 
from  the  ravages  of  the  Danes  for  a  period  of  ten  or  fif- 
teen years  ;  these  years  of  quiet  Alfred  employed  in  building 
a  fleet  and  in  instituting  measures  of  reform  in  his  govern- 
ment. 

But  again  the  dreaded  enemy  renewed  their  forays,  led  now 
by  the  terrible  Hasting,  They  were  finally  forced,  however, 
to  withdraw  from  the  island  and  seek  elsewhere  spoils  and 
settlements ;  and  Alfred  was  permitted  to  pass  his  last  years 
in  something  like  quiet.  The  great  king  died  in  the  year  901, 
in  the  fifty-third  year  of  his  age.^ 

119.  Alfred  as  a  Codifier  of  Laws  and  an  Author.  —  Eminent 
as  were  Alfred's  services  to  his  people  as  a  leader  in  war,  still 
greater  were  those  he  rendered  them  as  a  lawgiver  and  an 
author.  He  collected  and  revised  the  ancient  laws  of  the 
Anglo-Saxons,  tempering  and  altering  them  in  accordance  with 

3  England  celebrated  the  millennial  anniversary  of  his  death  in  the  year 
190 1. 


Alfred  as  a  Codifier  of  Laws  and  an  AntJior     141 

Christian  morals  and  principles.'*  The  code  that  he  thus  made 
formed  the  basis  of  early  English  jurisprudence. 

But  beyond  all  things  else  must  be  extolled  those  literary 
labors  of  King  Alfred  by  which  he  fostered  learning  and  gave 
the  first  impulse  to  English  literature.  By  the  ravages  of  the 
pagan  Danes  the  libraries  of  the  monasteries  and  churches  had 
been  destroyed,  and  this  rendered  still  denser  the  ignorance 
of  that  ignorant  age.  Alfred  tells  us  that  there  was  not  a 
single  priest  south  of  the  Thames  who  could  translate  into 
English  the  Latin  of  his  prayer-book.  The  king  set  himself 
zealously  to  work  to  improve  this  state  of  things.  His  ideal 
of  education  was  that  every  youth  in  the  land  who  had  the 
time  and  means  should  be  instructed  to  that  extent  which 
should  enable  him  to  read  easily  the  English  Bible. 

But  Alfred  realized  that  little  could  be  effected  in  the  matter 
of  instructing  the  people  so  long  as  all  the  books  were  written 
in  an  unknown  language.  So  he  himself  became  a  translator, 
and  turned  many  Latin  works  into  English,  writing  prefaces, 
paraphrasing  or  abridging  the  text,  and  adding  so  many  reflec- 
tions of  his  own  that  -he  fairly  earned  the  title  of  author.  In 
this  way  he  translated  Boethius's  Consolation  of  Philosophy 
(par.  1 6),  Orosius's  History  of  the  World,  selections  from  Bede's 
Ecclesiastical  History  of  the  English  Nation,  and  Pope  Gregory 
the  Great's  Pastoral  Care,  a  book  of  pious  advice  and  admo- 
nition addressed  to  the  clergy. 

With  the  exception  of  the  Bible,  some  short  poems,  and  the 
well-known  Paraphrase  of  the  Scriptures  by  C?edmon  (par.  35  ) , 
these  were  the  first  books  that  the  subjects  of  Alfred  had 
placed  in  their  hands  written  in  their  own  tongue.  Here  we 
have  the  beginnings  of  the  prose  literature  of  England.  "  The 
mighty  roll  of  the   prose  books   that   fill  her  libraries,"   says 

4  Alfred  prefaced  his  code  with  the  Decalogue  and  other  selections  from  the 
Old  Testament,  and  concluded  it  with  these  words  among  many  others  from 
the  New :  "  Whatsoever  ye  would  that  men  should  do  to  you,  do  ye  even  so  to 
them."  (Pauli's  Life  of  Alfred  the  Great,  p.  134.)  This  manifests  in  what  spirit 
Alfred  compiled  his  book  of  laws. 


142  MedicBval  History 

Green,  "  begins  with  the  translations  of  Alfred,  and  above  all 
with   the  chronicle^  of  his  reign." 

120.  King  Alfred's  Character.  —  "This  I  can  now  truly 
say,"  wrote  Alfred,  "  that  so  long  as  I  have  lived  I  have 
striven  to  live  worthily,  and  after  my  death  to  leave  my 
memory  to  my  descendants  in  good  works."  It  is  not  strange 
that  the  memory  of  a  sovereign  whose  life  was  shaped  by  such 
a  sentiment  should  be  cherished  wdth  undying  gratitude  and 
affection  by  his  people.  He  is  the  only  sovereign  of  England 
on  whom  the  title  of  Great  has  been  conferred. 

The  historian  Green  declares  that  never  before  King  Alfred 
had  the  world  "  seen  a  king  who  lived  solely  for  the  good  of 
his  people  "  ;  and  his  biographer,  Pauli,  closes  his  account  of 
his  life  with  these  words  :  "  Alfred's  name  will  always  be  placed 
amongst  those  of  the  great  spirits  of  this  earth ;  and  so  long  as 
men  regard  their  past  history  with  reverence,  they  will  not 
venture  to  bring  forward  any  other  in  comparison  with  him 
who  saved  the  West  Saxon  race  from  complete  destruction, 
and  in  whose  heart  the  virtues  dwelt  in  such  harmonious 
concord."  ^ 

121.  The  Danish  Conquest  of  England.  —  For  a  full  cen- 
tury following  the  death  of  Alfred,  his  successors  were  engaged 
in  a  constant  struggle  to  hold  in  restraint  the  Danes  already 
settled  in  the  land,  or  to  protect  their  domains  from  the  plun- 
dering inroads  of  fresh  bands  of  pirates  from  the  northern 
peninsulas. 

The  names  of  the  earlier  kings  of  this  period  we  may  leave 
unmentioned,  although  among  these  rulers  were  strong  and 
worthy  men  ;  but  we  may  not  thus  pass  the  name  of  Saint 
Dunstan  (about  925-988),  abbot  of  Glastonbury,  archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  and  for  many  years  chief  minister  of  the  realm. 

5  The  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle  here  alluded  to  was  a  minute  and  chronological 
record  of  events,  probably  begun  in  systematic  fonn  in  Alfred's  reign,  and  con- 
tinued down  to  the  year  11 54.  It  was  kept  by  the  monks  of  different  monas- 
teries, and  forms  one  of  our  most  valuable  sources  for  early  English  history. 

6  Life  of  Alfred  the  Great  (Bohn),  p.  235. 


TJic  DcDiish  Co nq nest  of  England  143 

He  was  the  first  of  a  series  of  ecclesiastical  statesmen  of  whom 
Wolsey  was  perhaps  the  greatest.  During  two  reigns  he  was 
the  power  behind  the  throne.  We  can  best  indicate  in  a  word 
his  place  in  early  English  history  by  saying  that  as  a  teacher, 
as  a  moral  reformer,  and  as  a  wise  councilor  he  carried  on  the 
peaceful  phases  of  the  work  which  King  Alfred  had  begun. 

Dunstan's  public  activity  ceased  soon  after  the  accession  to 
the  throne  of  the  mean  and  weak  Ethelred  II  (979-1016), 
surnamed  the  Reddess,  that  is,  "  lacking  in  counsel."  Certainly 
the  means  which  he  employed  against  the  sea-rovers  could 
hardly  have  been  more  unadvised.  He  bought  off  the  ma- 
rauders, taxing  his  people  heavily  to  raise  the  ransom  money. 
It  is  easy  to  divine  the  outcome  of  such  a  policy.  Just  as 
soon  as  the  Danes  had  spent  the  money  received,  they  of 
course  returned  and  demanded  more,  under  threat  of  fire  and 
sword. 

Finally  the  expeditions  became  something  more  than  a  few 
shiploads  of  adventurers  who  could  be  satisfied  with  payments 
of  gold.  In  the  year  994  the  kings  of  Denmark  and  Norway, 
Swegen  and  Olaf,  joined  their  armies  and  fleets,  determined 
upon  the  conquest  of  all  England.  Now  for  the  first  time  the 
Enghsh  had  to  face  the  organized  forces  of  powerful  kingdoms. 

Any  effectual  resistance  to  the  invaders  was  prevented,  not 
only  by  the  weak  and  cowardly  character  of  the  king,  but  by 
the  lack  of  union  among  the  different  counties,  for,  as  the 
Chronicle  says,  *'  no  shire  would  so  much  as  help  other."  At 
last  Ethelred  resolved  upon  a  measure  the  most  impolitic  and 
cruel  of  his  wretched  reign.  This  was  nothing  less  than  the 
massacre  of  all  the  Danes  settled  in  Wessex,  because  they 
were  giving  aid  and  comfort  to  their  marauding  kinsmen. 

The  Danes  were  set  upon  in  all  parts  of  the  country  on  the 
same  day  (1002),  and  great  numbers  were  slain.  Among  the 
killed  was  a  sister  of  Swegen,  who  vowed  to  avenge  her  death 
and  the  murder  of  his  countrymen  by  spreading  desolation 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  accursed  land.     He 


1 44  Mediceval  History 

made  good  his  threat.  For  ten  years  England  was  the  scene 
of  a  most  unrelenting  warfare.  There  is  no  need  to  tell  again 
the  old  story.  The  open  country  was  harried,  the  towns  were 
sacked,  the  churches  and  monasteries  robbed  and  burned. 
Each  year  the  crops  were  harvested  by  the  sea-rovers. 

Finally,  in  the  year  1013,  Swegen  himself  came  with  an 
immense  fleet  and  army,  drove  Ethelred  out  of  the  island  to 
Normandy,  and  caused  himself  to  be  declared  by  the  Witan  ^ 
King  of  England.  The  country  yielded,  and  now  for  the  first 
time  a  foreign  king  sat  upon  the  throne  of  Egbert  and  Alfred. 

Swegen  lived  to  reign  over  the  subjugated  island  only  a  few 
months.  Upon  his  death  the  Danes  in  England  chose  his 
son  Canute  as  his  successor.  As  this  prince  was  only  nineteen 
years  of  age,  his  youth  and  inexperience  encouraged  the  Witan 
to  restore  Ethelred  to  the  throne,  and  to  call  upon  the  people 
to  take  up  arms  for  the  recovery  of  their  freedom. 

England  was  thus  divided  between  two  kings.  Canute  was 
supported  by  the  Danish  part  of  the  population  and  Ethel- 
red by  the  English.  Again  the  flames  of  war  were  kindled 
throughout  the  land.  Denmark  sent  out  hundreds  of  ship- 
loads of  warriors.  The  old  English  spirit  was  stirred  to  its 
very  depths.  Even  Ethelred  displayed  an  alertness  and 
energy  which  did  much  towards  erasing  the  dishonor  of  pre- 
vious years.  He  died  in  1016,  but  his  sturdy  son,  Edmund 
Ironsides,  battled  on  with  the  hated  Danes.  Well  did  he 
deserve  the  surname  he  bears.  With  a  worthy  successor  of 
the  noble  Alfred  to  lead  them  against  their  hated  foes,  the 
English  rallied  from  one  end  of  the  land  to  the  other  for  a 
renewal  of  the  desperate  struggle.  Within  seven  months 
Edmund  fought  six  great  battles.  In  the  last,  in  the  words  of 
the  Chronicle,  "  all  England  fought  against  Canute,  but 
Canute  had  the  victor}^" 

^  The  Witan,  or  Witenagamot,  which  means  the  "  Meeting  of  the  Wise  Men," 
was  tlie  common  council  of  the  realm.  The  House  of  Lords  of  the  present 
Parliament  is  a  survival  of  this  early  national  assembly. 


Restoratio7i  of  tJic  English  Line  145 

'Soon  after  this  battle  Edmund  consented  to  a  division  of 
the  kingdom  between  himself  and  the  Danish  king.  This 
arrangement  was  very  like  that  made  between  Alfred  and 
Guthrum  more  than  one  hundred  years  before. 

Scarcely  had  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom  been  thus  composed, 
when  Canute  w^as  made  king  of  all  England  by  the  sudden 
death  of  Edmund  (1016).  With  Edmund  Ironsides  passed 
away  the  bravest  and  most  illustrious  of  the  English  kings 
since  the  days  of  Alfred. 

122.  The  Reign  of  Canute  (1016-1035).  —  The  moment 
Canute  exchanged  the  sword  for  the  scepter  his  character 
seemed  to  undergo  an  entire  transformation.  He  seemed  to 
think  with  the  Greek  poet  Euripides,  as  Freeman  says,  that 
"  unrighteousness  might  be  practiced  in  order  to  obtain  a 
crown,  but  that  righteousness  should  be  practiced  in  all  other 
times  and  places."  He  thought  more  of  England  than  of  his 
own  Denmark,  and  all  through  his  reign  manifested  in  ways 
very  pleasing  to  the  English  his  preference  for  this  portion  of 
his  empire,  which  at  its  greatest  extent  embraced  —  besides 
England  —  Norway  and  Denmark,  with  a  sort  of  overlordship 
of  Sweden. 

The  character  of  Canute  is  shown  by  his  familiar  letter  to  his 
English  subjects  during  his  absence  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome. 

The  epistle  reads  like  a  message  from  a  father  to  his 
children.  Canute  tells  his  people  all  about  the  things  he  had 
seen,  what  had  befallen  him,  how  royally  he  had  been  treated 
by  the  emperor  and  the  pope  and  the  other  great  persons  he 
had  met,  and  how  he  had  secured  from  the  head  of  the 
Church  great  and  special  privileges  for  the  Christians  of 
England.  And  then  as  his  heart  seems  to  overflow  with  a 
sense  of  his  blessings  and  the  kindness  of  Providence  to  him- 
self, he  confesses  his  errors  of  the  past  and  promises  that  he 
will  ever  in  the  future  rule  justly  and  in  the  fear  of  God. 

123.  Restoration  of  the  English  Line  (1042).  —  After  a 
reign  of  eighteen  years,  a  period  of  almost  perfect  peace  and 


146  MedicEval  History 

prosperity  for  England,  Canute  died  in  the  year  1035. 
Straightway  his  empire,  embracing  four  kingdoms,  the  most 
extensive  reahns  over  which  a  single  scepter  had  been 
stretched  since  the  time  of  Charles  the  Great,  fell  to  pieces. 

England  was  divided  between  Harold  and  Harthacanute, 
both  cruel  and  miserable  kings,  unworthy  sons  and  successors 
of  their  pious  father.  Their  short  and  confused  reigns  present 
no  event  of  interest  or  instruction.  Upon  the  death  without 
heirs  of  Harthacanute  in  1042  —  he  had,  two  years  before,  on 
the  death  of  Harold,  been  elected  sole  king  by  the  Witan  — 
the  old  English  line  was  restored  in  the  person  of  Edw^ard,  son 
of  Ethelred  and  the  Norman  Emma,  better  known  as  the  Con- 
fessor. The  wretched  reigns  of  the  sons  of  Canute  had  caused 
the  hearts  of  the  English  to  turn  with  fresh  loyalty  to  their  own 
exiled  prince.  "Before  Harthacanute  was  buried,  all  people," 
writes  the  chronicler,  "chose  Edward  for  king  at  London." 

Thus  ended  the  Danish  rule  in  England  after  an  existence 
of  almost  exactly  a  quarter  of  a  century  (1016-1042). 

124.  Results  of  the  Danish  Conquest.  — The  great  benefit 
which  resulted  to  England  from  the  Danish  conquest  w^as  the 
infusion  of  fresh  blood  into  the  veins  of  the  English  people, 
who  through  contact  with  the  half- Romanized  Celts,  and  espe- 
cially through  the  enervating  influence  of  a  monastic  church, 
had  lost  much  of  that  bold,  masculine  vigor  which  character- 
ized their  hardy  ancestors.  The  number  of  Danes  that  settled 
in  England  w^as  very  large.  The  northeastern  part  of  the 
country  became  thoroughly  Danish.  Being  close  kin  to  the 
English,  the  Danes  added  no  new  element  to  the  population  ; 
but  they  invigorated  and  strengthened  the  old  Teutonic  stock, 
which  was  soon  to  stand  in  need  of  all  its  strength  and 
vitality  if  it  would  preserv^e  its  distinctive  character  in  spite  of 
the  disaster  destined  soon  to  befall  the  English  nation.  We 
allude  to  the  conquest  of  England  by  William  of  Normandy, 
of  which  important  event  w^e  shall  come  to  speak  in  a  later 
chapter  (chap.  xi). 


Transformation  of  tJie  Northmen  in  Gaul        1 47 

III.     Settlement  of  jhe  Northmen  in  Gaul 

125.  Rollo  and  Charles  the  Simple.  —  It  was  just  at  the  end 
of  the  eighth  century  (in  799)  that  the  Northmen  made  their 
first  piratical  descent  upon  the  shores  of  Gaul.  Though  Charles 
the  Great  with  his  strong  arm  was  able  to  protect  his  dominion 
from  their  forays  during  his  own  lifetime,  his  mind  was  filled 
with  anxious  forebodings  for  his  successors.  Tradition  tells 
how  the  great  king,  catching  sight  one  day  from  one  of  the 
southern  ports  of  Gaul  of  some  ships  of  the  Northmen  cruising 
in  the  Mediterranean,  wept  as  he  reflected  on  the  suffering 
that  he  foresaw  the  new  foe  would  entail  upon  his  country. 
Charles  had  been  dead  only  thirty  years  when  these  sea- 
rovers  ascended  the  Seine  and  sacked  Paris   (845). 

We  need  not  stop  to  give  in  detail  the  story  of  their  subse- 
quent plundering  expeditions  in  Gaul  and  of  their  final  settle- 
ment in  the  northwest  of  the  country,  for  all  this  is  simply  a 
repetition  of  the  tale  of  the  Danish  forays  and  settlement  in 
England.  Indeed,  the  story  seems  to  repeat  itself  in  the 
minutest  details.  At  first  the  bands  that  came  were  mere 
pirates.  Again  and  again  did  the  Carolingian  kings  have 
resort  to  the  device  of  the  EngHsh  rulers,  and  buy  off  the 
invaders,  of  course  with  similar  final  results.  At  last,  in  the 
year  912,  Charles  the  Simple  did  something  very  like  what 
Alfred  the  Great  had  done  across  the  Channel  only  a  short 
time  before.  He  granted  to  Rollo,  the  leader  of  the  North- 
men who  had  settled  at  Rouen,  a  considerable  section  of 
country  in  the  north  of  Gaul,  upon  condition  of  homage  and 
conversion.  The  treaty  was  cemented  by  the  marriage  of  the 
daughter  of  Charles  to  Rollo. 

126.  Transformation  of  the  Northmen  in  Gaul.  —  "As  the 
Danes  that  settled  in  England  became  Englishmen,  so  did  the 
Danes  or  Northmen  that  settled  in  France  become  French- 
men." This  transformation  took  place  sooner  in  the  latter 
country  than  in  the  former^   for  the  reason  that  the   Norse 


148  MedicBval  History 

settlements  in  Gaul  were  more  scattered  than  those  in  England, 
and  consequently  the  strangers  were  brought  into  more  inti- 
mate relation  with  the  native  inhabitants.  Hence  in  a  short 
time  they  had  adopted  the  language,  the  manners,  and  the 
religion  of  the  French,  and  had  caught  much  of  their  vivacity 
and  impulsiveness  of  spirit,  without,  however,  any  loss  of  their 
own  native  virtues.  This  transformation  in  manners  and  life 
we  may  conceive  as  being  recorded  in  their  transformed  name 
—  Northmen  becoming  softened  into  Norman. 

127.  Normandy  in  French  History.  — The  establishment  of 
a  Scandinavian  settlement  in  Gaul  proved  a  most  momentous 
matter,  not  only  for  the  history  of  the  French  people,  but  for 
the  history  of  European  civilization  as  well.  This  Norse  factor 
was  destined  to  be  one  of  the  most  important  of  all  those  vari- 
ous racial  elements  which  on  the  soil  of  the  old  Gaul  blended 
to  create  the  richly  dowered  French  nation.  For  many  of  the 
most  romantic  passages  of  her  history  France  is  indebted  to 
the  adventurous  spirit  of  the  descendants  of  these  wild  rovers 
of  the  sea.  The  knights  of  Normandy  lent  an  added  splendor 
to  French  knighthood,  and  helped  greatly  to  make  France  the 
hearth  of  chivalry  and  the  center  of  the  crusading  movement 
of  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries. 

Nor  was  the  influence  of  the  incoming  of  this  Scandinavian 
race  felt  alone  upon  French  history.  Normandy  became  the 
point  of  departure  of  enterprises  that  had  deep  and  lasting 
consequences  for  Europe  at  large.  These  undertakings  had 
for  their  arena  England  and  the  Mediterranean  lands.  Their 
results  were  so  important  and  far-reaching  that  we  shall  devote 
to  the  narration  of  them  a  subsequent  chapter  (chap.  xi). 

Sources  and  Source  Material.  —  The  Heimskringla,  or  Chronicle  of 
the  Kings  of  Norzvay  (trans,  from  the  Icelandic  of  Snorro  Sturleson  by 
Samuel  Laing),  3  vols. ;  London,  1844.  In  his  introduction  Sturleson 
(par.  114)  says  :  "  In  this  book  I  have  had  old  stories  written  down,  as 
I  heard  them  told  by  intelligent  people,  concerning  chiefs  who  held 
dominion  in  the  Northern  countries.  ...  .     Although  we  cannot  just  say 


Literature  on  the  Viking  Age  149 

what  truth  there  may  be  in  them,  yet  we  have  the  certainty  that  old  and 
wise  men  held  them  to  be  true."  These  sagas  are  of  surpassing  value 
to  us  for  the  reason  that,  in  the  words  of  Keary,  they  are  "  the  last 
articulate  voice  of  Teutonic  heathenism."  The  Story  of  Burnt  Njal 
(trans,  by  George  W.  Dasent).  An  Icelandic  saga;  a  picture  of  times 
and  manners.  The  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle  (Bohn).  Examine  entries 
for  the  years  787-1042.  Colby's  Selections  from  the  Sources  of  English 
History,  Nos.  8,  9,  and  10.  Kendall's  Source-Book  of  English  History, 
chap  ii,  "  England  and  the  Danes."  Asser,  Annals  of  the  Reign  of 
Alfred  the  Great ;  in  "  Six  Old  English  Chronicles  "  (Bohn).  Old  South 
Leaflets,  ^o.  112,  "King  Alfred's  Description  of  Europe"  Gregory 
THE  Great,  The  Book  of  Pastoral  Rule  (Nicene  and  Post-Nicene 
Fathers,  Second  Series,   vol.  xii). 

Secondary  or  Modern  Works.  —  Keary  (C.  F.),  **The  Vikings  in 
Western  Christendom  (a.d.  789-888).  A  scholarly  work  and  one  of 
absorbing  interest.  The  author  depicts  the  various  Viking  undertakings 
as  "  one  phase  ...  of  the  long  struggle  between  Christianity  and  the 
heathenism  of  the  North."  Pauli  (R.),  '^The  Life  of  Alfred  the  Great 
(Bohn).  A  masterly  sketch.  The  best  life  of  the  great  king.  Green 
(J.  R.),  The  Conqiiest  of  England;  all  excepting  chaps,  x  and  xi. 
Wheaton  (H.),  History  of  the  Northmen  (Philadelphia,  183 1).  A  little 
book  of  sound  scholarship.  Du  Chaillu  (P.  B.),  The  Viking  Age, 
2  vols.  Reflects  the  life  and  ideals,  customs  and  manners  of  the  Norse- 
men, chiefly  as  depicted  in  the  sagas.  Hughes  (T.),  Alfred  the  Great. 
Very  interesting.  Oman  (C),  The  Dark  Ages,  chap.  xxiv.  Boyesen 
(H.  H.),  The  Story  of  Norway  (Story  of  the  Nations).  The  opening 
chapters.  Lingard  (J.),  History  of  England,  vol.  i.  The  millenary 
celebration  of  Alfred's  death  has  called  into  existence  an  "  Alfred 
Library."  Among  these  recent  books  the  following  should  be  noticed: 
Macfadyen  (D.),  Alfred,  the  West  Saxon  (Saintly  Lives).  Bowker 
(A.),  Alfred  the  Great.  The  several  essays  comprising  this  admirable 
little  volume  are  contributed  by  different  writers.  Draper  (W.  H.), 
Alfred  the  Great:  A  Sketch  and  Seven  Studies. 


CHAPTER    IX 
RISE   OF   THE  PAPAL   POWER 

128.  The  Constitution  of  the  Early  Church.  —  In  an  early 
chapter  of  our  book  we  told  how  Christianity  as  a  system  of 
beUefs  and  precepts  took  possession  of  the  different  nations 
and  tribes  of  Europe.  We  propose  in  the  present  chapter  to 
tell  how  the  Church,  moulded  by  great  men  and  favored  by 
circumstances,  grew  into  what  was  practically  a  universal 
monarchy,  with  the  bishop  of  Rome  as  its  head. 

There  are  two  views  respecting  the  nature  of  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  early  Christian  Church.  One  view  is  that  there 
existed  from  the  very  first  a  hierarchical  system  of  govern- 
ment, such  as  marks  the  Catholic  Church  of  to-day.  Another 
view  is  that  at  the  outset  the  Church  consisted  of  isolated  and 
practically  independent  societies,  and  that  while  some  persons 
enjoyed  precedence  in  honor,  none  had  precedence  in  author- 
ity. This  means,  in  a  word,  that  in  the  beginning  the  local 
churches  formed  an  association  or  fraternity  without  any  real 
government.  All  historical  scholars  are  agreed,  however,  that 
at  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  there  existed  in  the  Church 
a  regular  hierarchy,  consisting  of  various  ranks  of  officers,  of 
which  deacons,  priests  or  presbyters,  and  bishops,  were  the 
most  important.  The  bishops  collectively  formed  what  is 
known  as  the  episcopate.  There  were  already  four  grades  of 
bishops,  namely,  country  bishops,  city  bishops,  metropolitans 
or  archbishops,  and  patriarchs.  The  metropolitan  bishop 
was  the  bishop  of  the  capital  or  the  chief  city  of  a  prov- 
ince, and  stood  above  the  other  bishops  of  his  district. 
The  patriarch  had  authority  over  the  metropolitans.     There 

150 


Claims  of  Prwiacy  by  the  Romajt  Bishops       1 5  i 

were  at  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  five  patriarchates,  that 
is,  regions  ruled  by  patriarchs.  These  centered  in  the  great 
cities  of  Rome,  Constantinople,  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and 
Jerusalem. 

129.  Claims  of  Primacy  by  the  Roman  Bishops.  —  It  is 
respecting  the  question  as  to'  what  were  the  relations  of  the 
early  patriarch  of  Rome  to  the  other  patriarchs  and  bishops 
that  the  opposing  views  of  the  two  schools  of  interpreters  of 
history,  to  which  we  have  referred,  become  of  greatest  interest 
to  the  historical  student.  The  view  of  Catholic  scholars  is 
that  the  bishop  of  Rome  was  from  the  very  first,  by  divine 
appointment,  superior  to  all  other  bishops  and  patriarchs, 
not  only  in  dignity  but  also  in  authority.  The  view  of 
Protestant  scholars  is  that  the  patriarchs  at  the  outset  pos- 
sessed equal  and  coordinate  powers ;  that  is,  that  no  one  of 
the  patriarchs  had  authority  or  jurisdiction  over  the  others, 
although  to  the  patriarch  of  Rome  was  accorded  an  honorary 
precedence. 

However  this  may  be,  it  is  a  fact  that  very  early  the  patri- 
archs of  Rome  laid  claim  to  ])ossessing  supremacy  over  all  other 
bishops  and  patriarchs,  and  to  being  the  divinely  appointed 
head  of  the  Church  Universal.  This  claim  was  based  on  several 
grounds,  the  chief  of  which  was  that  the  church  at  Rome  — 
so  it  was  urged  —  had  been  founded  by  Saint  Peter  himself, 
the  first  bishop  of  that  capital,  whom  Christ  had  intrusted  with 
the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  and  had  invested  with 
superlative  authority  as  a  teacher  and  interpreter  of  the  Word 
by  the  commission  "Feed  my  sheep;  .  .  .  feed  my  lambs," 
thus  giving  into  his  charge  the  entire  flock  of  the  Church. 
This  authority  and  preeminence  conferred  by  the  great  Head 
of  the  Church  upon  Peter  was  held  to  be  transmitted  to  his 
successors  in  the  holy  office. 

By  about  the  close  of  the  sixth  century  the  claims  of  the 
Roman  bishops  were  very  generally  recognized,  and  from  this 
time  on  the  title  of  pope  in  the  later  significance  universally 


1 5  2  MedicEval  History 

given  it  may  properly  be  applied  to  them.^  Besides  the  influ- 
ence of  great  men,  such  as  Leo  the  Great,  Gregory  the  Great, 
and  Nicholas  I,  who  held  the  seat  of  Saint  Peter,  there  were 
various  historical  circumstances  that  contributed  to  the  realiza- 
tion by  the  Roman  bishops  of  their  claim  to  supremacy  and 
aided  them  vastly  in  establishing  the  almost  universal  author- 
ity of  the  mediaeval  papacy.  In  the  following  paragraphs  we 
shall  enumerate  eleven  of  these  concurrent  circumstances. 
These  several  matters  constitute  the  great  landmarks  in  the 
rise  and  growth  of  the  papacy.  Under  one  or  another  of  the 
heads  which  we  shall  give  may  be  gathered  most  of  the  really 
important  facts  in  the  history  of  the  papacy  during  the  first 
seven  or  eight  centuries  of  the  Hfe  of  the  Christian  Church. 

130.  The  Belief  in  the  Primacy  of  Saint  Peter  and  in  the 
Founding  by  him  of  the  Church  at  Rome.  —  It  came  to  be 
believed  that  the  apostle  Peter  had  been  given  by  the  Master 
a  sort  of  primacy  among  his  fellow  apostles.  The  grounds  for 
this  claim  were  found  in  certain  scriptural  passages,  some  of 
which  we  have  already  cited.  It  also  came  to  be  believed 
that  Peter  himself  had  founded  the  church  at  Rome.  It  is 
probable  that  he  did  so,  and  that  he  suffered  martyrdom  there 
under  the  emperor  Nero. 

These  beliefs  and  interpretations  of  history,  which  make  the 
Roman  bishops  the  successors  of  the  first  of  the  apostles  and 
the  holders  of  his  seat,  contributed  greatly,  of  course,  to 
enhance  their  reputation  and  to  justify  their  claim  to  a 
primacy  of  authority  over  all  the  dignitaries  of  the  Church. 

131.  Repute  of  the  Roman  Bishops  for  Orthodoxy.  ^ — 
According  to  most  Roman  Catholic  authorities,  all  the  bishops 
of  Rome,  except  two,  during  the  first,  second,  and  third  cen- 
turies, were  martyrs  of  the  faith  that  had  been  delivered  unto 

1  At  first  the  title  fapa^  or  "  pope,"  was  given  to  every  bishop  in  the  West ; 
after  the  fifth  century  its  use  was  restricted  to  the  patriarchs,  and  finally  it 
became  the  special  and  exclusive  designation  of  the  Roman  bishop.  See  Schaff's 
History  of  the  Christian  Church,  vol.  iii,  p.  300,  note. 


Positioii  at  the  Political  Center  of  the  World     153 

the  holy  apostles.  This  steadfastness  was  believed  to  be  a 
gracious  answer  to  the  prayer  of  Christ  for  Peter.  "  I  have 
prayed  for  thee,"  said  the  Master  to  that  disciple,  "that  thy 
faith  fail  not." 

When  the  age  of  controversy  came  between  the  Eastern 
patriarchs  and  the  bishops  of  Rome,  then  this  reputed  con- 
servatism of  the  Latin  bishops,  in  contrast  with  the  speculative 
tendencies  of  the  Greek  prelates,  contributed  vastly  to  increase 
throughout  the  orthodox  West  their  influence  and  authority. 

132.  Advantages  of  their  Position  at  the  Political  Center  of 
the  World.  — The  claims  of  the  Roman  bishops  were  in  the 
early  centuries  greatly  favored  by  the  spell  in  which  the  world 
was  held  by  the  name  and  prestige  of  imperial  Rome.  Thence 
it  had  been  accustomed  to  receive  commands  in  all  temporal 
matters ;  how  very  natural,  then,  that  thither  it  should  turn 
for  command  and  guidance  in  spiritual  aifairs.  The  Roman 
bishops  in  thus  occupying  the  geographical  and  poHtical  center 
of  the  world  enjoyed  a  great  advantage  over  all  other  bishops  and 
patriarchs.  The  halo  that  during  many  centuries  of  wonderful 
history  had  gathered  about  the  Eternal  City  came  naturally  to 
invest  with  a  kind  of  aureole  the  head  of  the  Christian  bishop. 

133.  Effect  of  the  Removal  of  the  Imperial  Government  to 
Constantinople.  —  Nor  was  this  advantage  which  was  given  the 
Roman  bishops  by  their  position  at  Rome  lost  when  the  old 
capital  ceased  to  be  an  imperial  city.  The  removal  by  the 
acts  of  Diocletian  and  Constantine  of  the  chief  seat  of  the 
government  to  the  East,  instead  of  diminishing  the  power  and 
dignity  of  the  Roman  bishops,  tended  greatly  to  promote  their 
claims  and  authority.  In  the  phrase  of  Dante,  it  "  gave  the 
Shepherd  room."  It  left  the  pontiff  the  foremost  personage 
in  Rome. 

134.  The  Pastor  as  Protector  of  Rome.  — Again,  when  the 
barbarians  came,  there  came  another  occasion  for  the  Roman 
bishops  to  widen  their  influence  and  enhance  their  authority. 
Rome's   extremity  was   their  opportunity.      Thus  it  will   be 


1 54  MedicBval  Histo7y 

recalled  how  Pope  Innocent  I,  through  his  mtercession,  saved 
the  churches  of  Rome  from  the  fate  that  befell  the  heathen 
temples  when  Rome  was  sacked  by  Alaric ;  how  mainly 
through  the  intercession  of  the  pious  Pope  Leo  the  Great 
the  fierce  Attila  was  persuaded  to  turn  back  and  spare  the 
imperial  city;  and  how  the  same  bishop,  in  the  year  455,  also 
appeased  in  a  measure  the  wrath  of  the  Vandal  Geiseric  and 
shielded  the  inhabitants  from  the  worst  passions  of  a  barbarian 
soldiery  (par.  25).^ 

Thus  when  the  emperors,  the  natural  defenders  of  the  capi- 
tal, were  unable  to  protect  it,  the  unarmed  Pastor  was  able, 
through  the  awe  and  reverence  inspired  by  his  holy  office,  to 
render  services  that  could  not  but  result  in  bringing  increased 
honor  and  dignity  to  the  Roman  see. 

135.  Effects  upon  the  Papacy  of  the  Fall  of  Rome.  —  But  if 
the  misfortunes  of  the  empire  tended  to  the  enhancement  of 
the  reputation  and  influence  of  the  Roman  bishops,  much  more 
did  its  final  downfall  in  the  West  tend  to  the  same  end.  Upon 
the  surrender  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  West  into  the  hands 
of  the  emperor  of  the  East,  the  bishops  of  Rome  became  the 
most  important  personages  in  Western  Europe,  and  being  so  far 
removed  from  the  court  at  Constantinople  gradually  assumed 
almost  imperial  powers.  They  became  the  arbiters  between 
the  barbarian  chiefs  and  the  Italians,  and  to  them  were  referred 
for  decision  the  disputes  arising  between  cities,  states,  and 
kings.  Especially  did  the  bishops  and  archbishops  throughout 
the  West  in  their  contest  with  the  Arian  barbarian  rulers  look 
to  Rome  for  advice  and  help. 

It  is  easy  to  see  how  directly  and  powerfully  these  things 
tended  to  strengthen  the  authority  and  increase  the  influence 
of  the  Roman  bishops.  During  this  time  Gregory  the  Great 
(590-604),  who  was  the  most  eminent  of  the  early  popes,  ruled 
as  though  he  were  a  temporal  prince,  and  administered  affairs 
almost  like  an  independent  sovereign. 

2  See  Ro77ie  :  its  Rise  and  Fall,  pars.  273,  278,  and  279. 


TJie  Missions  of  Rome  155 

130.  The  Missions  of  Rome.  — Again,  the  early  missionary 
zeal  of  the  church  of  Rome  made  her  the  mother  of  many 
churches,  all  of  whom  looked  up  to  her  with  affectionate  and 
grateful  loyalty.  Thus  the  Angles  and  Saxons,  won  to  the 
faith  by  the  missionaries  of  Rome,  conceived  a  deep  venera- 
tion for  the  holy  see  and  became  its  most  devoted  children. 
To  Rome  it  was  that  the  English  Christians  made  their  most 
frequent  pilgrimages,  and  thither  they  sent  their  offering  of 
Saint  Peter's  pence.  And  when  the  Saxons  became  mission- 
aries to  their  pagan  kinsmen  of  the  Continent,  they  trans- 
planted into  the  heart  of  Germany  these  same  feelings  of  filial 
attachment  and  love.  The  Saxon  monk,  Saint  Boniface,  "  the 
Apostle  of  Germany,"  with  whose  labors  we  are  already  famil- 
iar (par.  37),  while  winning  the  heathen  of  the  German  forests 
to  a  love  for  the  Cross,  inspired  them  also  with  a  profound 
reverence  for  the  Roman  see.  Boniface  himself  took  a  solemn 
oath  of  fealty  to  the  Roman  pontiff,  and  the  bishops  of  the 
German  churches  that  arose  through  the  efforts  of  this  zealous 
apostle  were  required  to  promise  a  like  obedience  to  Rome. 
And  it  was  through  the  influence  of  the  same  devoted  mission- 
ary that  in  the  Council  of  Frankfort,  held  in  742,  the  bishops 
of  Gaul  and  Germany  resolved  that  the  metropolitans,  or  arch- 
bishops, of  the  Gallic  and  German  churches  should  receive  the 
pallium  from  the  hands  of  the  pope,  in  token  of  their  subjec- 
tion and  allegiance  to  the  Roman  see. 

Thus  was  Rome  exalted  in  the  eyes  of  the  children  of  the 
churches  of  the  West,  until  Gregory  II  (715-731),  writing  the 
Eastern  emperor,  could  say,  "  All  the  lands  of  the  West  have 
their  eyes  directed  towards  our  humility ;  by  them  we  are 
considered  as  a  god  upon  earth."  ^ 

137.  Result  of  the  Fall  of  Antioch,  Jerusalem,  and  Alexan- 
dria before  the  Saracens. —  In  the  seventh  century  all  the  great 
cities  of  the  East  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Moslems.  This 
was  a  matter  of  tremendous  consequence  for  the  church  of 

3  Quoted  by  Ranke,  History  of  the  Popes,  vol.  i,  p.  13. 


156  Mediceval  History 

Rome,  since  in  every  one  of  these  great  capitals  there  was,  or 
might  have  been,  a  rival  of  the  Roman  bishop.  The  virtual 
erasure  of  Antioch,  Jerusalem,  and  Alexandria  from  the  map 
of  Christendom  left  only  one  city,  Constantinople,  that  could 
possibly  nourish  a  rival  of  the  Roman  church.  Thus  did  the 
very  misfortunes  of  Christendom  give  an  added  security  to  the 
growing  power  of  the  Roman  prelate. 

138.  The  Iconoclastic  Controversy  (726-842);  the  Popes 
become  Temporal  Sovereigns.  — The  dispute  about  the  worship 
of  images,  known  in  church  history  as  the  "  War  of  the  Icono- 
clasts," which  broke  out  in  the  eighth  century  between  the 
Greek  churches  of  the  East  and  the  Latin  churches  of  the 
West,  drew  after  it  far-reaching  consequences  as  respects 
the  growing  power  of  the  Roman  pontiffs. 

Even  long  before  the  seventh  century,  at  which  time  the 
power  of  Mohammedanism  arose,  Christianity  in  the  Eastern 
lands  had  lost  very  much  of  its  early  simplicity  and  purity. 
It  had  undergone  a  process  of  paganization.  The  churches 
were  crowded  with  images  or  pictures  of  the  apostles,  saints, 
and  martyrs,  which  to  many  were  objects  of  superstitious  ven- 
eration. They  were  believed  to  possess  miraculous  virtues 
and  powers.  Every  city  and  almost  every  church  possessed 
its  wonder-working  image,  the  patron  and  protector  of  the 
place. 

It  is  easy  to  understand,  then,  the  effect  produced  upon  the 
minds  of  men  when,  in  the  seventh  century,  the  Cross  every- 
where throughout  the  East  went  down  before  the  Crescent, 
and  the  images  of  apostles  and  saints  were  found  powerless  to 
protect  even  their  own  shrines.  The  feeling  awakened  among 
the  Eastern  Christians  by  these  disasters  was  precisely  the 
same  as  that  aroused  among  the  pagan  inhabitants  of  the 
Roman  empire  when,  amidst  the  calamities  of  the  barbarian 
invasion,  the  ancient  deities  were  found  powerless  to  give  pro- 
tection to  the  cities  and  temples  of  which  they  had  been 
thought  the  special  guardians. 


TJic  Iconoclastic  Controversy  157 

The  Moslem  conquerors,  reproaching  the  Christians  as 
idolaters,  broke  to  pieces  the  images  about  the  very  altars, 
and  yet  no  fire  fell  from  heaven  to  punish  the  sacrilege.  The 
Christians  were  filled  with  shame  and  confusion.  A  strong 
party  arose,  who,  like  the  party  of  reform  among  the  ancient 
Hebrews,  declared  that  God  had  given  the  Church  over  into 
the  hands  of  the  infidels  because  the  Christians  had  departed 
from  his  true  worship  and  fallen  into  gross  idolatry.  These 
opposers  of  the  use  of  images  in  worship  took  the  name  of 
Iconoclasts  (image-breakers).  They  were  the  reformers  of  the 
East.  At  a  great  ecclesiastical  council  held  at  Constantinople 
in  754,  it  was  decreed  that  "all  visible  symbols  of  Christ, 
except  in  the  Eucharist,  were  either  blasphemous  or  heretical ; 
that  image-worship  was  a  corruption  of  Christianity,  and  a 
revival  of  paganism  ;  and  that  all  such  monuments  of  idolatry 
should  be  broken  or  erased." 

Leo  the  Isaurian,  who  came  to  the  throne  of  Constantinople 
in  716,  was  a  most  zealous  Iconoclast.  The  Greek  churches  of 
the  East  having  been  cleared  of  images,  the  emperor  resolved 
to  clear  also  the  Latin  churches  of  the  West  of  these  "  symbols 
of  idolatry."  To  this  end  he  issued  a  decree  that  they  should 
not  be  used. 

The  bishop  of  Rome,  Pope  Gregory  II,  not  only  opposed 
the  execution  of  the  edict,  but  by  the  ban  of  excommunication 
cut  off  the  emperor  and  all  the  iconoclastic  churches  of  the 
East  from  communion  \vith  the  true  Catholic  Church."* 

In  this  quarrel  with  the  Eastern  emperors  the  Roman  bishops 
cast  about  for  an  alliance  with  some  powerful  Western  prince. 
First  they  made  friends  with  the  Lombards,  whom  they  soon 

4  By  the  decree  of  a  synod  held  at  Constantinople  in  842,  images  —  paintings 
and  mosaics  only  —  were  restored  in  the  Eastern  churches.  But  by  this  time 
such  an  accumulation  of  causes  of  alienation  had  arisen,  that  the  breach  between 
the  two  sections  of  Christendom  could  not  be  closed.  In  the  latter  half  of  the 
eleventh  century  came  the  permanent  separation  of  the  Church  of  the  East 
from  that  of  the  West.  The  former  became  known  as  the  Greek,  Byzantine,  or 
Eastern  Church  ;  the  latter  as  the  Latin,  Roman,  or  Catholic  Church, 


158  Mediceval  History 

found  to  be  dangerous  protectors.  Then  they  turned  to  the 
Franks.  We  have  already  told  the  story  of  the  friendship  of 
the  Carolingian  kings  and  the  Roman  pontiffs,  and  of  the 
favors  they  exchanged.  Never  did  friends  render  themselves 
more  serviceable  to  each  other.  The  popes  made  the  descend- 
ants of  the  house  of  Pippin  kings  and  emperors ;  the  grateful 
Frankish  princes  defended  the  popes  against  all  their  enemies, 
imperial  and  barbarian,  and  dowering  them  with  cities  and  prov- 
inces, laid  the  basis  of  their  temporal  sovereignty  (par.  100). 

Thus  to  the  spiritual  authority  which  the  Roman  bishops 
had  been  gradually  acquiring  was  added  temporal  power, 
which,  though  later  a  source  of  weakness  to  them,  was  undoubt- 
edly at  first  an  element  of  strength,  and  one  of  the  stepping- 
stones  by  which  they  mounted  to  the  throne  of  the  sovereignty 
of  the  West. 

139.  The  Donation  of  Constantine  and  the  False  Decretals.  — 
The  cause  of  the  Roman  pontiffs,  from  about  the  eighth  or 
ninth  century  forward,  was  greatly  furthered  by  two  of  the  most 
surprising  and  successful  forgeries  in  all  history.  These  famous 
documents  are  known  as  the  Donation  of  Constantine  and  the 
False  Decretals. 

The  probable  object  of  the  former  was  to  support  and 
justify  the  donation  of  Pippin  by  providing  evidence  of  a 
similar  and  earlier  donation  by  the  first  imperial  patron  of 
the  Church.  It  "  tells  how  Constantine  the  Great,  cured  of 
his  leprosy  by  the  prayers  of  Sylvester,  resolved,  on  the  fourth 
day  from  his  baptism,  to  forsake  the  ancient  seat  for  a  new 
capital  on  the  Bosphorus,  lest  the  continuance  of  the  secular 
government  should  cramp  the  freedom  of  the  spiritual,  and 
how  he  bestowed  therewith  upon  the  pope  and  his  successors 
the  sovereignty  over  Italy  and  the  countries  of  the  West."  ^ 

5  Bryce,  The  Holy  Roman  Empire,  p.  loo.  What  Constantine  really  did 
grant  the  Church  was  the  right  to  acquire  legal  title  to  landed  property  and  to 
receive  bequests,  —  a  right  which  she  did  not  enjoy  under  the  pagan  emperors. 
Diocletian  confiscated  what  wealth  the  churches  had  gathered  in  his  time. 


Ecclesiastical  Jurisdiction  ;  Appeals  to  Rome     159 

The  so-called  Pseudo-Isidorian  Decretals,  which  appeared 
about  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century,  tended  to  a  similar 
end  as  did  the  Donation  of  Constantine,  although  they  were 
originally  put  out  in  the  interest  of  the  bishops  and  not  of  the 
pope.  They  formed  part  of  a  collection  of  church  documents, 
and  included  many  alleged  letters  and  edicts  of  the  early 
popes.  Granting  their  genuineness,  they  went  to  prove  that 
the  bishops  of  Rome  in  the  second  and  third  centuries  exer- 
cised all  that  authority  and  extensive  jurisdiction  which  were 
now  being  claimed  by  the  popes  of  the  ninth  century. 

In  that  uncritical  age  the  documents  were  received  by  every- 
body as  authentic.^  The  popes  triumphantly  appealed  to  them 
in  support  of  their  largest  claims.  They  are  now  acknowledged 
by  all  scholars,  Catholic  as  well  as  Protestant,  to  have  been 
forged  ;  nevertheless  they  worked  as  effectively  as  though  they 
had  been  genuine  for  the  confirming  of  the  papal  power. 

140.  Ecclesiastical  Jurisdiction  ;  Appeals  to  Rome.  —  Charles 
the  Great  had  recognized  the  principle,  held  from  early  times 
by  the  Church,  that  ecclesiastics  should  be  amenable  only  to 
the  ecclesiastical  tribunals,  by  freeing  the  whole  body  of  the 
clergy  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  temporal  courts,  in  criminal 
as  well  as  in  civil  cases.  Gradually  the  bishops  acquired  the 
right  to  try  all  cases  relating  to  marriage,  trusts,  perjury, 
simony,  or  concerning  widows,  orphans,  or  crusaders,  on  the 
ground  that  such  cases  had  to  do  with  religion.  Even  the 
right  to  try  all  criminal  cases  was  claimed  on  the  ground  that 
all  crime  is  sin,  and  hence  can  properly  be  dealt  with  only  by 
the  Church.  Persons  convicted  by  the  ecclesiastical  tribunals 
were  subjected  to  penance,  imprisoned  in  the  monasteries,  or 
handed  over  to  the  civil  authorities. 

Thus  by  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century  the  Church  had 
absorbed  a  great  part  of  the  criminal  administration  of  both 

6  Laurentius  Valla  (1406-11.57),  one  of  the  greatest  of  the  humanists 
(par.  308),  was  the  first  to  demonstrate  the  real  character  of  the  Donation  of 
Constantine. 


i6o  McdiiBval  History 

the  laity  and  the  clergy.  The  temporal  princes,  not  perceiv- 
ing whither  this  thing  tended,  at  first  favored  this  extension 
of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.  Thus,  for  a  single  illustration,  in 
857  Charles  the  Bald  of  France  gave  to  the  bishops  a  right  to 
investigate  all  cases  involving  robbery,  murder,  and  other  crimes, 
and  to  hand  offenders  over  to  the  counts  for  punishment. 

Now  the  particular  feature  of  this  enormous  extension  of  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  ecclesiastical  tribunals  which  at  present  it 
especially  concerns  us  to  notice  is  the  establishment  of  the  prin- 
ciple that  all  cases  might  be  appealed  or  cited  from  the  courts 
of  the  bishops  and  archbishops  of  the  different  European  coun- 
tries to  the  papal  see,  which  thus  became  the  court  of  last  resort 
in  all  cases  affecting  ecclesiastics  or  concerning  reHgion.  The 
pope  thus  came  to  be  regarded  as  the  fountain  of  justice,  and, 
in  theory  at  least,  the  supreme  judge  of  Christendom,  while 
emperors  and  kings  and  all  civil  magistrates  bore  the  sword 
simply  as  his  ministers  to  carry  into  effect  his  sentences  and 
decrees. 

This  principle  of  the  subordination  of  the  local  tribunals  of 
the  Church  to  the  court  of  Rome  was  not  established,  it  should 
here  be  said,  without  a  long  and  bitter  contest  between  the 
popes  and  the  bishops,  —  a  struggle  very  like  that  carried  on 
during  nearly  the  same  centuries  between  the  kings  of  Europe 
and  their  feudatories.  But,  as  the  final  issue  of  the  contest  in 
the  temporal  realm  was  the  subjection  of  the  feudal  aristocracy 
to  the  royal  authority,  and  the  concentration  of  all  power  in 
the  hands  of  the  kings,  so  likewise  the  outcome  of  the  strug- 
gle in  the  spiritual  realm  was  the  subjection  of  the  ecclesias- 
tical aristocracy  to  the  papal  authority,  and  the  centering  of 
supreme  jurisdiction  in  the  hands  of  the  Roman  pontiff. 

In  another  chapter  we  shall  say  something  of  the  way 
in  which  the  popes  used  the  great  authority  with  which 
they  had  now  become  invested  and  of  the  memorable  strug- 
gle for  supremacy  between  them  and  the  German  emperors 
(chap.  xii). 


Ecclesiastical  Jurisdiction  i6 1 

Sources  and  Source  Material.  —  Henderson's  Historical  Doctanents 
of  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  319-329,  "The  Donation  of  Constantine." 

Secondary  or  Modern  Works.  —  Hatch  (E.),  **  The  Organization 
of  the  Early  Christian  Church.  The  best  work  on  the  subject  from  the 
Protestant  side.  Fisher  (G.  P.),  History  of  the  Christian  Church. 
The  earlier  chapters.  Concise,  fair,  and  scholarly.  Hurst  (J.  F.), 
History  of  the  Christian  Church,  vol.  i.  Consult  Table  of  Contents. 
SCHAFF  (P.),  History  of  the  Christian  Church  (5th  ed.,  New  York, 
1899),  vol.  iii,  chap,  v,  "  The  Hierarchy  and  Polity  of  the  Church." 
Alzog  (J.),  Manual  of  Universal  Church  History  (from  the  German), 
vol.  ii,  pp.  481-510.  The  Catholic  view  of  the  subject  by  an  eminent 
scholar.  Milman  (H.  H.),  History  of  Latin  Christianity.  Selected 
chapters  in  vols,  i  and  ii.  Emerton  (E.),  IntroductioJi  to  the  Study  of 
the  Middle  Ages,  chap,  ix,  "  The  Rise  of  the  Christian  Church."  Adams 
(G.  B.),  Civilization  during  the  Middle  Ages,  chap,  vi,  "The  Formation 
of  the  Papacy."  Cardinal  Gibbons,  The  Faith  of  Our  Fathers, 
chap,  ix,  "  The  Primacy  of  Peter,"  and  chap,  x,  "  The  Supremacy  of  the 
Popes."  A  plain,  authoritative  statement  of  the  Catholic  view  of  these 
matters.  Lea  (H.  C),  Studies  in  Church  History.  A  series  of  scholarly 
and  interesting  essays.  The  earlier  portion  of  the  work  deals  with 
"  The  Rise  of  the  Temporal  Power  "  and  "  Benefit  of  Clergy."  Bow^den 
(J.  W.),  Life  of  Gregory  the  Seventh,  vol.  i,  chap.  i.  A  rapid  sketch  of 
the  transformation  of  the  episcopal  aristocracy  into  the  papal  monarchy. 
Still:^  (C.  J.),  Studies  in  Medieval  History,  chap,  ix,  "  The  Papacy  to 
the  Reign  of  Charlemagne."  Bury  (J.  B.),  History  of  the  Later  Roman 
Empire,  vol.  ii.  Consult  Table  of  Contents.  VoN  Bollinger  (J.  J. 
L),  Fables  respecting  the  Popes  of  the  Middle  Ages  (from  the  German). 
Contains  the  most  important  study  available  in  English  on  the  Dona- 
tion of  Constantine.  In  Epochs  of  Church  History  series:  Carr  (A.), 
The  Church  and  the  Roman  Empire,  chap,  xxiv,  "  Leo  I  and  the  Church 
of  Rome"  ;  and  Tozer  (H.  F.),  The  Church  and  the  Eastern  Empire, 
chap,  vi,  "  The  Iconoclastic  Controversy." 


SECOND    PERIOD  — THE   AGE   OF   REVIVAL 

(From  the  Opening  of  the  Eleventh  Century  to  the  Discovery  of 
America  by  Columbus  in  1492 ) 


CHAPTER   X 

FEUDALISM  AND  CHIVALRY 

I.   Feudalism 

141.  Feudalism  defined. — "Feudalism"  is  the  name  given  to 
a  special  form  of  society  and  government,  based  upon  a  pecu- 
liar tenure  of  land/  which  prevailed  in  Europe  during  the  latter 
part  of  the  Middle  Ages,  attaining,  however,  its  most  perfect 
development  in  the  eleventh,  twelfth,  and  thirteenth  centuries. 

The  three  most  essential  features  of  the  system  were  :  (i)  the 
beneficiary  nature  of  property  in  land ;  (2)  the  existence  of 
a  close  personal  bond  between  the  grantor  of  an  estate  and 
the  receiver  of  it ;  (3)  the  full  or  partial  rights  of  sovereignty 
which  the  holder  of  an  estate  had  over  those  living  upon  it. 

An  estate  of  this  nature  —  it  might  embrace  a  few  acres  or 
an  entire   kingdom  —  was  called  a  fief,  or  feud,  whence   the 

1  There  is  nothing  more  fundamental  in  social  or  economic  arrangements 
than  the  way  in  which  land  is  held.  Among  most  civilized  peoples  to-day 
private  ownership  of  the  soil  is  almost  universal,  while  among  races  still  in  the 
stage  of  primitive  culture  the  land  is  usually  regarded  as  the  common  heritage 
and  property  of  the  clan  or  tribe.  The  feudal  system  was  based  on  a  species  of 
land  tenure  which  partook  of  the  nature  of  each  of  these  two  great  systems  of 
land-holding.  At  the  present  time  there  is  a  strong  party,  composed  of  followers 
of  the  economist  Henry  George,  who  condemn  private  property  in  land  and 
advocate  mimicipal  or  national  ownership  of  the  soil.  The  adoption  of  their 
proposals  would  effect  a  great  social  and  economic  revolution. 

162 


The  Ideal  System  163 

term  "  Feudalism."  The  person  granting  a  fief  was  called  the 
suzcraiji,  liege,  or  lord ;  the  one  receiving  it,  his  vassal,  liege- 
nia?i,  or  I'etainer. 

A  person  receiving  a  large  fief  might  parcel  it  out  in  tracts 
to  others  on  terms  similar  to  those  on  which  he  himself  had 
received  it.  This  regranting  of  feudal  lands  was  known  as 
subinfeudation ;  in  principle  it  was  not  unlike  what  we  know 
as  the  subletting  of  lands.  The  process  of  subinfeudation 
might  be  carried  on  to  almost  any  degree.  Practically  it  was 
seldom  carried  beyond  the  fourth  stage. 

142.  The  Ideal  System.  — The  few  definitions  given  above 
will  render  intelligible  the  following  explanation  of  the  theory 
of  the  feudal  system.  We  take  the  theory  first  for  the  reason 
that  -the  theory  of  the  system  is  infinitely  simpler  than  the 
thing  itself.  In  fact,  feudalism,  as  we  find  it  in  actual  prac- 
tice, was  one  of  the  most  complex  institutions  that  the  medi- 
aeval ages  produced. 

In  theory  all  the  kings  of  the  earth  were  vassals  of  the 
Emperor,  who  according  to  good  imperialists  was  God's  vassal, 
and  according  to  good  churchmen,  the  pope's.  The  kings 
received  their  dominions  as  fiefs  to  be  held  on  conditions  of 
loyalty  to  their  suzerain  and  of  fealty  to  right  and  justice. 
Should  a  king  become  disloyal  or  rule  unjustly  and  wickedly, 
through  such  misconduct  he  forfeited  his  fief,  and  it  might  be 
taken  from  him  by  his  suzerain  and  given  to  another  worthier 
liegeman. 

In  the  same  way  as  the  king  received  his  fief  from  the 
Emperor,  so  might  he  grant  it  out  in  parcels  to  his  chief  men, 
they,  in  return  for  it,  promising,  in  general,  to  be  faithful  to 
him  as  their  lord,  and  to  serve  and  aid  him.  Should  these 
men,  now  vassals,  be  in  any  way  untrue  to  their  engagement, 
they  forfeited  their  fiefs,  and  these  might  be  resumed  by  their 
suzerain  and  bestowed  upon  others. 

In  like  manner  these  immediate  vassals  of  the  king,  or 
suzerain,  might  parcel  out  their  domains  in  smaller  tracts  to 


164  MedicBval  History 

others,  on  conditions  similar  to  those  upon  which  they  had 
themseh-es  received  theirs ;  and  so  on  down  through  any 
number  of  stages. 

We  have  thus  far  dealt  only  with  the  soil  of  a  country. 
We  must  next  notice  what  disposition  was  made  of  the  people 
under  this  system. 

The  king  in  receiving  his  fief  was  intrusted  with  sovereignty 
over  all  persons  living  upon  it ;  he  became  their  commander, 
their  lawmaker,  and  their  judge,  —  practically,  their  absolute 
and  irresponsible  ruler.  Then,  when  he  parceled  out  his  fief 
among  his  great  men,  he  invested  them,  within  the  limits  of 
the  fiefs  granted,  with  all  his  own  sovereign  rights.  Each 
vassal  became  a  virtual  sovereign  in  his  own  domain.  And 
when  these  great  vassals  subdivided  their  fiefs  and  granted 
portions  of  them  to  others,  they  in  turn  invested  their  vassals 
with  more  or  less  of  those  powers  of  sovereignty  with  which 
they  themselves  had  been  clothed.^ 

To  illustrate  the  workings  of  the  system,  we  w^ill  suppose 
the  king,  or  suzerain,  to  be  in  need  of  an  army.  He  calls  upon 
his  own  immediate  vassals  for  aid  ;  these  in  turn  call  upon  their 
vassals ;  and  so  the  order  nms  down  through  the  various  stages 
of  the  hierarchy.  Each  lord  commands  only  his  own  vassals. 
The  retainers  in  the  lowest  rank  rally  around  their  respective 
lords,  who,  with  their  bands,  gather  about  their  lords,  and  so  on 
up  through  the  rising  tiers  of  the  hierarchy,  until  the  immediate 
vassals  of  the  suzerain,  or  lord  paramount,  present  themselves 
before  him  with  their  graduated  trains  of  followers.  The  array 
constitutes  a  feudal  army,  —  a  splendidly  organized  body  in 
theory,  but  in  fact  an  extremely  poor  instrument  for  warfare. 

Such  was  the  ideal  feudal  state.  It  is  needless  to  say  that 
the  ideal  was  never  perfectly  realized.      The  system  simply 

2  The  holders  of  small  fiefs  were  not  allowed  to  exercise  the  more  important 
functions  of  sovereignty.  Thus,  of  the  estimated  number  of  seventy  thousand 
fief-holders  in  France  in  the  tenth  century,  only  between  one  and  two  hundred  pos- 
sessed the  right  "  to  coin  money,  levy  taxes,  make  laws,  and  administer  their  own 
justice."     See  Kitchin's  History  of  Fraiicc,  vol.  i,  p.  191  (4th  ed.,  Oxford,  1899). 


Roman  and  TeiUonic  Elements  in  the  System    165 

made  more  or  less  distant  approaches  to  it  in  the  several 
European  countries.  But  this  general  idea  which  we  have 
tried  to  give  of  the  theory  of  the  system  will  help  to  an 
understanding  of  it  as  we  find  it  in  actual  existence. 

143.  Roman  and  Teutonic  Elements  in  the  System.  —  Like 
many  another  institution  that  grew  up  on  the  conquered  soil 
of  the  empire,  feudahsm  was  of  a  composite  character ;  that 
is,  it  contained  both  Roman  and  Teutonic  elements.  The 
very  name  itself  is,  according  to  some,  a  compound  of  the 
Latin yf^^j,  "  trust,"  and  the  Teutonic  od,  "an  estate  in  land." 
This  is  very  doubtful ;  but  whatever  may  have  been  the  origin 
of  the  word,  the  thing  it  represents  was  certainly  compounded 
of  classical  and  barbarian  elements.  The  warp  was  Teutonic, 
but  the  woof  was  Roman.  The  spirit  of  the  institution  was 
barbarian,  but  the  form  was  classical.  We  might  illustrate  the 
idea  we  are  trying  to  convey,  by  referring  to  the  mediaeval  papal 
Church.  It,  while  Hebrew  in  spirit,  was  Roman  in  form.  It  had 
shaped  itself  upon  the  model  of  the  empire,  and  was  thoroughly 
imperial  in  its  organization.  Thus  was  it  with  feudalism. 
Beneath  the  Roman  garb  it  assumed,  beat  a  German  Hfe, 

Just  what  ideas  and  customs  among  the  Teutons,  and  what 
l)rinciples  and  practices  among  the  Romans,  constituted  the 
germs  out  of  which  feudahsm  was  actually  developed,  it  would 
be  very  difficult  to  say.  In  some  countries,  as  in  England 
and  Scandinavia,  there  grew  up  a  fomi  of  feudal  society 
which  was  almost  entirely  uninfluenced  by  Roman  institutions  ; 
while  in  France  a  very  different  and  much  more  perfect  feudal 
system  was  developed,  whose  foniis  were  determined  largely 
by  Gallo-Roman  influences. 

We  will  now  in  three  distinct  paragraphs  say  a  word  about 
the  probable  origin  of  those  three  prominent  features  of  the 
System  which  have  already  been  mentioned,  —  namely,  the 
Jief,  the  pat?'onage,  and  the  soi'ereignty. 

144.  The  Origin  of  Fiefs.  —  In  the  sixth  century  probably 
the  greater  part  of  the  soil  of  the  countries  which  had  once 


1 66  MedicBval  History 

formed  a  part  of  the  Roman  empire  in  the  West  was  held  by 
what  was  called  an  allodial  or  freehold  tenure.  The  landed 
proprietor  owned  his  domain  absolutely,  held  it  just  as  a  man 
among  us  holds  his  estate.  He  enjoyed  it  free  from  any  rent 
or  service  due  to  a  superior,  save  of  course  public  taxes  and 
duties.  But  by  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century  probably  the 
larger  part  of  the  land  in  these  same  countries,  as  well  as  in 
other  regions  into  which  the  feudal  system  had  been  carried, 
was  held  by  a  beneficiary  or  feudal  tenure.  We  must  now  see 
how  this  great  change  came  about. 

The  fief  grew  out  of  the  befiejiciiim,  a  form  of  estate  well 
known  among  the  Romans.^  When  the  barbarians  overran 
the  soil  of  the  empire,  they  appropriated,  as  we  have  seen, 
a  good  part  of  it  to  their  own  use.  The  king  or  leader  of  the 
invading  tribe  naturally  had  allotted  to  him  a  large  share. 
Following  his  custom  of  bestowing  gifts  of  arms  and  other 
articles  upon  his  companions,  he  granted  to  his  followers  and 
friends  parcels  of  his  domains,  upon  the  simple  condition  of 
faithfulness.  At  first  these  estates  were  bestowed  only  for  life, 
and  were  called  by  the  Latin  name  of  benefices ;  but  in  the 
course  of  time  they  became  hereditary,  and  then  they  began 
to  be  called  ftfs,  or  feuds.  They  took  this  latter  name  about 
the  ninth  century.  As  the  royal  lands  were  very  extensive  and 
were  being  constantly  added  to  by  inheritance  and  successful 
wars,  these  were  a  very  important  source  of  feudal  estates. 

Another  and  still  more  important  source  of  fiefs  was  usur- 
pation. Under  the  later  Carolingians  the  counts,  dukes, 
marquises,  and  other  royal  officers,  who  were  at  first  sim- 
ply appointed  magistrates,  succeeded,  by  taking  advantage  of 
the  weakness  of  their  sovereigns,  in  making  their  offices 
hereditary,  and  then  in  having  their  duchies,  counties,  and 
provinces  regarded  as  fiefs  granted  to  them  by  the  king.  By 
the  year  877  this  process  had  proceeded  so  far  that  in  that 
year  Charles  the  Bald  of  France,  by  the  celebrated  capitulary 

3  Under  the  name,  however,  of  emphyteusis. 


Origin  of  the  Feudal  Patronage  167 

of  Kiersy,  recognized  the  hereditary  character  of  the  offices  of 
his  counts.  In  this  way  the  countries  originally  embraced 
within  the  limits  of  the  empire  of  Charles  the  Great  became 
broken  up  into  a  considerable  number  of  enormous  fiefs,  the 
heads  of  which,  bearing  the  names  of  count,  duke,  marquis, 
and  so  on,  became  the  great  vassals  of  the  crown. 

Another  way  in  which  fiefs  arose  was  through  the  owners  of 
allodial  estates  voluntarily  surrendering  them  into  the  hands 
of  some  powerful  lord,  and  then  receiving  them  back  as  bene- 
fices, or  fiefs.  We  shall  see,  a  little  further  on,  how  the  con- 
fusion and  anarchy  of  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries  caused 
multitudes  of  allodial  proprietors  thus  to  turn  their  freeholds 
into  fiefs,  that  they  might  thereby  come  within  the  feudal 
system  and  enjoy  its  advantages  and  protection. 

145.  Origin  of  the  Feudal  Patronage.  —  \\  e  named  the 
close  personal  tie  uniting  the  lord  and  his  vassal  as  the  second 
of  the  essential  features  of  the  feudal  system.  Some  have 
traced  this  to  the  Teutons,  and  think  it  the  same  tie  as  that 
which  bound  the  companion  to  his  chief  and  created  the 
ancient  German  institution  known  as  the  cotnitatus  (par.  12). 
Others  have  pronounced  it  identical  with  the  tie  that  at  Rome 
bound  the  client  to  his  patron.  Still  others  have  traced  it  to 
the  Celtic  or  Gallic  custom  of  commendation,  whereby  a  per- 
son subjected  himself  to  a  more  powerful  lord  for  the  sake  of 
his  patronage  and  protection.  All  these  things  indeed  are 
very  much  alike,  and  any  one  might  have  served  as  the  germ 
out  of  which  feudal  patronage,  the  special  relation  of  lord  and 
vassal,  was  developed. 

The  important  thing  to  bear  in  mind,  however,  is  that  in 
the  Prankish  kingdom,  which  was  the  cradle  of  feudaHsm,  we 
find  all  the  officers  of  the  court  and  the  great  men  of  the 
nation  holding  to  the  king  relations  of  sworn  fidelity  and  trust 
which  were  in  \arious  respects  analogous  to  the  relations  that 
subsisted  in  earlier  times  between  the  German  war  leader  and 
his  companions. 


1 6  8  Mediceval  His  to  ry 

Now  in  time  this  peculiar  personal  relation,  characterized 
on  the  part  of  the  vassal  by  pledges  of  fealty,  service,  and  aid, 
and  on  the  part  of  the  lord  by  promise  of  counsel  and  pro- 
tection, came  to  be  united  with  the  benefice,  with  which  at 
first  it  had  nothing  to  do.  The  union  of  these  two  ties  com- 
pleted the  feudal  tenure. 

146.  Origin  of  the  Feudal  Sovereignty.  —  It  still  remains  to 
speak  of  the  feudal  sovereignty.  How  did  the  possessor  of  a 
beneficiary  estate,  or  fief,  acquire  the  rights  of  a  sovereign  over 
the  persons  living  upon  it,  —  the  right  to  administer  justice,  to 
coin  money,  and  to  wage  war?  How  did  these  privileges  and 
authorities  which  at  first  resided  in  the  king  come  to  be  dis- 
tributed among  the  fief-holders?  In  two  ways  chiefly, — by 
the  king's  voluntary  surrender  of  his  rights  and  powers,  and  by 
usurpation. 

Thus  the  Merovingian  and  Carolingian  rulers  very  fre- 
quently conferred  upon  churches,  monasteries,  and  important 
personages  a  portion  of  the  royal  power.  This  was  done  by 
what  were  known  as  grants  of  immunity}  Thus  a  monastery, 
for  instance,  would,  by  such  a  grant,  be  freed  from  royal  inter- 
ference, and  given  administrative  authority  over  all  classes  of 
persons  living  upon  its  lands.  In  this  way  the  royal  authority 
was  much  scattered  and  weakened. 

A  still  more  important  source  of  feudal  sovereignty  was  the 
usurpation  of  the  kingly  power  by  the  royal  officers.  Under 
the  later  Carolingians  these  magistrates,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  succeeded  in  making  their  offices  hereditary,  and  thus 
transformed  themselves  into  petty  sovereigns,  only  nominally 
dependent  upon  their  king.     They  became  powerful  vassals, 

4  A  grant  of  immunity  may  for  purposes  of  illustration  be  compared  to  the 
charter  granted  by  the  modem  state  to  the  board  of  directors  of  a  college 
or  other  corporation,  whereby  are  conferred  upon  this  body  limited  rights  of 
legislation  and  jurisdiction ;  or  a  better  illustration  perhaps  would  be  the  Con- 
stitution that  the  United  States  Government  by  its  ratification  gives  to  a  Terri- 
tory and  thereby  makes  it  a  State  with  many  sovereign  powers.  Federalism 
indeed  presents  various  instructive  analogies  to  feudalism. 


TJie  Ceremony  of  Homage  169 

while  their  sovereign  became  a  suzerain,  a  shadow-king.  By 
such  usurpations  the  kingdoms  into  which  the  empire  of 
Charles  the  Great  was  at  first  broken  became  still  further  sub- 
divided into  numerous  petty  feudal  principalities,  and  the 
royal  power  was  distributed  down  through  the  ranks  of  a  more 
or  less  perfectly  graduated  civil  hierarchy. 

147.  The  Ceremony  of  Homage.  — A  fief  was  conferred  by  a 
very  solemn  and  peculiar  ceremony  called  homage.  The  per- 
son about  to  become  a  vassal,  kneeling  with  uncovered  head, 
placed  his  hands  in  those  of  his  future  lord,  and  solemnly 
vowed  to  be  henceforth  his  man,^  and  to  serve  him  faithfully 
even  with  his  Hfe.  This  part  of  the  ceremony,  sealed  with  a 
kiss,  was  what  properly  constituted  the  "ceremony  of  homage. 
It  was  accompanied  by  an  oath  of  fealty,  and  the  whole  was 
concluded  by  the  act  of  investiture,  whereby  the  lord  put  his 
vassal  in  actual  possession  of  the  land,  or  by  placing  in  his 
hand  a  clod  of  earth  or  a  twig,  symbolized  the  delivery  to  him 
of  the  estate  for  which  he  had  just  now  done  homage  and 
sworn  fealty. 

148.  The  Relations  of  Lord  and  Vassal.  —  In  general  terms 
the  duty  of  the  vassal  was  service  ;  that  of  the  lord,  protec- 
tion. The  most  honorable  service  required  of  the  vassal, 
and  the  one  most  willingly  rendered  in  a  martial  age,  was 
military  aid.  The  liegeman  must  always  be  ready  to  follow 
his  lord  upon  his  military  expeditions  ;  but  the  time  of  service 
for  one  year  was  usually  not  more  than  forty  days.  He  must 
defend  his  lord  in  battle ;  if  he  should  be  unhorsed,  must 
give  him  his  own  animal ;  and,  if  he  should  be  made  a  pris- 
oner, must  offer  himself  as  a  hostage  for  his  release.  He  must 
also  give  entertainment  to  his  lord  and  his  retinue  on  their 
journeys. 

There   were   other    incidents   mainly  of  a  financial  nature 
attaching  to   a   fief,   which    grew    up   gradually  and   did  not 
become   a    part    of   the    system    much    before    the    eleventh 
5  Latin  homo^  whence  "  homage," 


1 7  o  MedicBva  I  His  to  ry 

century.  These  were  known  as  reliefs,  fines  upon  alie?tation, 
escheats,  and  aids. 

A  Relief  was  the  name  given  to  the  sum  of  money  which  an 
heir  upon  coming  into  possession  of  a  fief  must  pay  to  the  lord 
of  the  domain.  This  was  often  a  large  amount,  being  usually 
the  entire  revenue  of  the  estate  for  one  year. 

A  Fine  upon  Alienation  was  a  sum  of  money  paid  to  the 
lord  by  a  vassal  for  permission  to  alienate  his  fief,  that  is,  to 
substitute  another  vassal  in  his  place. 

By  Escheat  was  meant  the  falhng  back  of  the  fief  into  the 
hands  of  the  lord  through  failure  of  heirs.  If  the  fief  lapsed 
through  disloyalty  or  other  misdemeanor  on  the  part  of  the 
vassal,  this  was  known  as  fo7'feiture. 

Aids  were  sums  of  money  which  the  lord  had  a  right  to 
demand  to  enable  him  to  meet  unusual  expenditures,  espe- 
cially for  defraying  the  expense,  of  knighting  his  eldest  son, 
for  providing  a  marriage  dower  for  his  eldest  daughter,  and 
for  ransoming  his  own  person  from  captivity  in  case  he  were 
made  a  prisoner  of  war.^ 

The  chief  return  that  the  lord  was  bound  to  make  to  the 
vassal  as  a  compensation  for  these  various  services  and  rights 
was  counsel  and  protection  —  by  no  means  a  small  return  in 
an  age  of  turmoil  and  insecurity. 

149.  Serfs"  and  Serfdom.  — The  vassals,  or  fief-holders,  of 
various  grades  constituted  only  a  very  small  portion,  perhaps 
five  per  cent  or  less,  of  the  population  of  the  countries  where 

6  The  right  of  wardship  was  the  right  of  the  lord,  when  the  successor  to  a  fief 
was  a  minor,  to  assume  the  guardianship  of  the  heir  and  to  enjoy  the  revenues 
of  the  fief  until  his  ward  became  of  age.  The  right  of  marriage  was  the  right  of 
the  lord  to  select  a  husband  for  his  female  ward,  "  lest  he  should  get  an  enemy 
for  a  vassal." 

"  The  terms  "  serf  "  and  "  villain,"  although  in  some  countries  they  denoted 
different  classes,  are  used  interchangeably  by  many  writers.  Thus  English  writers 
usually  employ  the  terms  "  villains  "  and  "  villainage  "  in  speaking  of  the  servile 
English  peasantry  after  the  Norman  Conquest.  We  shall,  however,  throughout 
our  work  use  the  words  "  serf  "  and  "  serfdom  "  only  in  the  sense  defined  in  the 
present  paragraph. 


Serfs  and  Scrfdoi7i  17 1 

feudalism  came  to  prevail.  The  great  bulk  of  the  folk  were 
agricultural  serfs.^  I'hese  were  the  men  who  actually  tilled 
the  soil. 

Just  how  this  servile  class  arose  is  not  positively  known. 
Some  think  that  the  ancestors  of  the  mediaeval  serfs  were 
bondsmen,  others  that  they  were,  speaking  generally,  freemen. 
In  some  countries  at  least  they  seem  to  have  been  the  Hneal 
descendants  of  the  slaves  of  Roman  times,  whose  condition 
had  been  gradually  ameliorated.  But  setting  aside  this  vexed 
question  of  origin,  we  need  for  our  present  purpose  simply  to 
regard  serfdom  as  that  form  of  servitude  which  the  moral 
feelings  and  the  economic  conditions  of  the  mediaeval  time 
permitted  or  created. 

The  serfs  were  what  we  might  term  servile  tenants.  Their 
status  varied  greatly  from  country  to  country  and  from  period 
to  period ;  that  is  to  say,  there  came  to  be  many  grades  of 
serfs  filling  the  space  between  the  actual  slave  and  the  full 
freeman.  Consequently  it  is  impossible  to  give  any  general 
account  of  the  class  which  can  be  regarded  as  a  true  picture 
of  their  actual  condition  as  a  body  at  any  given  time.  The 
following  description  must  therefore  be  taken  as  reflecting 
their  duties  and  disabilities  only  in  the  most  general  way. 

The  first  and  most  characteristic  feature  of  the  condition  of 
the  serfs  was  that  they  were  affixed  to  the  soil.  They  could 
not  of  their  own  will  leave  the  estate  or  manor  to  which  they 
belonged ;  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  could  their  lord  deprive 
them  of  their  holdings  and  set  them  adrift.  When  the  land 
changed  masters  they  passed  with  it,  just  like  a  "  rooted  tree 
or  stone  earth-bound."  It  was  this  that  constituted  the  peas- 
ants serfs  in  the  sense  in  which  we  shall  use  the  term. 

s  There  were  some  free  peasants  and  a  larger  number  of  free  artisans  and 
traders,  inhabitants  of  the  towns.  The  number  of  actual  slaves  was  small.  They 
had  almost  all  disappeared  before  the  end  of  the  tenth  century,  either  having 
been  emancipated  or  been  lifted  into  the  lowest  order  of  serfs,  which  was  an 
advance  toward  freedom.  At  the  time  of  the  great  Domesday  survey  (par.  172) 
there  were,  according  to  this  record,  only  about  25,000  slaves  in  England. 


172  MedicBval  History 

Each  serf  had  allotted  hmi  by  his  lord  a  cottage  and  a  num- 
ber of  acres  of  land  —  thirty  acres  formed  a  normal  holding  — 
in  the  great  open  fields  of  the  manor.  For  these  he  paid  a 
rent,  usually  during  the  earlier  feudal  times  in  kind  and  in 
personal  services.  The  personal  services  included  a  certain 
number  of  days'  work,  usually  two  or  three  days  each  week, 
on  the  demesne,  that  is,  the  land  which  the  lord  had  kept  in 
his  own  hands  as  a  sort  of  home  farm.  The  nature  of  the 
work  consisted  in  ploughing  the  lord's  land,  tilling  and  weeding 
his  crops,  ditching,  building  walls,  repairing  roads  and  bridges, 
cutting  and  hauling  wood  to  the  manor  house,  washing  and 
shearing  sheep,  feeding  the  hounds,  and  picking  nuts  and  wild 
berries  for  the  folk  in  the  castle.  Often  the  poor  serf  could 
find  time  to  till  his  own  little  plot  only  on  moonlit  nights  or 
on  rainy  days.  He  must  furthermore  grind  his  grain  at  his 
lord's  mill,  press  his  grapes  at  his  wine-press,  bake  his  bread  at 
his  oven,  often  paying  for  these  services  an  unreasonable  toll.^ 

After  the  serf  had  rendered  to  the  lord  all  the  rent  in  kind 
he  owed  for  his  cottage  and  bit  of  ground,  the  remainder  of 
the  produce  from  his  fields  was,  in  accordance  with  custom  if 
not  always  with  law,  his  own.  Generally  the  share  was  only  just 
sufficient  to  keep  the  wolf  of  hunger  from  his  door.  Some 
serfs,  however,  were  able  to  accumulate  considerable  personal 
property,  enough  wherewith  to  purchase  their  freedom. 

In  some  countries  upon  the  death  of  the  serf  all  that  he 
had  became  in  the  eye  of  the  law  the  property  of  his  lord  ;  in 
other  lands  again,  the  lord  could  take  only  the  best  animal  or 
the  best  implement  of  the  deceased  serf.  This  was  called  the 
heriot. 

Besides  all  these  payments,  services,  gifts,  and  dues,  there 
were  often  others  of  a  whimsical  and  teasing  rather  than  an 
oppressive   nature.     But  of  these   we   need   not  now  speak. 

9  In  the  beginning  all  these  things  were  intended  for  the  advantage  of  the 
serf,  but  as  time  passed  they  became  oppressive  monopolies  and  agencies  of 
extortion. 


Development  of  t lie  Feudal  System  173 

What  we  have  already  said  will  convey  some  idea  of  the  nature 
of  the  relations  that  existed  between  the  lord  and  his  serf,  and 
will  indicate  how  servile  and  burdensome  were  the  incidents  of 
the  tenure  by  which  the  serf  held  his  cottage  and  bit  of  ground. 
How  the  serf  gradually  freed  himself  from  the  heavy  yoke  of 
his  servitude  and  became  a  freeman  will  a])pear  as  we  advance 
in  our  narrative. 

150.  Development  of  the  Feudal  System. — Although  the 
germs  of  feudalism  may  be  found  in  the  society  of  the  fifth  or 
sixth  century,  still  the  system  did  not  develop  so  as  to  exhibit 
its  characteristic  features  before  the  eighth  or  ninth. 

What  greatly  contributed  to  the  development  of  feudalism, 
particularly  on  its  military  side,  was  the  means  adopted  by 
Charles  Martel,  after  the  battle  of  Tours,  to  repel  the  con- 
tinued raids  of  the  Arab  horsemen  into  Southern  Gaul.  Foot- 
soldiers  being  useless  in  the  pursuit  of  the  mounted  marauders, 
Charles  created  a  cavalry  force,  appropriating  for  this  purpose 
church  lands  which  he  granted  in  fief  to  meet  the  cost  of  service 
on  horseback.  This  was  the  opening  of  the  day  of  feudal  chiv- 
alry (par.  156).  Gradually  the  old  general  levies  of  foot-sol- 
diers were  almost  wholly  superseded  by  arrays  of  feudal  knights. 

This  development  of  feudalism  as  a  defensive  military  sys- 
tem and  in  the  typical  form  which  it  had  now  assumed  in  the 
Gallic  border  land  between  Saracen  and  Christian  was  has- 
tened by  the  disturbed  state  of  society  everywhere  during  the 
greater  part  of  the  ninth  and  the  tenth  century ;  for  after 
the  death  of  Charles  the  Great  and  the  partition  of  his  empire 
among  his  feeble  successors,  it  appeared  as  though  the  world 
were  again  falling  back  into  chaos.  The  bonds  of  society 
seemed  entirely  broken.  Every  man  did  that  which  was  right 
in  his  own  eyes. 

To  internal  disorders  were  added  the  invasions  of  the  out- 
side barbarians ;  for,  no  longer  held  in  restraint  by  the  strong 
arm  of  the  great  Charles,  they  had  now  begun  their  raids 
anew.     From  the  north  came  the  Scandinavian  pirates  to  harry 


174  Mediceval  History 

the  shores  of  Germany,  Gaul,  and  Britain.  The  terror  which 
these  pagan  sea-rovers  inspired  is  commemorated  by  the  sup- 
plication of  the  litany  of  those  days  :  "  From  the  fury  of  the 
Northmen,  good  Lord,  deliver  us."  From  the  east  came  the 
terrible  Hungarians.  These  pagan  marauders  not  only  devas- 
tated Germany  but  troubled  Southern  France,  and  passing  the 
Alps,  spread  before  them  a  terror  like  that  which  had  run 
before  the  Huns  nearly  five  hundred  years  earlier. 

By  the  way  of  the  sea  on  the  south  came  an  equally  dreaded 
foe.  The  Saracens,  now  intrenched  in  Spain  and  Sicily,  made 
piratical  descents  upon  all  the  Christian  shores  of  the  Western 
and  Middle  Mediterranean,  sacking  and  burning,  and  creating 
here  such  panic  and  dismay  as  the  Northmen  and  Hungarians 
were  creating  by  their  irruptions  in  the  north  and  east. 

It  was  this  anarchical  state  of  things  that,  as  we  have  said, 
caused  the  rapid  development  of  feudalism.  All  classes  of 
society  hastened  to  enter  the  system,  in  order  to  secure  the 
protection  which  it  alone  could  afford. 

Kings,  princes,  and  wealthy  persons  who  had  large  landed 
possessions  which  they  had  never  parceled  out  as  fiefs,  were 
now  led  to  do  so,  that  their  estates  might  be  held  by  tenants 
bound  to  protect  them  by  all  the  sacred  obligations  of  homage 
and  fealty.  Thus  sovereigns  and  princes  became  suzerains 
and  feudal  lords.  Again,  the  smaller  proprietors  who  held 
their  estates  by  allodial  tenure  voluntarily  surrendered  them 
into  the  hands  of  some  neighboring  lord,  and  then  received 
them  back  again  from  him  as  fiefs,  that  they  might  claim  pro- 
tection as  vassals.  They  deemed  this  better  than  being  robbed 
of  their  property  altogether. 

Moreover,  for  like  reasons  and  in  like  manner,  churches, 
monasteries,  and  cities  became  members  of  the  feudal  system. 
They  granted  out  their  vast  possessions  as  fiefs,  and  thus  became 
suzerains  and  lords.  Bishops  and  abbots  became  the  heads  of 
great  bands  of  retainers,  and  often  themselves  led  military 
expeditions  like  temporal  chiefs.     On  the  other  hand,  these 


Castles  of  tJie  Nobles  175 

same  monasteries  and  towns  frequently  placed  themselves 
under  the  protection  of  some  powerful  lord,  and  thus  came  in 
vassalage  to  him.  Sometimes  the  bishops  and  the  heads  of 
religious  houses,  instead  of  paying  military  service,  bound 
themselves  to  say  a  certain  number  of  Masses  for  the  lord 
or  his  family.  Lewis  the  Pious,  son  and  successor  of  Charles 
the  Great,  decreed  that  with  some  exceptions  all  the  monas- 
teries of  his  empire  should  hold  their  estates  on  the  sole 
condition  '*  that  they  should  pray  for  the  welfare  of  the 
emperor  and  his  children  and  the  empire." 

In  this  way  were  Church  and  State,  all  classes  of  society 
from  the  wealthiest  suzerain  to  the  humblest  vassal,  bound 
together  by  feudal  ties.  Everything  was  impressed  with  the 
stamp  of  feudalism. 

151.  Castles  of  the  Nobles. — The  lawless  and  violent 
character  of  the  times  during  which  feudalism  prevailed  is 
well  shown  by  the  nature  of  the  residences  which  the  nobles 
built  for  themselves.  These  were  strong  stone  fortresses,  usu- 
ally perched  upon  some  rocky  eminence,  and  defended  by 
moats  and  towers. 

France,  Germany,  Italy,  Northern  Spain,  England,  and 
Scotland,  in  which  countries  the  feudal  system  became  most 
thoroughly  developed,  fairly  bristled  with  these  fortified  resi- 
dences of  the  nobility.  Strong  walls  were  the  only  protection 
against  the  universal  violence  of  the  age.  Not  only  had  each 
lord  to  protect  himself  against  the  attacks  of  neighboring 
chiefs,  but  also  against  those  of  foreign  foes,  such  as  the 
Hungarians  and  the  Northmen;  for  there  was  no  strong 
central  authority  to  make  law  respected  and  to  give  protection 
to  all. 

One  of  the  most  striking  and  picturesque  features  of  the 
landscape  of  many  regions  in  Europe  at  the  present  time  is 
the  ivy-mantled  towers  and  walls  of  these  feudal  castles,  now 
falling  into  ruins.  They  are  impressive  memorials  of  an  age 
that  has  passed  away. 


1^6  McdicBval  Hist07y 

152.  Sports  of  the  Nobles  ;  Hunting  and  Hawking.  — When 

not  engaged  in  military  enterprises,  the  nobles  occupied  their 
time  in  hunting  and  hawking.  We  have  learned  from  their 
own  inscriptions  and  sculptures  how  favorite  a  royal  sport  was 
hunting  among  the  Egyptians,  Assyrians,  and  other  Eastern 
peoples.  Our  Teutonic  ancestors  held  the  diversion  in  even 
greater  esteem.  "  With  the  northern  barbarians,"  writes 
Hallam,  "  it  was  rather  a  predominant  appetite  than  an 
amusement ;  it  was  their  pride  and  their  ornament,  the  , 
theme  of  their  songs,  the  object  of  their  laws,  and  the  busi- 
ness of  their  lives."  It  was  the  forest  laws  of  the  Norman  con- 
querors of  England,  designed  for  the  protection  of  the  game 
in  the  royal  preserves,  which,  perhaps  more  than  anything  else, 
caused  these  foreign  rulers  to  be  so  hated  by  the  English 
(par.  173). 

Abbots  and  bishops  entered  upon  the  chase  with  as  great 
zest  as  the  lay  nobles.  Even  the  prohibitions  of  church 
councils  against  the  clergy's  indulging  in  such  worldly  amuse- 
ments were  wholly  ineffectual. 

Hawking  grew  into  a  very  passion  among  all  classes,  even 
ladies  participating  in  the  sport.  In  the  celebrated  tapestries 
and  upon  all  the  monuments  of  the  feudal  age,  the  greyhound 
and  the  falcon,  the  dog  lying  at  the  feet  of  his  master  and 
the  bird  perched  upon  his  wrist,  are,  after  the  knightly  sword 
and  armor,  the  most  common  emblems  of  nobility. 

153.  Causes  of  the  Decay  of  Feudalism.  — As  feudalism  was 
several  centuries  in  coming  to  maturity,  so  was  it  also  a  num- 
ber of  centuries  in  dying.  It  was,  as  we  have  already  said,  at 
its  height,  that  is,  its  principles  and  forms  dominated  society 
most  completely,  during  the  eleventh,  twelfth,  and  thirteenth 
centuries.  Even  before  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  century  it 
had,  in  some  countries,  begun  to  decay. 

Chief  among  the  various  causes  which  undermined  and  at 
length  overthrew  feudalism  were  the  hostility  to  the  system 
of  the   kings   and    the   common  people,   the   Crusades,   the 


Causes  of  the  Decay  of  Feiidalis7n  177 

growth  of  the  cities,  and  the  introduction  of  firearms  in  the 
art  of  war. 

The  feudal  system  was  hated  and  opposed  by  both  the  royal 
power  and  the  people.  In  fact  it  was  never  regarded  with 
much  favor  by  any  class  save  the  nobles,  who  enjoyed  its 
advantages  at  the  expense  of  all  the  other  orders  of  society. 
Kings  opposed  it  and  sought  to  break  it  down,  because  it 
left  them  only  the  semblance  of  power.  We  shall  see  later 
how  the  kings  came  again  by  their  own  (chap.  xix). 

The  common  people  always  hated  it  for  the  reason  that 
under  it  they  were  regarded  of  less  value  than  the  game  in  the 
lord's  hunting  park.  The  record  of  their  struggles  for  recog- 
nition in  society  and  a  participation  in  the  privileges  of  the 
haughty  feudal  aristocracy,  —  struggles  which  remind  us  of 
the  contest  between  the  plebeians  and  patricians  in  ancient 
Rome,  —  form  the  most  interesting  and  instructive  portions 
of  mediaeval  and  even  of  later  history. 

The  Crusades,  or  Holy  Wars,  that  agitated  all  Europe  during 
the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  did  much  to  weaken  the 
power  of  the  nobles ;  for  in  order  to  raise  money  for  their 
expeditions  they  frequently  sold  or  mortgaged  their  estates, 
and  in  this  way  power  and  influence  passed  into  the  hands  of 
the  kings  or  the  wealthy  merchants  of  the  cities.  Many  of 
the  great  nobles  also  perished  in  battle  with  the  infidels,  and 
their  lands  escheated  to  their  suzerain,  whose  domains  were 
thus  augmented. 

The  growth  of  the  towns  also  tended  to  the  same  end.  As 
they  increased  in  wealth  and  influence,  they  became  able  to 
resist  the  exactions  and  tyranny  of  the  lord  in  whose  fief  they 
happened  to  be,  and  eventually  were  able  to  secede,  as  it  were, 
from  his  authority,  and  to  make  of  themselves  Kttle  republics. 

Again,  improvements  and  changes  in  the  mode  of  warfare, 
especially  those  resulting  from  the  use  of  gunpowder,  hastened 
the  downfall  of  feudalism,  by  rendering  the  yeoman  foot-soldier 
equal  to  the  armor-clad  knight.     "  It  made  all  men  of  the 


lyS  Mediceval  Histoiy 

same  height,"  as  Carlyle  puts  it.  The  people  with  muskets  in 
their  hands  could  assert  and  make  good  their  rights.  And  the 
castle,  the  body  of  feudalism,  that  in  which  it  Hved  and  moved 
and  had  its  being,  now  became  a  useless  thing.  Its  walls 
might  bid  defiance  to  the  mounted,  steel-clad  baron  and  his 
retainers,  but  they  could  offer  little  protection  against  well- 
trained  artillery. 

But  it  is  to  be  carefully  noted  that,  though  feudalism  as  a 
system  of  government  disappeared,  speaking  broadly,  with  the 
Middle  Ages,^°it  still  continued  to  exist  as  a  social  organization. 
The  nobles  lost  their  power  and  authority  as  petty  sovereigns, 
but  retained  their  titles,  their  privileges,  their  social  distinction, 
and,  in  many  cases,  their  vast  landed  estates. 

154.  Defects  of  the  Feudal  System.  —  Feudalism  was  perhaps 
the  best  form  of  social  organization  that  it  was  possi])le  to 
maintain  in  Europe  during  the  mediaeval  period ;  yet  it  had 
many  and  serious  defects,  which  rendered  it  very  far  from 
being  a  perfect  social  or  political  system.  Among  its  chief 
faults  may  be  pointed  out  the   two  following  : 

First,  it  rendered  impossible  the  formation  of  strong  national 
governments.  Every  country  was  divided  and  subdivided  into 
a  vast  number  of  practically  independent  principalities.  Thus, 
in  the  tenth  century  France  was  partitioned  among  about  a 
hundred  and  fifty  overlords,  all  exercising  equal  and  coordinate 
powers  of  sovereignty.  The^  enormous  estates  of  these  great 
lords  were  again  subdivided  into  about  seventy  thousand  smaller 
fiefs. 

i'^  Different  events  and  circumstances  marked  the  decline  and  extinction  of 
feudalism  in  the  various  countries  of  Europe  (see  chap.  xix).  In  England  it 
was  the  contention  for  the  crown,  known  as  the  Wars  of  the  Roses  (1455-1485), 
in  which  many  of  the  nobility  were  killed  or  ruined  in  estate,  that  gave  the 
death-blow  to  the  institution  there.  The  ruin  of  the  system  in  France  may  be 
dated  from  the  establishment  of  a  regular  standing  army  by  Charles  VII  (in 
1448).  The  rubbish  of  the  institution,  however,  was  not  cleared  away  in  that 
country  until  the  great  Revolution  of  1789.  In  Spain  the  feudal  aristocracy 
received  their  death-blow  at  the  hands  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  fifteenth  century. 


The  Good  Results  of  Feiuialis^n  179 

In  theory,  as  we  have  seen,  the  holders  of  these  petty  estates 
were  bound  to  serve  and  obey  their  overlords,  and  these  great 
nobles  were  in  turn  the  sworn  vassals  of  the  French  king.  But 
many  of  these  lords  were  richer  and  stronger  than  the  king 
himself,  and  if  they  chose  to  cast  off  their  allegiance  to  him, 
he  found  it  impossible  to  reduce  them  to  obedience.  In  a 
word,  France,  —  and  the  same  was  true  of  all  other  countries 
in  which  the  feudal  system  prevailed,  —  instead  of  being  a 
nation  with  a  sovereign  at  its  head  having  authority  and  power 
to  compel  obedience  throughout  his  dominions,  was  simply  a 
very  loose  league  of  more  than  a  hundred  practically  sovereign 
states,  held  together  by  ties  that  could  be  broken  almost  with 
impunity.  The  king's  time  was  chiefly  occupied  in  ineffectual 
efforts  to  reduce  his  haughty  and  refractory  nobles  to  proper 
submission,  and  in  intervening  feebly  to  compose  their  endless 
quarrels  with  one  another.  It  is  easy  to  conceive  the  disorder 
and  wretchedness  produced  by  this  state  of  things. 

A  second  evil  of  the  institution  was  its  exclusiveness.  Under 
the  workings  of  the  system  society  became  divided  into  classes 
separated  by  lines  which,  though  not  impassable,  were  yet  very 
rigid,  with  a  proud  hereditary  aristocracy  at  its  head.  It  was 
only  as  the  lower  classes  in  the  different  countries  gradually 
wrested  from  the  feudal  nobility  their  special  and  unfair  privi- 
leges that  a  better,  because  more  democratic,  form  of  society 
arose,  and  civilization  began  to  make  more  rapid  progress. 

155.  The  Good  Results  of  Feudalism.  — The  most  conspic- 
uous service  that  feudalism  rendered  European  civilization  was 
the  protection  which  it  gave  to  society  after  the  break-up  of  the 
empire  of  Charles  the  Great.  "  It  was  the  mailed  feudal  horse- 
man and  the  impregnable  walls  of  the  feudal  castle  that  foiled 
the  attacks  of  the  Danes,  the  Saracens,  and  the  Hungarians."  ^^ 

Feudalism  rendered  another  noteworthy  service  to  society 
in  fostering  among  its  privileged  members  that  individualism, 
that  love  of  personal  independence,  which  we  have  seen  to  be 

11  Oma»'s  The  Dark  Ages^  p.  512. 


i8o  MedicBval  History 

a  marked  trait  of  the  Teutonic  character  (par.  lo).  Turbu- 
lent, violent,  and  refractory  as  was  the  feudal  aristocracy  of 
Europe,  it  pei formed  the  grand  service  of  keeping  alive  during 
the  later  mediaeval  period  the  spirit  of  liberty.  The  feudal 
lords  would  not  allow  themselves  to  be  dealt  with  arrogantly 
by  their  king ;  they  stood  on  their  rights  as  freemen.  Hence 
royalty  was  prevented  from  becoming  as  despotic  as  it  would 
otherwise  have  become.  Thus  in  England,  for  instance,  the 
feudal  lords  held  such  tyrannical  rulers  as  King  John  in  check 
(par.  314),  until  such  time  as  the  yeoman  and  the  burgher 
were  bold  enough  and  strong  enough  alone  to  resist  their  des- 
potically inclined  sovereigns.  In  France,  where,  unfortunately, 
the  power  of  the  feudal  nobles  was  broken  too  soon,  —  before 
the  burghers  of  the  towns,  the  Third  Estate,  were  prepared  to 
take  up  the  struggle  for  liberty,  —  the  result  was  the  growth 
of  that  autocratic,  despotic  royalty  which  led  the  French 
people  to  the  Revolution  and  the  Reign  of  Terror. 

Another  of  the  good  effects  of  feudalism  was  the  impulse 
it  gave  to  certain  forms  of  poUte  literature.  Just  as  learning 
and  philosophy  were  fostered  by  the  seclusion  of  the  cloister, 
so  were  poetry  and  romance  fostered  by  the  open  and  joyous 
hospitalities  of  the  baronial  hall.  The  castle  door  was  always 
open  to  the  wandering  singer  and  story-teller,  and  it  was  amidst 
the  scenes  of  festivity  within  that  the  ballads  and  romances  of 
mediaeval  minstrelsy  and  literature  had  their  birth.  "  It  is  to 
the  feudal  times,"  says  Guizot,  "  that  we  trace  back  the 
earliest  Hterary  monuments  of  England,  France,  and  Germany, 
the  earHest  intellectual  enjoyments  of  modern  Europe." 

Still  another  service  which  feudalism  rendered  to  civiliza- 
tion was  the  development  within  the  baronial  castle  of  those 
ideas  and  sentiments  —  among  others,  a  nice  sense  of  honor 
and  an  exalted  consideration  for  woman  —  which  found  their 
noblest  expression  in  Chivalry,  of  which  institution  and  its 
good  effects  upon  the  social  Hfe  of  Europe  we  shall  now 
proceed  to  speak. 


Origin  of  Chivalry  l8l 


II.    Chivalry 

156.  Chivalry  defined  ;  Origin  of  the  Institution.  —  Chivalry 
has  been  aptly  defined  as  the  ''  Flower  of  Feudalism."  It  was 
a  military  institution  or  order,  the  members  of  which,  called 
hiights,  were  pledged  to  the  protection  of  the  Church  and  to 
the  defense  of  the  weak  and  the  oppressed. 

The  germ  out  of  which  chivalry  developed  seems  to  have 
been  the  body  of  vassal  horsemen  which  Charles  Martel  created 
to  repel  the  raids  of  the  Saracens  into  Aquitaine  (par.  150).  It 
was  in  these  border  wars  that  the  Franks  learned  from  the 
Arab  Moors  "  to  put  their  trust  in  horses."  From  South  France 
this  new  miUtary  system,  in  which  mounted  armor-clad  warriors 
largely  superseded  the  earlier  foot-soldiers,  spread  over  Europe.^^ 

The  development  was  closely  connected  with  the  develop- 
ment of  feudaUsm ;  indeed,  it  was  the  military  side  of  that 
development.  It  became  the  rule  that  all  fief-holders  must 
render  military  service  on  horseback.  Fighting  on  horseback 
gradually  became  the  normal  mode  and  for  centuries  remained  so. 

Gradually  this  feudal  warrior  caste  underwent  a  transfor- 
mation. It  became  in  part  independent  of  the  feudal  system, 
in  so  far  as  that  had  to  do  with  the  land,  so  that  any  person, 
if  qualified  by  birth  and  properly  initiated,  might  be  a  member 
of  the  order  without  being  the  holder  of  a  fief.  A  great  part 
of  the  later  knights  were  portionless  sons  of  the  nobility. 

At  the  same  time  the  religious  spirit  of  the  period  entered 
into  the  order,  and  it  became  a  Christian  brotherhood,  some- 
what like  the  order  of  the  priesthood.  Thus,  like  all  other 
mediaeval  institutions,  chivalry  resulted  from  a  union  of  various 
elements.  Its  miUtary  forms,  spirit,  and  virtues  came  from 
the  side  of  feudalism ;  its  religious  forms,  spirit,  and  virtues, 

12  See  Brunner,  Der  Reitcrdienst  und  die  Anfdnge  des  Lchnwesens  in  his 
Forschttngcu  zur  Gcschichte  des  deutschen  uiid  franzosischcn  Rechtes  (Stutt- 
gart, 1S94).  Tliis  important  study  is  of  the  nature  of  a  discovery  respecting 
the  beginnings,  or  rather  the  development,  of  the  fief  system  and  of  chivalry. 


1 8  2  Mediceva  I  His  to  ry 

from  the  side  of  the  Church.  What  actually  took  place  is 
best  illustrated  by  those  military  orders  of  monks,  the  Knights 
Templars  and  the  Knights  Hospitallers,  which  came  into  exist- 
ence during  the  Crusades.  But  notwithstanding  their  monkish 
vows  of  celibacy  and  poverty,  we  probably  shall  not  be  wrong 
if  we  regard  these  monk-knights  as  the  virtual  descendants  of 
those  warriors  whom  Charles  Martel  gave  fiefs  and  put  on 
horses  to  repel  the  plundering  incursions  of  the  "  swift  Moors." 

157.  Its  Universality;  the  Church  and  Chivalry. — As  France 
was  the  cradle,  so  was  it  the  true  home,  of  chivalry.  Yet  its 
influence  was  felt  everywhere  and  in  everything.  It  colored 
all  the  events  and  enterprises  of  the  latter  half  of  the  Middle 
Ages.  The  literature  of  the  period  is  instinct  with  its  spirit. 
The  Crusades,  the  greatest  undertakings  of  the  mediaeval  ages, 
were  primarily  enterprises  of  the  Christian  chivalry  of  Europe  ; 
for  chivalry  had  then  come  under  the  tutelage  of  the  Church. 
In  the  year  1095  the  Council  of  Clermont,  which  assembly 
formally  inaugurated  the  First  Crusade,  decreed  that  every 
person  of  noble  birth,  on  attaining  the  age  of  twelve,  should 
take  a  solemn  oath  before  a  l^ishop  "  that  he  would  defend  to 
the  uttermost  the  oppressed,  the  widow,  and  the  orphan  ;  and 
that  women  of  noble  birth  should  enjoy  his  special  care." 

158.  Training  of  the  Knight. — When  chivalry  had  once 
become  established,  all  the  sons  of  the  nobility,  save  such  as 
were  to  enter  the  holy  orders  of  the  Church,  were  set  apart 
and  disciplined  for  its  service.  The  sons  of  the  poorer  nobles 
were  usually  placed  in  the  family  of  some  lord  of  renown  and 
wealth,  whose  castle  became  a  sort  of  school,  where  they  were 
trained  in  the  duties  and  exercises  of  knighthood. 

This  education  began  at  the  early  age  of  seven,  the  youth 
bearing  the  name  of  page  or  varlet  until  he  attained  the  age 
of  fourteen,  when  he  acquired  the  title  of  squire,  or  esquire. 
The  lord  and  his  knights  trained  the  boys  in  manly  and  mar- 
tial duties,  while  the  ladies  of  the  castle  instructed  them  in  the 
duties  of  religion  and  in  all  knightly  etiquette.     The  duties 


The  Ceremony  of  Knighting  183 

of  the  page  were  usually  confined  to  the  castle,  though  some- 
times he  accompanied  his  lord  to  the  field.  The  esquire 
always  attended  in  battle  the  knight  to  whom  he  was  attached, 
carrying  his  arms  and,  if  need  be,  engaging  in  the  fight. 

159.  The  Ceremony  of  Knighting.  — At  the  age  of  twenty- 
one  the  squire  became  a  knight,  being  then  introduced  to  the 
order  of  knighthood  by  a  peculiar  and  impressive  service. 
After  a  long  fast  and  vigil,  the  candidate  listened  to  a  lengthy 
sermon  on  his  duties  as  a  knight.  Then  kneeUng,  as  in  the 
feudal  ceremony  of  homage,  before  the  lord  conducting  the 
services,  he  vowed  to  defend  religion  and  the  ladies,  to  succor 
the  distressed,  and  ever  to  be  faithfiil  to  his  companion  knights. 
His  arms  were  now  given  to  him,  and  his  sword  was  girded  on, 
when  the  lord,  striking  him  with  the  flat  of  his  sword  on  the 
shoulders  or  on  the  neck,  said,  "  In  the  name  of  God,  of  Saint 
Michael,  and  of  Saint  George,  I  dub  thee  knight ;  be  brave, 
bold,  and  loyal." 

160.  The  Tournament.  — The  tournament  was  the  favorite 
amusement  of  the  age  of  chivalry.  It  was  a  mimic  battle 
between  two  companies  of  noble,  knights,  armed  usually  with 
pointless  swords  or  blunted  lances.  In  the  universal  esteem  in 
which  the  participants  were  held,  it  reminds  us  of  the  sacred 
games  of  the  Greeks;  while  in  the  fierce  and  sanguinary 
character  it  sometimes  assumed,  it  recalls  the  gladiatorial 
combats  of  the  Roman  amphitheater. 

The  prince  or  baron  giving  the  festival  made  wide  procla- 
mation of  the  event,  brave  and  distinguished  knights  being 
invited  even  from  distant  lands  to  grace  the  occasion  with 
their  presence  and  an  exhibition  of  their  skill  and  prowess. 
The  lists  —  a  level  space  marked  off  by  a  rope  or  railing,  and 
surrounded  with  galleries  for  spectators  —  were  made  gay  with 
banners  and  tapestries  and  heraldic  emblems. 

When  the  moment  arrived  for  the  opening  of  the  cere- 
mony, heralds  proclaimed  the  rules  of  the  contest,  whereupon 
the  combatants  advanced  into  the  lists,  each  knight  displaying 


184  Mediceval  History 

upon  his  helmet  or  breast  the  device  of  the  mistress  of  his 
affections.  At  the  given  signal  the  opposing  parties  of  knights, 
with  couched  lances,  rode  fiercely  at  each  other.  Victory  was 
accorded  to  him  who  unhorsed  his  antagonist,  or  broke  in  a 
proper  manner  the  greatest  number  of  lances.  The  rewards 
to  the  victor  consisted  of  jewels,  gifts  of  armor,  or  horses 
decked  with  knightly  trappings,  and,  more  esteemed  than  all 
else,  the  praises  and  favor  of  his  lady-love. 

The  tournament  continued  to  be  a  favorite  diversion  even 
after  the  spirit  of  chivalry  began  to  decHne  in  Europe.  One 
thing  that  tended  to  bring  the  amusement  into  disfavor  was  the 
fatal  accidents  that  frequently  marred  the  knightly  encounter. 
In  1559  Henry  II  of  France  was  killed  by  a  splintered  lance 
while  participating  in  a  tournament,  and  this  event  did  much 
towards  effecting  a  virtual  abolition  of  the  rude  sport.  But 
the  amusement,  Hke  the  national  games  of  the  ancient  Greeks 
and  Romans,  had  too  strong  a  hold  upon  the  affections  and 
imagination  of  the  age  to  become  obsolete  at  once.  "The 
world  long  clung  with  fondness  to  these  splendid  and  graceful 
shows  which  had  thrown  light  and  elegance  over  the  warriors 
and  dames  of  yore." 

The  Joust  ^^  differed  from  the  tournament  in  being  an 
encounter  between  two  knights  only,  and  in  being  attended 
with  less  ceremony. 

161.  Character  of  the  Knight.  —  Chivalric  loyalty  to  the 
mistress  of  his  supreme  affection  was  the  first  article  in  the 
creed  of  the  true  knight.  "  He  who  was  faithful  and  true  to 
his  lady,"  says  Hallam,  "was  held  sure  of  salvation  in  the 
theology  of  castles,  though  not  of  Christians."  He  must  also 
be  gentle,  brave,  courteous,  truthful,  pure,  generous,  hospitable, 

13  "  If  the  combatants  were  allowed  to  use  sharp  weapons,  and  to  put  forth  all 
their  force  and  skill  against  one  another,  this  was  \h&joute  h  Votdrance,  and  was 
of  frequent  enough  occurrence."  —  Cutts,  Scenes  and  Characters  of  the  Middle 
Ages.  "  The  combat  at  outrance  was,  in  fact,  a  duel,  and  only  differed  from  the 
trial  by  battle  [par.  58]  in  being  voluntary,  while  the  other  was  enforced  by  law." 
—  James,  History  of  Chivalry. 


Decline  of  CJi ivalry  185 

faithful  to  his  engagements,  and  ever  ready  to  risk  Hfe  and 
limb  in  the  cause  of  religion  and  in  defense  of  his  companions 
in  arms. 

But  these  were  the  virtues  and  qualifications  of  the  ideal 
knight.  It  is  needless  to  say  that,  though  there  were  many 
who  illustrated  all  these  virtues  in  their  blameless  lives  and 
romantic  enterprises,  there  were  too  many  who  were  knights 
only  in  profession.  "An  errant  knight,"  as  an  old  writer 
puns,  with  too  much  truth,  "  was  an  arrant  knave."  Another 
writer  says,  "  Deeds  that  would  disgrace  a  thief,  and  acts  of 
cruelty  that  would  have  disgusted  a  Hellenic  tyrant  or  a 
Roman  emperor,  were  common  things  with  knights  of  the 
highest  lineage." 

But  cruelty,  treachery,  untruthfulness,  cowardice,  baseness, 
and  crime  of  every  sort  were  opposed  to  the  true  spirit  of 
chivalry  ;  and  the  knight  who  was  convicted  of  such  faults 
could  be  punished  by  expulsion  from  the  order  of  knighthood, 
by  what  was  known  as  the  Ceremony  of  Degradation.  In  this 
ceremony  the  spurs  of  the  offending  knight  were  struck  off 
from  his  heels  with  a  heavy  cleaver,  his  sword  was  broken,  and 
his  horse's  tail  cut  off.  Then  the  disgraced  knight  was  dressed 
in  a  burial  robe,  and  the  usual  funeral  ceremonies  were  per- 
formed over  him,  signifying  that  he  was  "  dead  to  the  honors 
of  knighthood." 

162.  Decline  of  Chivalry. — The  fifteenth  century  was  the 
evening  of  chivalry.  The  dechne  of  the  system  resulted  from 
the  operation  of  the  same  causes  that  effected  the  overthrow 
of  feudalism.  The  changes  in  the  mode  of  warfare  which 
helped  to  do  away  with  the  feudal  baron  and  his  mail-clad 
retainers  likewise  tended  to  destroy  knight-errantry.  And 
then,  as  civiUzation  advanced,  new  feehngs  and  sentiments 
began  to  claim  the  attention  and  to  work  upon  the  imagina- 
tion of  men.  Persons  ambitious  of  distinction  began  to  seek 
it  in  other  ways  than  by  adventures  of  chivalry.  Govern- 
ments, too,  became  more  regular,  and  the  increased  order  and 


1 86  MedicEval  History 

security  of  society  rendered  less  needful  the  services  of  the 
gallant  knight  in  behalf  of  the  weak  and  the  oppressed. 

In  a  word,  the  extravagant  performances  of  the  knight-errant 
carried  into  a  practical  and  commercial  age  —  an  age  very  dif- 
ferent from  that  which  gave  birth  to  chivalry  —  became  fantas- 
tic and  ridiculous ;  and  when,  finally,  early  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  the  genial  ^Spanish  satirist  Cervantes  wrote  his  famous 
Don  Quixote,  in  which  work  he  leads  his  hero-knight  into  all 
sorts  of  absurd  adventures,  such  as  running  a  tilt  against  a 
windmill,  which  his  excited  imagination  had  pictured  to  be  a 
monstrous  giant  flourishing  his  arms  with  some  wicked  intent, 
everybody,  struck  with  the  infinite  absurdity  of  the  thing,  fell 
a-laughing ;  and  amidst  the  fitting  accompaniment  of  smiles 
and  broad  pleasantries  the  knight-errant  took  his  departure 
from  the  world. ^^ 

163.  The  Evil  and  the  Good  in  Chivalry.  — "  For  the  mind," 
James  affirms,  "  chivalry  did  little  ;  for  the  heart  it  did  every- 
thing." Doubtless  we  must  quahfy  the  latter  part  of  this 
statement.  While  it  is  true  that  chivalry,  as  we  shall  in  a 
moment  maintain,  did  much  for  the  heart,  its  influences  upon 
it  were  not  altogether  good.  The  system  had  many  vices, 
chief  among  which  were  its  aristocratic,  exclusive  tendencies. 
Dr.  Arnold,  indignant  among  other  things  at  the  knights'  for- 
getfulness  or  disregard  of  the  brotherhood  of  man,  exclaims 
bitterly,  "  If  I  were  called  upon  to  name  what  spirit  of  evil 
predominantly  deserved  the  name  of  Antichrist,  I  should  name 
the  Spirit  of  Chivalry."  And  another  indignant  writer  declares 
that  "  it  is  not  probable  that  the  knights  supposed  they  could 
be  guilty  of  injustice  to  the  lower  classes."  These  were 
regarded  with  indifference  or  contempt,  and  considered  as 
destitute    of  any  claims  upon   those  of  noble   birth  as  were 

i*  That  is,  from  the  world  of  romantic  literature ;  for  the  satire  of  Cervantes 
was  aimed  at  the  extravagances  of  the  romancers  of  his  times.  (Recall  Spenser's 
Ttie  Faery  Queene.)  There  were  not  many  real  knights-errant  when  Cervantes 
wrote. 


TJie  Evil  and  tJie  Good  in  Chivalry  1 87 

beasts  of  burden  or  the  game  of  the  chase.  It  is  ahvays  the 
young  and  beautiful  woman  of  geiitle  birth  whose  wrongs  the 
valiant  knight  is  risking  his  life  to  avenge,  always  the  smiles  of 
the  queen  of  love  and  beauty  for  which  he  is  splintering  his 
lance  in  the  fierce  tournament.  The  fostering  of  this  aristo- 
cratic spirit  was  one  of  the  most  serious  faults  of  chivalry. 
Yet  we  must  bear  in  mind  that  this  fault  should  be  charged  to 
the  age  as  much  as  to  the  knight. 

But  to  speak  of  the  beneficial,  refining  influences  of  chivalry, 
we  should  say  that  it  undoubtedly  contributed  powerfully  to 
lift  that  sentiment  of  respect  for  the  gentler  sex  which  charac- 
terized all  the  northern  nations,  into  that  tender  veneration 
of  woman  which  forms  the  distinguishing  characteristic  of  the 
present  age,  and  makes  it  to  differ  from  all  preceding  phases 
of  civilization. 

Again,  chivalry  did  much  to  create  that  ideal  of  character 
—  an  ideal  distinguished  by  the  virtues  of  courtesy,  gentleness, 
humanity,  loyalty,  magnanimity,  and  fidelity  to  the  plighted 
word  —  which  we  rightly  think  to  surpass  any  ever  formed 
under  the  influences  of  antiquity.  Just  as  Christianity  gave 
to  the  world  an  ideal  manhood  which  it  was  to  strive  to  realize, 
so  did  chivalry  hold  up  an  ideal  to  which  men  were  to  conform 
their  lives.  Men,  indeed,  have  never  perfectly  realized  either 
the  ideal  of  Christianity  or  that  of  chivalry ;  but  the  influence 
which  these  two  ideals  have  had  in  shaping  and  giving  char- 
acter to  the  lives  of  men  cannot  be  overestimated.  Together, 
through  the  enthusiasm  and  effort  awakened  for  their  realiza- 
tion, they  have  produced  a  new  type  of  manhood,  which  we 
indicate  by  the  phrase  "  a  knightly  and  Christian  character." 

Sources  and  Source  Material.  —  Translations  and  Reprints  (Univ. 
of  Penn.),  vol.  iii,  No.  5,  "  English  Manorial  Documents,"  and  vol.  iv, 
No.  3,  "  Documents  Illustrative  of  Feudalism." 

Secondary  or  Modern  Works.  —  Guizot  (F.  P.  G.),  History  of 
Civilization  in  Europe  (edited,  with  critical  and  supplementary  notes, 
by  George  Wells  Knight  :  New  York,  1896),  lect.  iv,  **  "  The  Feudal 


1 88  MedicBval  History 

System."  Also  the  same  author's  History  of  Civilization  in  France 
(trans,  by  William  Hazlitt),  vols,  ii  and  iii,  lects.  i-xi  (Second  Course). 
The  lectures  of  Guizot  present  a  singularly  clear  and  interesting  account 
of  feudalism.  In  some  parts,  however,  they  have  been  superseded  by 
later  investigations.  Emerton  (E.),  "^^Introduction  to  the  Middle  Ages, 
chap.  XV ;  and  the  same  author's  Mediceval  Europe,  chap,  xiv  and  the 
first  part  of  chap.  xv.  These  chapters  should  be  read  in  connection 
with  the  lectures  by  Guizot.  Adams  (G.  B.),  Civilization  during  the 
Middle  Ages,  chap,  ix,  ** "  The  Feudal  System."  Kitchin  (G.  W.), 
History  of  France,  vol.  i,  bk.  iii,  chap,  iv,  "  Of  Feudalism  and  Chivalry." 
Hallam  (H.),  The  Middle  Ages,  chap,  ii,  "  The  Feudal  System,  espe- 
cially in  France."  Must  be  read  in  connection  with  later  authorities. 
Seebohm  (F.),  **The  English  Village  Community.  This  is  the  most 
noteworthy  work  in  our  language  on  the  subject  with  which  it  deals. 
The  author  seeks  the  origin  of  the  English  manor  in  the  Roman  villa 
with  its  servile  population,  thus  making  English  history  begin  with 
servitude  and  not  with  freedom.  Maitland  (F.  W.),  Domesday  Book 
and  Beyond.  A  book  for  the  use  of  advanced  students.  Maitland, 
opposing  Mr.  Seebohm's  view  as  to  the  servile  origin  of  the  manor, 
believes  that,  speaking  generally,  the  villages  in  early  Saxon  times  were 
not  Celtic  or  Roman  communities  of  slaves  or  coloni,  but  purely 
German  communities  of  free  men.  Cheyney  (E.  P.),  A71  Introduction 
to  the  Industrial  and  Social  History  of  England,  chap,  ii,  **"  Rural  Life 
and  Organization."  Ashley  (W.  J.),  An  Introduction  to  English 
Economic  History  and  Theory  ("The  Middle  Ages"),  chap,  i,  "The 
Manor  and  Village  Community."  Vinogradoff  (P.),  Villainage  in 
England:  Essays  in  Ejiglish  Mediceval  History.  Oman  (C),  The  Dark 
Ages.  The  last  few  pages  (511-514)  are  very  suggestive.  Also  by  the 
same  author,  A  History  of  the  Art  of  War  ("  The  Middle  Ages  ").  Par- 
ticularly books  iii  and  v.  An  earlier  work  by  Oman,  entitled  The  Art 
of  War  in  the  Middle  Ages,  includes  the  fifteenth  century,  which  is  not 
covered  by  his  later  history,  so  far  as  yet  published.  Cutts  (E.  L.), 
Scenes  and  Characters  of  the  Middle  Ages  (New  York,  1885),  pp.  311- 
460,  "Knights  of  the  Middle  Ages."  James  (G.  P.  R.),  History  of 
Chivalry.     MiLLS  (C),  The  History  of  Chivalry. 


CHAPTER    XI 
THE   NORMANS 

I.    The  Norisians  at  Home  and  in  Italy 

164.  Introductory. — The  history  of  the  Normans  —  the 
name,  it  will  be  recalled,  of  the  transformed  Scandinavians 
who  settled  in  Northern  Gaul  (par.  126)  — is  simply  a  contin- 
uation of  the  story  of  the  Northmen ;  and  nothing  could 
better  illustrate  the  difference  between  the  period  we  have  left 
behind  and  the  one  upon  which  we  have  entered,  nothing 
could  more  strikingly  exhibit  the  gradual  transformation  that 
has  crept  over  the  face  and  spirit  of  European  society,  than 
the  transformation  which  time  and  favoring  associations  have 
wrought  in  these  men.  When  first  we  met  them  in  the  ninth 
century  they  were  pagans ;  now  they  are  Christians.  Then 
they  were  rough,  wild,  merciless  corsairs ;  now  they  are 
become  the  most  cultured,  poUshed,  and  chivalrous  people  in 
Europe.  But  the  restless,  daring  spirit  that  drove  the  Norse 
sea-kings  forth  upon  the  waves  in  quest  of  adventure  and 
booty  still  stirs  in  the  breasts  of  their  descendants.  As  has 
been  said,  they  were  simply  changed  from  heathen  Vikings, 
delighting  in  the  wild  Hfe  of  sea-rover  and  pirate,  into  Chris- 
tian knights,  eager  for  pilgrimages  and  crusades. 

It  is  these  men,  uniting  in  their  character  the  strength,  inde- 
pendence, and  daring  of  the  Scandinavian  with  the  vivacity, 
imagination,  and  culture  of  the  Romano-Gaul,  that  we  are  now 
to  follow,  as  from  their  seats  in  France  they  go  forth  to  make 
fresh  conquests,  —  to  build  up  a  kingdom  in  the  Mediterranean 
lands,  and  to  set  a  line  of  Norman  kings  upon  the  English 


I  go  Medicei'al  History 

throne.  Later,  in  following  the  fortunes  of  the  crusaders,  we 
shall  meet  them  on  the  battlefields  of  Palestine,  there  winning 
renown  as  the  most  valiant  knights  of  Christendom. 

165.  The  Dukes  of  Normandy.  —  Under  Rollo  (par.  125) 
and  his  immediate  successors  —  William  Longsword  (927-943), 
Richard  the  Fearless  (943-996),  and  Richard  the  Good  (996- 
1027)  —  the  power  of  the  Normans  in  France  became  grad- 
ually consolidated.  The  country  of  Normandy  grew  more 
populous,  both  through  the  natural  increase  of  the  population 
at  home  and  the  arrival  of  fresh  bands  of  Scandinavians  from  the 
northern  countries.  Finally,  after  more  than  one  hundred  years 
had  passed,  years  for  the  most  part  of  uneventful  yet  steady 
growth  and  development,  the  old  Norse  spirit  of  adventure 
revived,  and  Southern  Europe  and  England  became  the  scene 
of  the  daring  and  brilliant  exploits  of  the  Norman  warriors. 

166.  The  Normans  in  Italy  and  Sicily. — The  Normans 
secured  a  foothold  in  Southern  Italy  in  the  early  part  of  the 
eleventh  century,  some  little  time  before  the  conquest  of 
England.  Their  superior  fighting  qualities  had  led  to  their 
services  being  sought  after  by  the  Christian  rulers  of  that 
region  in  their  constant  feuds  with  each  other,  and  particu- 
larly in  their  warfare  against  the  Moslems,  who  at  that  time 
were  in  possession  of  the  island  of  Sicily,  and  were  constantly 
troubling  the  neighboring  shores  of  Italy. 

From  the  position  of  guests  and  mercenaries  the  Norman 
knights  soon  rose  to  that  of  masters  and  rulers.  They  got 
possession  finally  of  all  Southern  Italy  and  of  Sicily,  and  built 
up  in  these  southern  lands  a  prosperous  state,  which  came  to 
be  known  as  the  Kingdom  of  Naples,  and  w^hich  lasted, 
although  with  many  changes  of  dynasties,  until  the  political 
unification  of  Italy  in  our  own  day. 

The  most  celebrated  of  the  Norman  leaders  during  this 
period  of  conquest  and  organization  was  Robert  Guiscard 
(d.  1085),  a  character  only  less  celebrated  than  the  renowned 
William   the   Conqueror,  of  whom  we   shall  come   to   speak 


The  No7ina7i  Conquest  of  England  191 

presently.  His  entire  career  was  one  series  of  daring  and 
adventurous  exploits,  which  spread  the  renown  of  the  Norman 
name  throughout  the  Mediterranean  lands. 

One  of  the  most  important  consequences  of  the  creation  of 
this  new  Norman  state  in  the  south  was  its  effect  upon  the 
Crusades,  to  the  eve  of  which  we  have  now  come.  These 
Norman  rulers  built  up  a  strong  maritime  power,  which  had 
the  great  port  of  Amalfi  as  its  center,  and,  with  the  help  of 
the  fleets  of  Genoa,  Pisa,  and  Venice,  cleared  the  Middle 
Mediterranean  of  Saracen  corsairs,  thus  opening  up  for  the 
coming  crusaders  a  water  route  to  the  Holy  Land. 

H.   The  Norman  Conquest  of  England 

167.  Events  leading  up  to  the  Conquest. — The  conquest 
of  England  by  the  Normans  was  the  most  important  of  their 
enterprises,  and  one  followed  by  consequences  of  the  greatest 
magnitude,  not  only  to  the  conquered  people,  but  indirectly  to 
the  world. 

In  the  year  1035  the  duke  of  the  Normans,  known  as  Robert 
the  Magnificent  (102 7-1035),  died  in  x\sia  Minor,  while  on 
his  way  home  from  a  romantic  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Land, 
and  his  son  William,  called  the  Bastard,  the  destined  con- 
queror of  England,  became  the  duke  of  Normandy.  William 
was  at  this  time  only  seven  years  of  age. 

Before  setting  out  on  his  pilgrimage,  Robert  had  persuaded 
the  Norman  nobles  to  swear  fealty  to  his  son  in  case  he  him- 
self should  not  return  ;  but  the  oath  of  the  proud  lords  was 
not  strong  enough  to  bind  their  allegiance  to  the  boy  of  dis- 
graceful birth.  For  twelve  years  the  duchy  was  torn  with  con- 
tentions between  the  young  duke  and  his  rebellious  vassals. 
But  the  valor,  genius,  and  good  fortune  of  William  finally 
triumphed  over  all  opposition  and  difficulties,  and  he  succeeded 
in  establishing  his  undisputed  authority  throughout  Normandy. 
The  cruelty  with  which  he  punished  those  of  his  enemies  that 


192  MedicBval  Histoiy 

had  especially  awakened  his  resentment  indicated  the  stern 
and  unrelenting  character  of  the  man  whom  destiny  had 
selected  to  play  a  most  important  part  in  the  history  of  the 
eleventh  century. 

We  must  now  notice  the  situation  of  affairs  in  England.  In 
the  year  1066  died  Edward  the  Confessor,  in  whose  person, 
it  will  be  recalled,  the  old  Enghsh  line  was  restored  after  the 
Danish  usurpation  (par.  123),  and  immediately  the  Witan,  in 
accordance  with  the  dying  wish  of  the  king,  chose  Harold, 
earl  of  Wessex,  son  of  the  famous  Godwin,  and  the  best  and 
strongest  man  in  all  England,  to  be  his  successor. 

When  the  news  of  the  action  of  the  Witan  and  of  Harold's 
acceptance  of  the  EngHsh  crown  was  carried  across  the  channel 
to  William,  he  was  really  or  feignedly  transported  with  rage. 
He  declared  that  Edward,  who  was  his  cousin,  had  during  his 
lifetime  promised  the  throne  to  him,  and  that  Harold  had 
assented  to  this,  and  by  solemn  oath  engaged  to  sustain  him. 
He  now  demanded  of  Harold  that  he  surrender  to  him  the 
usurped  throne,  threatening  the  immediate  invasion  of  the 
island  in  case  he  refused.  King  Harold  answered  the  demand 
by  expelling  from  the  country  the  Normans  who  had  followed 
Edward  into  the  kingdom,  and  by  collecting  fleets  and  armies 
for  the  defense  of  his  dominions. 

Meanwhile  Duke  William  was  making  every  preparation  to 
carry  out  his  threat,  and  to  consummate  his  long-cherished 
project  of  the  conquest  of  England.  He  stirred  up  all  the 
embers  of  the  old  Norman  hatred  of  the  EngHsh  race  ;  enHsted 
the  sympathies  of  Europe  in  his  behalf  by  a  skillful  presenta- 
tion of  his  side  of  the  dispute  ;  and  even  succeeded  in  securing 
from  the  pope,  Alexander  H,  his  blessing  upon  the  enterprise, 
and  the  gift  of  a  consecrated  banner.  The  pope  assisted 
William  in  his  undertaking,  in  hopes  of  being  in  turn  aided  by 
him  to  secure  increased  power  over  the  English  churches.  At 
length  everything  was  ready  for  a  descent  upon  the  English 
coast. 


..;^y^\.ot... 


ENGI.AND 

AND 

AVALES 

lOOC-1485. 


bornngh 


^^ri-^    i  ^X  ''^ytctQt\,T     /    /  Ail       ^A"-      ^^      J  ^<<>^ 


Battle  of  Stamford  Bridge  193 

168.  Battle  of  Stamford  Bridge  (1066).  —  While  Harold 
was  watching  the  southern  coasts  against  the  Normans,  a  ter- 
rible foe  appeared  in  the  north,  led  by  Tostig,  the  traitor 
brother  of  the  English  king,  and  Harold  Hardrada,  king  of 
Norway.  The  latter  had  been  brought  up  at  the  Swedish 
court  in  Russia,  had  afterwards  conamanded  the  famous  Varan- 
.'^ian  guard  of  the  emperor  of  Constantinople  (par.  116),  had 
fought  for  the  faith  against  the  Saracens  in  the  Mediterra- 
nean, and  now  was  aspiring  to  build  up  in  the  north  such  an 
empire  as  that  over  which  Canute  had  reigned.  To  effect 
the  conquest  of  England  he  had  collected  an  immense  fleet 
from  the  ports  of  Scandinavia,  from  Flanders,  Scotland,  Ice- 
land, and  the  Orkneys,  and  having  descended  upon  the 
northern  shore  of  England,  was  now  sacking  and  burning  the 
coast  towns.  The  English  army  in  that  quarter,  attempting 
to  withstand  the  invaders,  was  cut  to  pieces  ;  and  the  important 
city  of  York  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Northmen. 

As  soon  as  news  of  this  disaster  was  borne  to  Harold  in  the 
south,  he  instantly  marched  northward  with  his  army,  and  at 
Stamford  Bridge  met  the  invaders,  and  there  gained  a  decisive 
victory  over  them.  The  Norwegian  king  ended  his  wild  and 
adventurous  life  upon  the  fatal  field. 

169.  The  Battle  of  Hastings  ( 1066 ) .  —  The  brilliant  victory 
at  Stamford  Bridge  delivered  England  from  a  most  threatening 
danger.  But  Harold  and  his  brave  men  were  now  called  to 
face  a  still  more  formidable  enemy.  The  festivities  that  fol- 
lowed the  victory  were  not  yet  ended  when  a  messenger  from 
the  south  brought  to  Harold  intelligence  of  the  landing  of  the 
Normans.  Hurrying  southward  with  his  army,  Harold  came 
face  to  face  with  the  forces  of  William  at  Senlac,  a  short  dis- 
tance from  the  port  of  Hastings,  which  latter  place  gave  name 
to  the  battle  that  almost  immediately  followed. 

The  night  preceding  the  battle  was  spent  by  the  English 
soldiers  in  feasting  and  carousing  round  their  camp-fires, 
while    the   Normans    passed    it   in    prayer  and    devotion,    in 


194  MedicBval  History 

preparation  for  the  encounter  of  the  morrow.  The  English  were 
elated  over  their  recent  victory;  yet  at  the  same  time  that 
victory  had  thinned  their  ranks,  and  the  forced  marches  that 
had  followed  had  taxed  their  powers  of  endurance  to  the 
utmost. 

With  the  morning  the  battle  opened  —  the  battle  that  was 
to  determine  the  fate  of  England.  It  was  begun  by  a  horse- 
man riding  out  from  the  Norman  lines  and  advancing  alone 
toward  the  English  army,  tossing  up  his  sword  and  skillfully 
catching  it  as  it  fell,  and  singing  all  the  while  the  stirring 
battle-song  of  Charles  the  Great  and  Roland.  The  English 
watched  with  astonishment  this  exhibition  of  "  careless  dex- 
terity," and  if  they  did  not  contrast  the  vivacity  and  nimble- 
ness  of  the  Norman  foe  with  their  own  heavy  and  clumsy 
manners,  others  at  least  have  not  failed  to  do  so  for  them. 

The  battle  once  joined,  the  conflict  was  long  and  terrific. 
The  day  finally  went  against  the  English.  Harold  fell,  pierced 
through  the  eye  by  an  arrow ;  and  ^^'ilHam  was  master  of  the 
field  (1066). 

170.  The  Completion  of  the  Conquest  (1067-107 o). — 
^^'illiam  now  marched  upon  London,  and  at  Westminster,  on 
Christmas  Day,  1066,  was  crowned  and  anointed  king  of 
England  ;  but  he  was  yet  far  from  being  such  in  fact.  The 
most  formidable  resistance  made  to  the  Conqueror  was  in  the 
north,  where  the  population  was  composed  chiefly  of  Danes, 
who  were  aided  by  their  kinsmen  from  Denmark.  To  protect 
himself  on  this  side,  William  finally  ravaged  all  the  country 
between  the  Humber  and  the  Tees,  converting  it  into  an  unin- 
habitable desert.  More  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  afterwards, 
the  desolated  district  was  marked  by  untilled  fields  and  the 
charred  ruins  of  hamlets  and  towns.  One  hundred  thousand 
people,  deprived  of  food  and  shelter,  perished  miserably  during 
the  unusually  severe  winter  following  the  cruel  act.  Thousands 
of  others  fled  the  country  and  entered  the  service  of  foreign 
princes.     Many  found  their  way  to  Constantinople,  where  they 


TJic  Distribution  of  the  Land  195 

enlisted  in  the  Varangian  Guard  and  helped  fight  the  battles 
of  the  emperors  of  the  East. 

171.  The  Distribution  of  the  Land  and  the  Gemot  of  Salis- 
bury. —  Almost  the  first  act  of  William  after  he  had  established 
his  power  in  England  was  to  fulfill  his  promise  to  the  nobles 
who  had  aided  him  in  his  enterprise,  by  distributing  among 
them  the  unredeemed  ^  estates  of  the  English  who  had  fought 
at  Hastings  in  defense  of  their  king  and  country.  Large  as 
was  the  number  of  these  confiscated  estates,  there  would  have 
been  a  lack  of  land  to  satisfy  all,  had  not  subsequent  uprisings 
against  the  authority  of  William  afforded  him  an  opportunity 
to  confiscate  almost  all  the  soil  of  England  as  forfeited  by 
treason.^ 

Profiting  by  the  lesson  taught  by  the  wretched  condition  of 
France,  which  country  was  kept  in  a  state  of  constant  turmoil 
by  a  host  of  feudal  chiefs  and  lords,  many  of  whom  were  almost 
or  quite  as  powerful  as  the  king  himself  (par.  154),  William 
took  care  that  in  the  distribution  no  feudatory  should  receive 
an  entire  shire,  save  in  two  or  three  exceptional  cases.  To 
the  great  lord  to  whom  he  must  needs  give  a  large  fief,  he 
granted  not  a  continuous  tract  of  land,  but  several  estates  or 
manors  scattered  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  in  order 
that  there  might  be  no  dangerous  concentration  of  property  or 
power  in  the  hands  of  the  vassal. 

Another  equally  important  limitation  of  the  power  of  the 
vassal  was  effected  by  William  through  his  requiring  all  fief- 
holders,  great  and  small,  to  take  an  oath  of  fealty  directly  to 
him  as  overlord.     This   was  a  great  innovation  upon   feudal 

1  "  When  the  lands  of  all  those  who  had  fought  for  Harold  were  confiscated, 
those  who  were  willing  to  acknowledge  William  were  allowed  to  redeem  theirs, 
either  paying  money  at  once  or  giving  hostages  for  the  payment."  —  Stubbs, 
Const.  Hist.,  vol.  i,  p.  258. 

2  "  The  actual  amount  of  dispossession  was,  no  doubt,  greatest  in  the  higher 
ranks ;  the  smaller  owners  may,  to  a  large  extent,  have  remained  in  a  media- 
tised position  [z.d?.,  as  sub-tenants]  on  their  estates."  —  Ibid.,  vol.  i,  p.  260.  As 
many  as  twenty  thousand  Saxon  proprietors  are  gaid  to  have  been  dispossessed 
by  as  many  Norman  followers  of  William, 


196  MedicBval  History 

custom,  for  the  rule  was  that  the  vassal  should  swear  fealty  to 
his  own  immediate  lord  only,  and  in  war  follow  his  banner 
even  against  his  own  king.  The  oath  that  William  exacted 
from  every  fief-holder  made  the  allegiance  which  he  owed  to 
his  king  superior  to  that  which  he  owed  to  his  own  immediate 
lord.  At  the  great  gemot  or  military  assembly  of  Salisbury  in 
the  year  1086  "all  the  landholders  of  substance  in  England" 
swore  to  William  this  solemn  oath  of  superior  fealty  and 
allegiance. 

William  also  denied  to  his  feudatories  the  right  of  coining 
money  and  making  laws ;  and  by  other  wise  restrictions  upon 
their  power,  subordinating,  for  instance,  all  the  baronial  courts 
to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  royal  judges,  he  saved  England  from 
those  endless  contentions  and  petty  wars  that  were  distracting 
almost  every  other  country  of  Europe. 

In  a  word,  he  gave  England  a  strong  central  government. 
This  was  one  of  the  great  blessings  conferred  upon  the  country 
by  the  Norman  Conquest ;  for  hitherto  everything  had  been 
too  local  and  fragmentary,  some  of  the  powerful  Saxon  barons, 
as,  for  instance,  Godwin,  earl  of  Wessex,  frequently  exercising 
as  much  power  as  the  king  himself. 

To  overawe  the  dispossessed  people,  William  now  built  and 
garrisoned  fortresses  or  towers  in  all  the  principal  cities  of  the 
realm.  The  celebrated  Tower  of  London,  and  the  great  black 
massive  tower  still  standing  in  the  city  of  Newcastle,  were 
built  by  him,  and  are  impressive  memorials  of  the  days  of  the 
Conquest,  His  nobles  also  erected  strong  castles  upon  their 
lands,  so  that  the  whole  country  fairly  bristled  with  these  forti- 
fied private  residences.  With  the  towns  dominated  by  the 
great  fortresses,  and  the  open  country  watched  over  by  the 
barons  secure  in  their  thick-walled  castles,  the  Normans, 
though  vastly  inferior  in  numbers  to  the  conquered  Saxons, 
were  able  to  hold  them  in  perfect  subjection. 

172.  Domesday  Book.  —  One  of  the  most  celebrated  acts 
of  the  Conqueror  was  the  making  of  Domesday  Book.     This 


The  Curfew  and  the  Forest  Laws  197 

famous  book  contained  a  description  and  valuation  of  all  the 
lands  of  England,  —  excepting  those  of  some  counties,  mostly 
in  the  north,  that  were  either  unconquered  or  unsettled ;  an 
enumeration  of  the  cattle  and  sheep ;  and  statements  of  the 
income  of  every  man.  It  was  intended,  in  a  word,  to  be  a 
perfect  survey  and  census  of  the  entire  kingdom. 

The  commissioners  who  went  through  the  land  to  collect 
the  needed  information  for  the  work  were  often  threatened  by 
the  people,  who  resented  this  "  prying  into  their  affairs,"  and 
looked  upon  the  whole  thing  as  simply  another  move  prepara- 
tory to  fresh  taxation.  But  notwithstanding  the  bitter  feelings 
with  which  the  English  viewed  the  preparation  of  the  work,  it 
was  certainly  a  wise  and  necessary  measure,  and  one  prompted 
by  statesmanlike  motives. 

173.  The  Curfew  and  the  Forest  Laws.  —  Among  the  regu- 
lations introduced  into  England  by  the  Conqueror  was  the 
peculiar  one  known  as  the  Curfew-bell.  This  law  required 
that,  upon  the  ringing  of  the  church  bell  at  nightfall,  every 
person  should  be  at  home,  and  that  the  fires  should  be  buried  ^ 
and  the  lights  extinguished. 

Two  reasons  have  been  assigned  for  this  ordinance  :  the  one 
supposes  that  its  object  was  to  prevent  the  people's  assembHng 
by  night  to  plan  or  execute  treasonable  undertakings ;  the 
other  represents  it  simply  as  a  safeguard  against  fire.  The 
law  was  certainly  in  force  in  Normandy  before  the  Conquest ; 
indeed,  according  to  Palgrave,  it  was  a  universal  custom  of 
police  throughout  the  whole  of  mediaeval  Europe. 

Less  justifiable  and  infinitely  more  odious  to  the  people 
were  the  Forest  Laws  of  the  Normans.  The  Normans  were 
excessively  fond  of  the  chase.  William  had  for  the  sport  a 
perfect  passion.  An  old  chronicler  declares  that  "  he  loved 
the  tall  deer  as  if  he  were  their  father."  Extensive  tracts  of 
country  were  turned  into  forests  by  the  destruction  of  the 
farmhouses    and    villages.       More     than    fifty    hamlets,    and 

3  Hence  the  term  "  Curfew,"  from  couvrir,  to  cover,  andy^w,  fire. 


198  Me  dice  va  I  History 

numerous  churches,  are  said  to  have  been  destroyed  in  the 
creation  of  what  was  known  as  the  New  Forest.^ 

The  game  in  these  forests  was  protected  by  severe  laws. 
To  kill  a  deer  was  a  greater  crime  than  to  kill  a  man.  Several 
members  of  the  Conqueror's  family  were  killed  while  hunting 
in  these  royal  preserves,  and  the  people  declared  that  these 
misfortimes  were  the  judgment  of  Heaven  upon  the  cruelty  of 
their  founder. 

174.  Close  of  William's  Reign.  — All  the  last  years  of  the 
Conqueror's  life  were  filled  with  trouble  and  sorrow.  *'  His 
bow  was  broken,  and  his  sword  was  blunted."  The  most  try- 
ing thing,  perhaps,  was  the  misconduct  of  his  oldest  son, 
Robert,  who  attempted  to  secure  the  government  of  Normandy, 
claiming  that  his  father  had  promised  it  to  him  in  case  his 
enterprise  against  England  proved  successful.  Robert  was 
joined  in  his  revolt  by  many  discontented  nobles,  and  aided 
by  the  French  king,  who  had  always  viewed  with  great  jealousy 
the  growing  power  of  the  Norman  duke.  A  reconciliation 
was  at  last  effected  between  father  and  son. 

In  the  year  1087  the  Conqueror  was  engaged  in  his  last 
quarrel.  The  French  king  Philip  had  aroused  the  fierce  anger 
of  William  by  an  unseemly  remark  about  his  person.  In 
revenge  for  the  jest,  WilHam  made  war  upon  the  king  and  burnt 
the  town  of  Mantes.  As  he  was  riding  over  the  smoking  ruins 
of  the  place,  his  horse  shied  suddenly,  and  William  received  a 
hurt  of  which  he  died  in  a  few  days.  Before  his  death  he  made 
known  his  will  as  to  his  three  sons :  Robert's  unfilial  conduct 
was  forgotten,  and  he  was  given  Normandy  ;  William  was  given 
England  ;  while  Henry  received  5000  pounds  of  silver. 

175.  The  Norman  Successors  of  the  Conqueror  (1087-1 154). 
—  For  nearly  three-quarters  of  a  century  after  the  death  of 
William  the  Conqueror,  England  was  ruled  by  Norman  kings. 

4  The  term  "  forest "  as  applied  to  these  hunting-parks  does  not  necessarily 
mean  a  continuous  wooded  tract,  but  simply  untilled  ground  left  to  grow  up  to 
weeds  and  shrubs  as  a  covert  for  game. 


Results  of  the  Norman  Conquest  199 

Three  names  span  this  long  period,  —  WilHam  II,  known  as 
Rufus,  or  the  Red  (1087-1 100)  ;  Henry  I,  surnamed  Beauclerc, 
or  the  "good  scholar"  (1100-1135);  and  Stephen  of  Blois 
(i  135— 1 154),  a  grandson  of  the  Conqueror. 

Notwithstanding  the  many  oppressive  laws  and  cruel  acts 
that  marked  the  reigns  of  the  sons  of  the  great  duke,  —  Wil- 
liam and  Henry,  —  England  flourished  under  their  rule  ;  com- 
merce and  the  various  industries  were  steadily  progressing, 
and  the  Normans  and  the  English,  forgetting  their  mutual 
enmities,  were  gradually  blending  into  a  single  people. 

But  upon  the  death  of  Henry  a  dispute  as  to  the  succession 
arose  between  his  daughter  Matilda  and  Stephen  of  Blois. 
For  several  years  the  realm  was  wasted  by  civil  war.  Event- 
ually, through  the  mediation  of  the  bishops  of  the  Church,  a 
covenant  was  made  between  the  contending  parties,  whereby 
it  was  agreed  that  Stephen  should  hold  the  crown  undisturbed 
during  his  life,  but  that  at  his  death  it  should  go  to  the  son  of 
Matilda.  The  year  following  this  arrangement  Stephen  died, 
and  the  crown  was  placed,  according  to  the  treaty,  upon  the 
head  of  Henry  of  Anjou,  who  thus  became  the  founder  of  the 
dynasty  of  the  Angevins,  or  Plantagenets  (1154). 

176.  Results  of  the  Norman  Conquest. — The  most  impor- 
tant and  noteworthy  result  of  the  Conquest  was  the  establish- 
ment in  England  of  a  strong  centralized  government.  This 
came  about  not  only  through  the  monarchical  views  of  gov- 
ernment brought  in  by  the  Norman  kings  and  the  modification 
of  feudal  rules  and  practices  effected  by  the  Conqueror,  but 
also  through  the  wholesome  lessons  impressed  upon  the  minds 
of  the  people  by  the  intolerable  anarchy  of  Stephen's  reign. 
England  now  became  a  real  kingdom,  —  what  it  had  hardly 
been  in  more  than  semblance  before. 

A  second  result  of  the  Conquest  was  the  founding  of  a  new 
feudal  aristocracy.  The  Saxon  thane  was  displaced  by  the 
Norman  baron.  This  not  only  introduced  a  new  and  more 
refined  element  into  the  social  life  of  England,  but  it  also 


200  MedicBval  History 

changed  the  membership,  the  temper,  and  the  name  of  the 
national  assembly,  the  old  English  Witan  now  becoming  the 
Parliament  of  later  times. 

A  third  result  of  the  Conquest  was  the  drawing  of  England 
into  closer  relations  with  the  countries  of  continental  Europe. 
The  Norman  Conquest  was  in  this  respect  like  the  Roman  con- 
quest of  the  island.  Through  the  many  continental  relations 
—  political,  social,  commercial,  and  ecclesiastical  —  now  estab- 
Hshed  or  made  more  intimate,  England's  advance  in  trade,  in 
architecture,  in  her  religious  and  intellectual  Hfe,  was  greatly 
promoted.  And  in  this  connection  must  be  borne  in  mind 
particularly  the  close  poHtical  and  feudal  relations  into  which 
England  was  brought  with  France,  for  out  of  these  grew  the 
jealousies  and  rivalries  which  led  to  the  long  Hundred  Years' 
War  between  the  two  countries.^ 

Sources  and  Source  Material.  —  Ordericus  Vitalis,  Ecclesiastical 
History  of  England  and  Normandy  (Bohn).  Ordericus  was  a  chronicler 
of  the  generation  following  the  Norman  Conquest.  He  was  born  in 
England,  but  passed  his  life  as  a  monk  in  Normandy.  The  author 
states  the  object  of  his  work  to  be  to  "  unfold  with  truth  contemporary 
events."  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  he  goes  back  to  the  '♦  source 
of  all  things,"  —  that  is,  to  the  birth  of  Christ.  His  voluminous  work 
(in  our  translation  it  fills  four  thick  volumes)  is  a  vast  storehouse  of 
facts,  —  unfortunately,  however,  ill-arranged.  The  English  edition  can 
be  consulted  readily  by  means  of  the  Index.  The  Bayeux  Tapestry. 
(Reproduced  in  autotype  plates  with  historic  notes  by  Frank  Rede  Fowke, 
London,  1875.)  This  is  a  strip  of  linen  canvas  over  two  hundred  feet 
long  and  nineteen  inches  wide,  upon  which  are  embroidered  in  colors 
seventy-two  pictures,  representing  episodes  in  the  Norman  conquest  of 
England.  The  work  was  executed  not  long  after  the  events  it  depicts, 
and  is  named  from  the  cathedral  in  France  where  it  is  kept.  Its 
importance  consists  in  the  information  it  conveys  respecting  the  life  and 
manners,  and  the  costumes,  arms,  and  armor  of  the  times.  Lee's  Source- 
Book  of  English  History,  pp.  1 1 1  -i  29.  Kendall's  Sottrce-Book  of  English 
History,  chap,  iii,  "  Norman  England." 

5  For  the  effects  of  the  Conquest  upon  the  English  language  and  literature,  see 
pars.  332  and  333. 


TJie  Noruian  CoJiqiiest  201 

Secondary  or  Modern  Works.  —  Freeman  (E.  A.),  ^*The  Norman 
Conquest.  This  is  a  little  book  of  1 56  pages,  which  contains  "  the  same 
tale  told  afresh,"  that  fills  the  six  volumes  of  the  author's  earlier  great 
work  on  the  Norman  Conquest.  Freeman  has  made  this  subject  espe- 
cially his  own.  Also  by  the  same  author,  William  the  Conqueror 
(Twelve  English  Statesmen).  Johnson  (A.  H.),  *The  Normans  in 
Europe  (Epoch  Series).  Creasy  (E.  S.),  Decisive  Battles  of  the  World, 
chap,  vii,  "  The  Battle  of  Hastings,  A. D.  1066."  Green  (J.  R.),  The 
Conquest  of  England,  chap.  x.  GiBBON  (E.),  Decline  and  Fall  of  the 
Roman  Empire,  chap.  Ivi.  Jewett  (S.  O.),  The  Story  of  the  Normans 
(Story  of  the  Nations),  chap,  vii,  "  The  Normans  in  Italy."  Thomson 
(R.),  An  Historical  Essay  on  Magna  Charta  (London,  1829),  pp.  339- 
368.  A  most  interesting  and  instructive  commentary  on  the  forest 
charters  of  the  Norman  kings.  Traill  (H.  D.),  Social  England,  vol.  i, 
chap.  iii.  Palgrave  (F.),  History  of  Normandy  and  of  England,  4  vols. 
For  the  special  student.  Maitland  (F.  W.),  Domesday  Book  and 
Beyond.  The  first  third  of  this  work  is  a  scholarly  investigation  and 
interpretation  of  the  contents  of  Domesday  Book. 


CHAPTER  XII 
THE   PAPACY  AND   THE  EMPIRE 

177.  The  Two  World-Powers.  —  "The  two  great  ideas," 
says  James  Bryce,  "  which  expiring  antiquity  bequeathed  to 
the  ages  that  followed  were  those  of  a  world-monarchy  and  a 
world-reHgion."  We  have  seen  how  out  of  one  of  these  ideas, 
under  the  favoring  circumstances  of  the  earher  mediaeval  cen- 
turies, was  developed  the  empire,  and  out  of  the  other  the 
papacy  (chaps,  vii  and  ix).  The  history  of  these  two  powers, 
of  their  relations  to  the  rulers  and  the  peoples  of  Europe,  and 
of  their  struggle  with  each  other  for  supremacy,  makes  up  a 
large  part  of  the  history  of  the  mediaeval  centuries.  It  is  of 
these  imi)ortant  matters  that  we  must  now  try  to  get  some  sort 
of  understanding. 

What  we  have  learned  about  the  ideas  and  principles  of 
feudalism  will  aid  us  greatly  in  our  study,  for,  as  we  shall  see, 
the  w^hole  long  struggle  between  these  two  world-powers  was 
deeply  marked  by  feudal  conceptions  and  practices. 

178.  The  Three  Theories  respecting  the  Relations  of  Pope 
and  Emperor.  —  After  the  revival  of  the  empire  in  the  West  and 
the  rise  of  the  papacy,  there  gradually  grew  up  three  different 
theories  in  regard  to  the  divinely  constituted  relation  of  the 
"World-King"  and  the  "World-Priest."  The  first  was  that 
pope  and  emperor  were  each  independently  commissioned  by 
God,  the  first  to  rule  the  spirits  of  men,  the  second  to  rule 
their  bodies.  Each  reigning  thus  by  original  divine  right, 
neither  is  set  above  the  other,  but  both  are  to  cooperate  and 
to  help  each  other.  The  special  duty  of  the  temporal  power 
is  to  maintain  order  in  the  world  and  to  be  the  protector  of 


Relations  of  Pope  and  Emperor  203 

the  Church.  The  emperor  bears  the  sword  for  the  purpose 
of  executing  the  decrees  of  the  Church  against  all  heretics 
and  disturbers  of  its  peace  and  unity.  Thus  this  theory 
looked  to  a  perfect  and  beautiful  alliance  between  Church 
and  State,  a  double  sovereignty  emblemized  in  the  dual  nature 
of  Christ. 

The  second  theory,  the  one  held  by  the  imperial  party,  was 
that  the  emperor  was  superior  to  the  pope  in  secular  affairs. 
Arguments  from  Scripture  and  from  the  transactions  of  history 
were  not  wanting  to  support  this  view  of  the  relation  of  the 
two  world-powders.  Thus  Christ's  payment  of  tribute  money 
was  cited  as  proof  that  he  regarded  the  temporal  power  as 
superior  to  the  spiritual ;  and  again,  his  submission  to  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Roman  tribunal  was  held  to  be  a  recog- 
nition on  his  part  of  the  supremacy  of  the  civil  authority. 
And  then,  did  he  not  say,  "  Render  unto  Caesar  the  things 
which  are  Caesar's"?  Further,  the  gifts  of  Pippin  and 
Charles  the  Great  to  the  Roman  see  made  the  popes,  it  was 
maintained,  the  vassals  of  the  emperors. 

The  third  theory,  the  one  held  by  the  papal  party,  main- 
tained that  the  ordained  relation  of  the  two  powers  was  the 
subordination  of  the  temporal  to  the  spiritual  authority,  even 
in  civil  affairs.  This  view  was  maintained  by  such  texts  of 
Scripture  as  these  :  "  But  he  that  is  spiritual  judgeth  all  things, 
yet  he  himself  is  judged  of  no  man  "  ;  ^  "  See,  I  have  this  day 
set  thee  over  the  nations  and  over  the  kingdoms,  to  root  out 
and  to  pull  down,  and  to  destroy  and  to  throw  down,  to  build 
and  to  plant,"  -  It  was  held  also  that  the  two  swords  of  which 
Christ  said  "  It  is  enough,"  were  both  given  to  Saint  Peter, 
signifying  that  he  was  girded  with  both  civil  and  spiritual 
authority.  The  conception  was  further  illustrated  by  such 
comparisons  as  the  following,  —  for  in  mediaeval  times  parable 
and  metaphor  often  took  the  place  of  argument :  As  God  has 
set  in  the  heavens  two  lights,  the  sun  and  the  moon,  so  has  he 

1  I  Cor.  ii,  15.  i!  Jer.  i,  lo. 


204  Mediceval  History 

established  on  earth  two  powers,  the  spiritual  and  the  tempo- 
ral ;  but  as  the  moon  is  inferior  to  the  sun  and  receives  its  light 
from  it,  so  is  the  emperor  inferior  to  the  pope  and  receives  all 
power  from  him.^  Again,  the  two  authorities  were  likened  to 
the  soul  and  the  body;  as  the  former  rules  over  the  latter, 
so  is  it  ordered  that  the  spiritual  power  shall  rule  over  and 
subject  the  temporal.  In  opposition  to  the  arguments  of  the 
imperiaKsts  founded  upon  the  gifts  of  Pippin  and  Charles 
the  Great,  was  quoted  the  Donation  of  Constantine,  and 
instanced  the  fact  that  Charles  actually  received  the  impe- 
rial crown  from  the  hands  of  the  pope. 

The  first  theory  was  the  impracticable  dream  of  lofty  souls 
who  forgot  that  men  are  human.  Christendom  was  virtually 
divided  into  two  hostile  camps,  the  members  of  which  were 
respectively  supporters  of  the  imperial  and  the  papal  theory. 
The  most  interesting  and  instructive  chapters  of  mediaeval 
history  after  the  tenth  century  are  those  that  record  the 
struggles  between  pope  and  emperor,  springing  from  their 
efforts  to  reduce  to  practice  and  fact  these  irreconcilable 
theories.* 

179.  The  Restoration  of  the  Papacy. — The  great  struggle 
between  the  emperors  and  the  popes  began  in  the  eleventh 
century.  The  contest  was  preluded  by  the  revival  and 
strengthening  of  both  the  empire  and  the  papacy.  It  will 
be  recalled  how  the  empire,  after  the  very  idea  of  it  had 
almost  faded  from  the  minds  of  many,  was  restored  by  Otto 
the  Great.  A  Httle  more  than  a  century  later  the  papacy 
was  also  revived  and  strengthened.  This  needs  a  word  of 
explanation. 

Throughout  the  greater  part  of  the  tenth  and  almost  all  the 
first  half  of  the  eleventh  century,  the  papacy  had  been  sunk 

3  Dante,  maintaining  the  rights  of  the  emperor,  ruined  the  force  of  this  com- 
parison by  pointing  out  that  while  the  moon  often  eclipses  the  sun,  the  sun 
never  eclipses  the  moon. 

4  For  a  most  admirable  presentation  of  this  whole  subject,  consult  Bryce's 
The  Holy  Roman  Empire. 


Pope  Gregory  VII  205 

in  the  deepest  moral  degradation.  This  deplorable  state  of 
things  had  been  created  largely  by  the  interference  in  the 
papal  elections  —  which  were  nominally  in  the  hands  of  the 
Roman  clergy  and  people  —  by  rival  feudal  factions  at  Rome 
which  set  up  and  pulled  down  popes  at  will.  Through  such 
influences  it  often  happened  that  persons  of  scandalous  Hfe 
were,  through  violence  and  bribery,  elevated  to  the  papal  chair.^ 

The  papacy  owed  very  largely  its  rescue  from  this  deep 
degradation,  and  its  liberation  from  this  humiliating  bondage, 
to  the  intervention  of  the  imperial  power.  Among  the 
emperors  who  did  most  to  effect  the  moral  regeneration  of 
the  Roman  see  was  the  Emperor  Henry  III  (1039-1056). 
Exercising  his  authority  as  the  guardian  and  protector  of  the 
Church,  he  nominated  for  the  holy  office  a  series  of  religious- 
minded  and  strong  men,  who  were  filled  with  that  spirit  of 
reform  which  just  now  was  issuing  from  the  cloisters  of  the 
celebrated  monastery  of  Cluny.® 

180.  Pope  Gregory  VII  (107 3- 1085)  and  his  Conception  of 
the  Papacy.  —  The  most  eminent  of  the  reform  popes  was 
Pope  Gregory  VII,  better  known  by  his  earlier  name  of  Hilde- 
brand,  the  most  noteworthy  character,  after  Charles  the  Great, 


5  Out  of  efforts  to  improve  this  state  of  things,  arose  the  Sacred  College 
of  Cardinals.  This  body  was  definitely  created  by  a  decree  of  the  Lateran  Synod 
of  1059,  which  acted  under  the  inspiration  of  Pope  Nicholas  II.  It  was  at  first 
made  up  of  the  leading  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons  connected  with  churches 
in  and  around  Rome  ;  later  the  members  were  chosen  from  a  wider  field.  In 
1585  the  number  of  members  of  the  college  was  fixed  at  seventy.  Vacancies 
in  the  body  are  filled  by  the  pope.  The  college  now  possesses  the  exclusive 
right  of  electing  a  pope,  although  at  first  the  inferior  Roman  clergy  enjoyed  the 
privilege  of  confirmation.  This  electoral  board  constitutes  one  of  the  most 
important  institutions  of  the  Catholic  Church.  Its  creation  did  not  at  once 
introduce  decorum  and  regularity  into  the  papal  elections  or  free  them  from 
lay  interference ;  partly  for  the  reason  that  its  rights  were  not  universally 
recognized,  and  further  because  some  of  the  popes  made  unworthy  appoint- 
ments to  the  body,  which  thereby  became  open  to  corrupt  influences. 

6  The  names  of  these  reform  popes,  the  predecessors  of  Gregory  VII,  are 
Clement  II  (1046-1048),  Leo  IX  (1048-1054),  Victor  II  (1054-1057),  Stephen 
IX  (1057-1058),  Nicholas  II  (1058-1061),  and  Alexander  II  (1061-1073). 


2o6  MedicBval  History 

that  the  Middle  Ages  produced.  In  the  year  1049  he  was 
brought  from  the  cloisters  of  Cluny  to  Rome,  where  he  became 
the  maker  and  adviser  of  popes,  and  finally  was  himself  elevated 
to  the  pontifical  throne,  which  he  held  from  1073  to  1085. 

Gregory  vehemently  rejected  the  idea  that  the  imperial  power 
was  superior  to  the  papal,  or  even  that  the  two  were  equal  and 
coordinate.  "  The  spiritual  power  was  to  stand  related  to  the 
temporal  as  the  sun  to  the  moon,  imparting  light  and  strength, 
without,  however,  destroying  it,  or  depriving  princes  of  their 
sovereignty."  ^  In  a  word,  Gregory's  idea  was  that  all  the 
Christian  states  should  form  a  universal  theocracy,  with  the 
pope  at  its  head  as  God's  representative  on  earth. 

In  order  to  realize  his  grand  ideal,  Gregory,  as  soon  as  he 
became  pope,  set  about  two  important  reforms,  —  the  enforce- 
ment of  celibacy  among  the  secular  clergy  and  the  suppression 
of  simony.  Respecting  each  of  these  matters  we  must  speak 
with  some  detail. 

181.  Gregory  VII  and  the  Celibacy  of  the  Clergy.  — When 
Gregory  came  to  the  papal  throne  one  grave  danger  threaten- 
ing the  Church  was  the  marriage  of  the  clergy.  From  the 
very  first  there  had  prevailed  in  the  Church  two  oppos- 
ing views  respecting  the  celibacy  of  the  priesthood,  some 
upholding  the  custom  of  clerical  marriage,  and  others  main- 
taining the  superior  sanctity  of  the  unmarried  state.  In  the 
eleventh  century  a  great  part  of  the  minor  clergy  were  mar- 
ried. One  great  injury  to  the  Church  which  resulted  from  this 
was  that  it  was  introducing  the  feudal  principle  of  heredity. 
The  priests  were  coming  to  look  upon  their  offices  and  the 
church  lands  under  their  care  as  fiefs,  which  they  had  a  right 
to  transmit  to  their  children.  With  the  offices  of  the  Church 
thus  rendered  hereditary,  it  is  easy  to  see  how  the  authority  of 
the  pope  over  the  clergy  was  being  fatally  impaired. 

Gregory  resolved  to  bring  all  the  clergy  to  the  strict  observ- 
ance of  celibate  vows.     By  thus  separating  the  priests  from 

"*  Alzog,  Universal  Chtirch  History,  vol.  ii,  p.  490. 


Gi^egory   VII  and  Simony  207 

the  attachments  of  home,  and  Ufting  from  them  all  family 
cares  and  responsibilities,  he  aimed  to  render  their  consecra- 
tion to  the  duties  of  their  offices  more  whole-souled  and  their 
dependence  upon  the  C  uirch  more  complete.  A  celibate 
priesthood  would  alone  c  institute  a  firm  basis  for  the  papal 
monarchy  which  Gregory  aimed  at  establishing. 

We  will  here  simply  stop  to  observe  that  the  reform,  though 
most  obstinately  opposed  by  a  large  section  of  the  clergy,  was 
finally  effected  —  but  not  in  Gregory's  Hfetime  ;  so  that  cehb- 
acy  became  as  binding  upon  the  priest  as  upon  the  monk.  It 
can  hardly  be  doubted  that  in  many  ways  the  reform  increased 
the  efficiency  of  the  Catholic  priesthood,  and  certainly  greatly 
enhanced  the  influence  and  authority  of  the  popes. 

182.  Gregory  VII  and  Simony.  —  Gregory's  second  reform, 
the  correction  of  simony,  had  for  one  of  its  ultimate  objects 
the  freeing  of  the  lands  and  offices  of  the  Church  from  the 
control  of  lay  lords  and  princes,  and  the  bringing  of  them 
more  completely  into  the  hands  of  the  Roman  bishop. 

The  evil  of  simony  ^  had  grown  up  in  the  Church  chiefly  in 
the  following  way.  As  the  feudal  system  took  possession  of 
European  society,  the  Church,  like  individuals  and  cities, 
assumed  feudal  relations.  Thus,  as  \\q  have  already  seen, 
abbots  and  bishops,  as  the  heads  of  monasteries  and  churches, 
for  the  sake  of  protection,  became  the  vassals  of  powerful 
barons  or  princes.  When  once  a  prelate  had  promised  fealty 
for  his  estates  or  temporalities,  as  they  were  called,  these 
became  thenceforth  a  permanent  fief  of  the  overlord,  and 
subject  to  all  the  incidents  of  the  feudal  tenure  (par.  148). 
When  a  vacancy  occurred  the  lord  assumed  the  right  to  fill  it, 
just  as  in  case  of  the  escheat  of  a  lay  fief  ^     In  this  way  the 

8  By  simony  is  meant  the  purchase  of  an  ofifice  in  the  Church,  the  name  of 
the  offense  coming  from  Simon  Magus,  who  offered  Peter  money  for  the  power 
to  confer  the  Holy  Spirit.     See  Acts  viii,  9-24. 

9  The  clergy  and  monks  still  retained  the  nominal  right  of  election,  but  too 
frequently  an  election  by  them  was  a  mere  matter  of  form.  For  a  typical  case 
see  par.  232, 


2o8  MedicBval  Histoiy 

temporal  rulers  throughout  Europe  had  come  to  exercise  the 
right  of  nominating  or  confirming  the  election  of  almost  all 
the  great  prelates  of  the  Church. 

Now  these  lay  princes  who  had  the  patronage  of  these 
church  offices  and  lands  handled  them  just  as  they  did  their 
lay  fiefs.  They  required  the  person  nominated  to  an  abbacy 
or  to  a  bishopric  to  pay  for  the  appointment  and  investiture  a 
sum  proportioned  to  the  income  from  the  office.  This  was  in 
strict  accord  with  the  feudal  rule  which  allowed  the  lord  to 
demand  from  the  vassal  upon  his  investiture  with  a  fief  a  sum 
of  money  called  a  relief.  This  rule,  thus  applied  to  church 
lands  and  offices,  was,  it  is  easy  to  see,  the  cause  of  great  evil 
and  corruption.  The  ecclesiastical  vacancies  were  virtually 
sold  to  the  highest  bidder.  And  then,  furthermore,  the  most 
unsuitable  persons  became  bishops  and  abbots.  The  offices 
were  given  to  favorites,  to  parasites,  to  mere  children,  to  persons 
often  of  the  most  notoriously  evil  Hfe. 

Such  was  the  deplorable  state  into  which  the  Church  had 
been  brought  by  the  application  to  ecclesiastical  lands  and 
offices  of  feudal  principles.  The  maintenance  of  the  unity  of 
the  Church  and  the  preservation  of  religion  itself  demanded 
that  the  control  of  these  ecclesiastical  positions  and  estates 
should  be  taken  away  from  the  lay  rulers. 

To  remedy  the  evil  Gregory  issued  decrees  ^^  forbidding  any 
one  of  the  clergy  to  receive  the  investiture  of  a  bishopric  or 
abbey  or  church  from  the  hands  of  a  temporal  prince  or  lord. 
Any  one  who  should  dare  to  disobey  these  decrees  was  threat- 
ened with  the  anathemas  of  the  Church. 

Such  was  the  bold  measure  by  which  Gregory  proposed  to 
wrest  out  of  the  hands  of  the  feudal  lords  and  princes  the  vast 
patronage  and  immense  revenues  resulting  from  the  relation 
they  had  gradually  come  to  sustain  to  a  large  portion  of  the 
lands  and  offices  of  the  Church.  To  realize  the  magnitude  of 
the  proposed  revolution,  we  must  bear  in  mind  that  the  Church 

10  In  1078  and  1080, 


Excommunications  and  Interdicts  209 

at  this  time  was  in  possession  of  probably  one-fourth  of  the 
lands  in  the  leading  countries  of  the  West.  The  complete 
success  of  the  movement  would  make  the  pope  the  suzerain,  or 
overlord,  of  all  these  vast  ecclesiastical  fiefs,  and  would  fatally 
curtail  and  weaken  the  authority  of  every  temporal  ruler  in 
Western  Christendom. 

183.  Excommunications  and  Interdicts. — The  principal 
instruments  relied  upon  by  Gregory  for  the  carrying  out  of  his 
plans  were  the  spiritual  weapons  of  the  Church,  —  Excommu- 
nication and  Interdict. 

The  first  was  directed  against  individuals.  The  person 
excommunicated  was  cut  off  from  all  relations  with  his  fellow- 
men.  If  a  king,  his  subjects  were  released  from  their  oath  of 
allegiance.  Any  one  providing  the  excommunicate  with  food 
or  shelter  incurred  the  penalties  of  the  Church.  Living,  the 
excommunicated  person  was  to  be  shunned  and  abhorred  as 
though  tainted  with  an  infectious  disease  ;  and  dead,  he  was 
to  be  refused  the  ordinary  rites  of  burial. 

The  interdict  was  directed  against  a  city,  province,  or  king- 
dom. Throughout  the  region  under  this  ban,  the  churches 
were  closed  ;  no  bell  could  be  rung,  no  marriage  celebrated, 
no  burial  ceremony  performed.  The  sacraments  of  baptism 
and  extreme  unction  alone  could  be  administered. 

It  is  difficult  for  us  in  these  modern  skeptical  times  to 
reauze  the  effect  of  these  anathemas  during  the  "Age  of 
Faith."  They  rarely  failed  in  bringing  the  most  contumacious 
offender  to  a  speedy  and  abject  confession,  or  in  effecting  his 
undoing.     This  will  appear  in  the  following  paragraph. 

184.  The  Investiture  Contest ;  Emperor  Henry  IV' s  Humil- 
iation at  Canossa  (1077).  —  It  was  in  Germany  that  Gregory 
experienced  the  most  formidable  opposition  to  his  reform 
measures.  The  emperor  elect.  King  Henry  IV  (  1056-1106), 
—  who  had  been  threatened  by  the  pope  with  excommunica- 
tion and  deposition,  —  gathering  in  council  such  of  the  prelates 
of  the  empire  as  would  answer  his  call  (1076),  even  dared  to 


2 1  o  Mediceval  History 

bid  him  descend  from  the  papal  throne.  Gregory  in  turn 
gathered  a  council  at  Rome  and  deposed  and  excommunicated 
the  emperor.  "  In  the  name  of  Almighty  God,  Father,  Son, 
and  Holy  Ghost,"  thus  ran  the  solemn  papal  decree,  "  I  with- 
draw through  thy  (Saint  Peter's)  power  and  authority,  from 
Henry  the  king,  son  of  Henry  the  emperor,  who  has  arisen 
against  thy  Church  with  unheard-of  insolence,  the  rule  over 
the  whole  kingdom  of  the  Germans  and  over  Italy.  And  I 
absolve  all  Christians  from  the  bond  of  the  oath  which  they 
have  made  or  shall  make  to  him  ;  and  I  forbid  any  one  to 
serve  him  as  king."  ^^ 

This  decree  is  especially  memorable  for  the  reason  that  this 
was  the  first  time  that  a  pope  had  ventured  to  depose  a  king.^^ 
The  precedent  was  followed  frequently  enough  in  after  times. 

Henry's  deposition  encouraged  a  revolt  on  the  part  of  some 
of  his  discontented  subjects.  He  was  shunned  as  a  man 
accursed  by  heaven.  His  authority  seemed  to  have  slipped 
entirely  out  of  his  hands,  and  his  kingdom  was  on  the  point  of 
going  to  pieces.  In  this  wretched  state  of  his  affairs  there  was 
but  one  thing  for  him  to  do,  —  to  go  to  Gregory  and  humbly 
sue  for  pardon  and  reinstatement  in  the  favor  of  the  Church. 

Henry  sought  (rregory  among  the  Apennines,  at  Canossa, 
a  stronghold  of  the  celebrated  Countess  Matilda  of  Tuscany. 
But  Gregory  refused  to  admit  him  to  his  presence.  It  was 
winter,  and  on  three  successive  days  the  king,  clothed  in  sack- 
cloth, stood  with  bare  feet  in  the  snow  of  the  courtyard  of 
the  castle,  waiting  for  permission  to  kneel  at  the  feet  of  the 
pontiff  and  to  receive  forgiveness. 

This  was  one  of  the  most  noteworthy  transactions,  in  its 
moral  significance,  that  the  world  had  ever  witnessed,  — 
the  emperor  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  the  successor  of  the 
Caesars  and  of  Charles  the  Great,  a  rejected  penitent  at  the 
door  of  the  Roman  pontiff. 

n  Henderson,  Select  Historical  Documents,  p.  2,77- 
12  Lea,  Sttidies  in  Church  History,  p.  363. 


Concordat  of  \Vo7ins  21 1 

On  the  fourth  day  the  king  was  admitted  to  the  presence  of 
Gregory,  and  the  sentence  of  excommunication  was  removed 
(1077).  Henry  had  "stooped  to  conquer,"  for  the  victory 
was  really  his.  He  had  forced  absolution  from  an  unwilling 
pope,  and  this  release  from  the  Church's  censure  meant  much 
then  to  Henry  and  his  cause. 

Henry  was  now  able  to  avenge  his  humiliation.  He  raised 
an  army  and  descended  upon  Rome.  The  Normans,  under 
Robert  Guiscard  (par.  166),  came  to  the  pope's  defense.  In 
the  fighting  and  confusion  which  followed,  Rome  was  reduced 
almost  to  ruins.  Gregory  was  constrained  to  seek  an  asylum 
at  Salerno,  where  he  died  in  1085.  His  last  words  were,  "I 
have  loved  righteousness  and  hated  iniquity,  and  therefore 
I  die  in  exile." 

But  the  quarrel  did  not  end  here.  It  was  taken  up  by  the 
successors  of  Gregory,  and  Henry  was  again  excommunicated. 
After  maintaining  a  long  struggle  with  the  power  of  the  Church, 
and  \nth  his  own  sons,  who  were  incited  to  rebel  against  him, 
he  finally  died  of  a  broken  heart  (1106).  For  five  years  his 
body  was  denied  burial  in  consecrated  ground  ;  but  at  last  the 
ban  of  the  Church  was  removed,  and  it  was  laid  to  rest  with 
fitting  honors. 

185.  Concordat  of  Worms  (1122).  —  Henry's  humiliation, 
though  it  purchased  him  a  personal  victory,  gave  a  severe  blow 
to  the  prestige  of  the  imperial  power.  Nevertheless  his  suc- 
cessors maintained  the  quarrel  ^\^th  the  popes.  The  outcome 
of  the  matter,  after  many  years  of  bitter  contention,  was  the 
celebrated  Concordat  of  Worms  (1122).  It  was  agreed  that 
all  bishops  and  abbots  of  the  empire,  after  free  canonical  elec- 
tion, should  receive  the  ring  and  staff,  the  symbols  of  their 
spiritual  jurisdiction,  from  the  pope,  but  that  the  emperor 
should  exercise  the  right  of  investiture  by  the  touch  of  a 
scepter,  the  emblem  of  temporal  rights  and  authority.  This 
was  a  recognition  by  both  parties  that  all  spiritual  authority 
emanates  from  the  Church  and  all  temporal  authority  from  the 


2 1 2  MedicBval  History 

State.  It  was  a  compromise,  —  "a  rendering  unto  Caesar  of 
the  things  that  are  Caesar's,  and  unto  God  the  things  that  are 
God's." 

But  however  equal  the  compromise  may  at  first  blush 
appear,  it  was  after  all  a  moral  victory  for  the  papacy.  The 
concordat  rescued  the  Church  from  the  grave  danger  of 
complete  secularization ;  for  the  triumph  of  the  lay  power  in 
its  contention  would  have  made  the  Church  "  a  machine  to  be 
worked  ...  by  the  hands  of  the  civil  magistrates,"  ^^  a  part  of 
the  constitution  of  the  feudal  empire  and  monarchy,  just  as 
the  temple  in  ancient  Greece  and  Rome  was  a  part  of  the 
constitution  of  the  city-state. 

We  must  here  drop  the  story  of  the  contentions  of  pope 
and  emperor  in  order  to  watch  the  peoples  of  Europe  as  at 
the  time  we  have  now  reached  they  undertake  with  surprising 
unanimity  and  enthusiasm  the  most  remarkable  enterprises  in 
which  they  were  ever  engaged,  —  the  Crusades,  or  Holy  Wars. 

It  was  the  prestige  and  strength  which  the  papacy  had 
gained  in  its  contest  with  the  empire  which  enabled  the  popes 
to  exert  such  an  influence  in  setting  the  Crusades  in  motion 
and  in  directing  them,  while  at  the  same  time  it  was  these 
great  enterprises  which,  reacting  upon  the  papacy,  greatly  aided 
the  popes  in  realizing  Gregory's  ideal  of  making  the  papal 
authority  supreme  throughout  Western  Christendom. 

Sources  and  Source  Material.  —  Dante,  De  Monarchia  (trans,  by 
F.  J.  Church).  This  forms  an  appendix  (pp.  177-304)  to  Church's 
essay  entitled  "Dante"  (Macmillan,  1878).  Dante's  argument  is  this: 
first,  he  shows  the  need  of  a  supreme  temporal  ruler ;  second,  he 
proves  from  history  that  the  Roman  empire  "  was  willed  of  God  " ;  and 
third,  he  argues  that  the  authority  of  the  monarch  or  emperor  comes 
direct  from  God  and  not  from  the  pope.  The  work  is  a  most  instructive 
illustration  of  mediaeval  ideals  and  mediaeval  reasoning.  Hender- 
son's Select  Historical  Documents^  pp.  351-409,  "Decrees  concerning 
Papal  Elections  and  Documents  relating  to  the  Controversy  over 
Investiture." 

13  Bowden,  Life  of  Gregory  the  Seventh^  vol.  ii,  p.  376. 


Concordat  of  Worms  213 

Secondary  or  Modern  Works.  —  Bryce  (J.),  **  The  Holy  Roman 
Empire.  This  little  work  has  become  a  classic.  Bowden  (J.  W.), 
**  Life  attd  Pontificate  of  Gregoiy  the  Seventh.  Lea  (H.  C),  Sacerdotal 
Celibacy  in  the  Christian  Chtcrch  (2d.  ed.,  Boston,  1884).  A  work  of 
the  highest  scholarship.  Chapter  xiv  is  devoted  to  Gregory's  reforms. 
Adams  (G.  B.),  Civilization  dia-ing  the  Middle  Ages,  chap,  x,  "  The 
Empire  and  the  Papacy."  Alzog  (J.),  Universal  Church  History, 
vol.  ii,  pp.  253-336  and  481-510.  Storrs  (R.  S.),  Bernard  of  Clair- 
vaiix,  lect.  ii.  Gives  the  point  of  view  from  which  Gregory's  work 
should  be  surveyed.  Tout  (T.  F.),  The  Empire  and  the  Papacy 
(Periods  of  European  History).  Stephens  (W.  R.  W.),  Hildebratid 
and  His  Times  (Epochs  of  Church  History).  Milman  (H.  H.),  History 
of  Latin  Christianity,  vol.  ii,  bk.  vii,  chaps,  i-iii.  Allen  (J.  H.),  Chris- 
tian  History  in  its  Three  Great  Periods,  vol.  ii,  chap,  i,  "The  Eccle- 
siastical System  " ;  and  chap,  ii,  "  The  Work  of  Hildebrand."  Vincent 
(M.  R.),  The  Age  of  Hildebrand  (Ten  Epochs  of  Church  History). 
Earlier  chapters.     Fisher  (H.),  The  Mediceval  Empire,  vol.  i,  chap.  xii. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

THE  CRUSADES  (1096-1273) 

I.    Preparation  of  Europe  for  the  Crusades 

186.  The  Crusades  defined;  their  Place  in  Universal  History. 

— The  Crusades  were  great  military  expeditions  carried  on  inter- 
mittently for  two  centuries  by  the  Christian  peoples  of  Europe 
for  the  purpose  of  rescuing  from  the  hands  of  the  Moham- 
medans the  holy  places  of  Palestine  and  maintaining  in  the 
East  a  Latin  kingdom.  Historians  usually  enumerate  eight  of 
these  expeditions  as  worthy  of  special  narration.  Of  these 
eight  the  first  four  are  often  designated  the  Principal  Crusades 
and  the  remaining  four  the  Minor  Crusades.  But  besides 
these  there  were  a  children's  crusade  and  several  other  expe- 
ditions, which,  being  insignificant  in  numbers  or  results,  are 
not  usually  enumerated,  as  well  as  several  enterprises  in  Europe 
itself  which  partook  of  the  nature  of  crusades ;  namely,  the 
wars  against  the  Moors  in  Spain,  the  crusades  against  the 
Albigenses  in  France,  and  those  against  the  pagan  Slavs  of 
the  Baltic  shores. 

Viewed  from  the  broadest  standpoint  the  crusades  against 
the  Moslems  were  simply  an  episode  in  that  age-long  drama 
of  the  struggle  between  the  East  and  the  West,  between  Asia 
and  Europe,  of  which  the  contest  between  the  ancient  Greeks 
and  Persians  was  the  opening  act.  Looked  at  in  connection 
with  a  narrower  cycle  of  events,  they  mark  the  culmination  of 
the  long  contest  between  the  two  great  world-reHgions,  Islam 
and  Christianity,  the  beginnings  of  which  we  have  already 
seen,    and  which   expresses  itself  to-day  in    the   antagonism 

214 


The  Religions  Motive  or  Cause  ;  Pilgrimages     2 1 5 

between  the  Ottoman  Turks  and  the  Christian  races  of 
Europe. 

We  shall  tell  first  of  the  causes  which  gave  birth  to  these 
remarkable  enterprises ;  then  narrate  with  some  degree  of 
particularity  the  most  important  events  which  characterized 
the  First  Crusade,  passing  more  lightly  over  the  incidents  of 
the  succeeding  ones,  as  these  in  all  essential  features  were 
simply  repetitions  of  the  first  movement ;  and  follow  this  with 
a  very  short  account  of  the  crusades  within  the  limits  of 
Europe.  Then  we  shall  close  our  brief  survey  by  a  glance 
at  the  causes  which  brought  the  movements  to  an  end  and 
with  a  summary  of  their  results. 

187.  The  Religious  Motive,  or  Cause;  Pilgrimages. — The 
forces  behind  such  vast  and  long-sustained  movements  in 
history  as  the  Crusades  are  always  slowly  generated  in  the 
minds  and  hearts  of  those  taking  part  in  them.  The  chief 
moving  force  of  the  Holy  Wars  was  the  religious  ideas  and 
feehngs  of  the  times,  particularly  the  sentiment  respecting 
holy  places  and  pilgrimages.  The  history  of  this  phase  of  the 
inner  soul-life  of  the  peoples  of  Western  Christendom  is  long 
and  interesting. 

In  all  ages  men  have  been  led  by  curiosity,  sentiment,  or 
religion  to  make  pilgrimages  to  spots  which  retain  the  mem- 
ory of  remarkable  occurrences,  or  have  been  consecrated  by 
human  suffering  or  heroism.  Especially  has  the  religious  sen- 
timent of  every  people  made  the  birthplaces  or  the  tombs  of 
their  prophets,  saints,  and  martyrs  places  of  veneration  and 
pilgrimage.  Benares,  Mecca,  and  Jerusalem  attest  the  univer- 
saHty  and  strength  of  the  sentiment  among  Hindus,  Moham- 
medans, and  Christians  alike. 

Among  the  early  Christians  it  was  thought  a  pious  and 
meritorious  act  to  undertake  a  journey  to  some  sacred  place. 
Prayers,  it  was  believed,  were  more  efficacious  when  offered  on 
such  consecrated  ground.  Especially  was  it  thought  that  a 
pilgrimage  to  the  land  whose  soil  had  been  pressed  by  the  feet 


2 1 6  Mediceval  Histoiy 

of  the  Saviour  of  the  world,  to  the  Holy  City  that  had  wit- 
nessed his  martyrdom,  was  a  peculiarly  pious  undertaking, 
and  one  which  secured  for  the  pilgrim  the  special  favor  and 
blessing  of  Heaven. 

Pilgrims  began  to  make  visits  to  the  Holy  Land  from  the 
countries  of  Western  Europe  as  soon  as  Christianity  had  taken 
possession  of  this  part  of  the  Roman  empire.  At  first  the 
journey  was  so  difficult  and  dangerous  that  it  was  undertaken 
by  comparatively  few.  Before  the  conversion  of  the  Hunga- 
.  rians,  who  held  the  route  between  Germany  and  the  Bosporus, 
the  pilgrim  usually  made  his  way  to  some  Mediterranean  port, 
and  sought  a  chance  passage  on  board  some  vessel  engaged  in 
the  Eastern  trade. 

It  was  a  great  event  in  a  community  when  a  person  an- 
nounced his  intention  of  making  the  holy  pilgrimage.  He  was 
conducted  by  a  great  company  of  his  friends  and  neighbors  out 
of  his  native  town,  and  with  the  benediction  of  the  priest,  and  the 
gift  of  a  staff  and  wallet,  was  sent  forward  on  his  pious  journey. 

Arriving  at  the  Holy  City,  the  devotee  prayed  and  wept 
upon  every  spot  pointed  out  by  tradition  as  the  scene  of  the 
miracles  or  sufferings  of  the  Saviour.  Lastly,  he  bathed  in  the 
sacred  waters  of  the  Jordan,  and  from  that  spot  brought  back 
with  him  a  palm  branch,  which  was  laid  upon  the  altar  of  his 
native  church  as  a  token  of  the  accomplishment  of  his  pilgrim- 
age. From  this  last  circumstance  one  who  had  made  a  journev 
to  the  Holy  Land,  in  distinction  from  a  person  who  had  made 
a  pilgrimage  to  some  other  sacred  place,  was  called  a  palmer. 

The  Cluniac  revival  of  the  eleventh  century  (par.  47), 
kindling  as  it  did  a  holy  fervor  in  multitudes  of  souls,  gave  a 
great  impulse  to  this  pilgrimaging  zeal,  and  caused  the  number 
of  pilgrims  to  the  Holy  Land  greatly  to  increase.  Instead  of 
solitary  travelers,  companies  numbering  hundreds  and  even 
thousands  ^  might  now  be  seen  crowding  the  roads  leading  to 

1  The  largest  company  of  which  there  is  record  numbered  7000  persons. 
This  was  led  by  an  archbishop  and  set  out  in  the  year  1064. 


TJic  Religions  Motive  or  Cause  ;  Pilgrimages    217 

Jerusalem  ;  for  the  conversion  of  the  Hungarians  had  recently 
reopened  the  overland  route  down  the  Danube. 

But  just  at  this  time  a  great  revolution  took  place  in  the 
poHtical  affairs  of  the  P^ast.  From  the  time  of  Constantine 
on  to  the  Arabian  conquest,  the  holy  places  were  in  the  hands 
of  the  Christians  themselves.  The  Saracen  caliphs,  for  the 
four  centuries  and  more  that  they  held  possession  of  Palestine, 
pursued  usually  an  enlightened  policy  towards  the  pilgrims, 
even  encouraging  pilgrimages  as  a  source  of  revenue. 

But  now  all  was  changed.  The  Seljuk  Turks,  a  promi- 
nent Tartar  tribe,  zealous  proselytes  of  Islam,  had  gradually 
extended  their  authority  until  they  had  built  up  a  kingdom 
which  stretched  from  the  frontiers  of  China  to  the  Hellespont. 
Jerusalem  was  taken  by  them  in  1076,  the  greater  part  of  Asia 
Minor,  which  had  simply  been  overrun  by  the  Arabs,  was  also 
conquered,  and  the  city  of  Nicaea,  only  seventy  miles  from 
Constantinople,  was  made  one  of  their  strongholds.  Almost 
all  the  Asiatic  conquests  of  the  Saracen  caliphs  were  wrested 
from  them,  and  the  authority  of  the  race  that  but  a  few  cen- 
turies before  had  seemed  on  the  point  of  becoming  supreme 
throughout  the  world  was  once  more  virtually  confined  to  the 
Arabian  peninsula. 

The  Christians  were  not  long  in  realizing  that  power  had 
fallen  into  new  hands.  They  were  insulted  and  persecuted  in 
every  way.  The  aged  patriarch  of  Jerusalem  is  said  to  have 
been  subjected  to  every  indignity,  and  the  churches  of  the 
Christians  in  some  cases  to  have  been  destroyed  or  desecrated. 
Pilgrims  still  continued  to  flock  to  the  holy  places,  but  the 
tales  of  their  woes  and  sufferings  attested  with  what  danger 
the  undertaking  was  now  attended. 

The  Christians  of  Europe  were  wrought  to  indignation  by 
these  accounts  of  the  insults  heaped  upon  the  holy  places,  and 
were  moved  to  tears  by  the  recitals  of  the  personal  sufferings 
of  the  pilgrims  themselves.  If  it  were  a  meritorious  thing  to 
make  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Sepulcher^  much  more  would 


2 1 8  MedicBval  History 

it  be  a  pious  act  to  rescue  the  sacred  spot  from  the  profanation 
of  infidels.  This  was  the  conviction  that  changed  the  pilgrim 
into  a  warrior.  This  was  the  sentiment  that  for  two  centu- 
ries and  more  stirred  Western  Christendom  to  its  profoundest 
depths,  and  cast  the  population  of  Europe  in  wave  after  wave 
upon  Asia. 

1 88.    The  Growth  of  a  Martial  Spirit  in   the  Church;  the 

Church    and    Chivalry This    transformation  of  pilgrimages 

into  crusades  would  not  have  been  possible  had  not  the 
Church  itself  in  the  course  of  the  centuries  undergone  an 
amazing  transformation.  In  the  earhest  Christian  times  a 
Quaker  spirit  ruled  the  Church  \  by  the  eleventh  century  a 
martial  spirit  had  taken  complete  possession  of  it.  Christ  had 
commanded  his  disciples  to  put  up  the  sword ;  now  the  head 
of  the  Church  commanded  all  to  gird  on  the  sword  and  fight 
for  the  faith. 

Various  causes  and  circumstances  had  concurred  to  effect 
in  the  Church  this  astonishing  transformation.  First,  Chris- 
tianity, while  transforming  the  barbarians,  had  been  itself 
transformed  by  them.  The  new  converts  had  carried  their 
martial  spirit  into  the  Church.  Fighters  they  had  been  and 
fighters  they  remained.  Transformed  by  this  alien  spirit  the 
Church  modified  its  early  Quaker  teachings,  and  came  at  last 
to  approve  the  military  life,  which  the  first  Christians  had  very 
generally  condemned  as  incompatible  with  the  teachings  of 
the  Master. 

A  second  cause  of  the  transformation  is  to  be  sought  in  the 
mediaeval  way  of  thinking  about  ordeals,  especially  the  ordeal 
of  battle.  As  we  have  seen,  the  idea  underlying  the  wager  of 
battle  was  that  God  would  miraculously  intervene  and  give 
victory  to  the  right.  How  natural  then  the  beHef  that  in 
the  greater  matter  of  a  battle  between  armies  God  might  be 
trusted  to  give  righteous  judgment.  This  conviction  was  rein- 
forced by  the  chronicles  of  the  Old  Testament.  In  the  wars 
waged  by  the  Jews  at  the  command  of  Jehovah  against  their 


The  Peace  and  the  Truce  of  God  2 1 9 

heathen  enemies  the  mediaeval  Christians  found  ample  war- 
rant for  their  crusades  against  the  pagan  and  infidel  enemies 
of  the  Church. 

Still  a  third  influence  that  helped  to  introduce  the  military 
spirit  into  the  Church  was  the  reaction  upon  it  of  the  martial 
creed  of  Islam.  For  three  centuries  and  more  before  the  First 
Crusade  the  Moslems  had  been  in  contact,  and  during  much 
of  this  time  in  actual  combat,  with  the  Christians  of  Europe. 
Under  such  circumstances  the  Church,  as  was  natural,  caught 
the  military  spirit  of  Mohammedanism,  and  became  quite  as 
ready  as  its  rival  to  call  upon  its  followers  to  fight  in  defense 
or  for  the  spread  of  the  faith. 

This  military  spirit  in  Christendom  found  characteristic 
expression  in  chivalry.  We  have  already  spoken  of  the 
relation  of  the  Church  to  the  institution  of  knighthood 
(par.  157).  Chivalry  passed  under  its  tuition  and  patronage. 
When  at  the  close  of  the  eleventh  century  there  went  forth 
the  papal  call  for  volunteers  for  the  Holy  Wars,  it  fell  upon 
the  willing  ears  of  myriads  of  knights  eager  to  make  good 
their  oaths  of  knighthood  and  to  win  renown  in  combat  with, 
the  Moslem  infidel.  Once  the  old  pagan  Rome  had  made 
use  of  these  same  war-loving  men  of  the  North  to  fight  the 
battles  of  the  empire ;  now  the  new  Christian  Rome  en- 
lists them  beneath  her  standard  to  fight  the  battles  of  the 
Cross. 

189.  The  Peace  and  the  Truce  of  God.  —  Closely  connected 
with  the  subject  of  the  preceding  paragraph,  and  also  related 
in  a  very  significant  way  to  the  Crusades,  was  the  institution 
established  by  the  Church  in  the  eleventh  century  and  known 
as  the  "Truce  of  God." 

We  have  already  become  acquainted  in  some  measure  with 
the  anarchical  condition  of  society  under  feudalism.  The 
central  authority  of  the  state  was  everywhere  relaxed,  and 
neither  the  emperor  nor  the  kings  were  able  to  put  a  stop  to 
the  marauding  and  fighting  of  the  great  feudal  lords.     This 


220  MedicBval  History 

right  of  waging  private  war  was  one  of  the  most  dearly  prized 
privileges  of  these  semi-civilized  barons.  They  were  quite  as 
unwilling  to  give  up  this  right  as  the  nations  of  to-day  are  to 
surrender  their  right  of  public  war.  So  Europe  had  reverted 
to  a  state  of  primitive  barbarism, —  to  that  condition  of  per- 
petual warfare  between  tribes  and  clans  that  the  continent 
was  in  before  Rome  arose,  and  after  centuries  of  titanic  effort 
estabhshed  throughout  her  wide  empire  what  was  called  the 
"  Roman  Peace  "  (^Pax  Romano).  Every  land  was  filled  with 
fightings  and  violence.  As  one  writer  pictures  it :  "  Every  hill 
was  a  stronghold,  every  plain  a  battlefield.  The  trader  was 
robbed  on  the  highway,  the  peasant  was  killed  at  his  plough, 
the  priest  was  slain  at  the  altar.  Neighbor  fought  against 
neighbor,  baron  against  baron,  city  against  city." 

In  the  midst  of  this  intolerable  anarchy  the  Church  lifted 
up  a  protesting  voice.  In  the  early  part  of  the  eleventh 
century  there  was  a  movement  in  France  which  aimed  at  the 
complete  abolition  of  war  between  Christians.  The  Church 
proposed  to  do  what  had  been  effected  for  a  time  by  the 
Caesars.  It  proclaimed  what  was  called  the  "  Peace  of 
God."  In  the  name  of  the  God  of  peace  it  commanded  all 
men  to  refrain  from  war  and  robbery  and  violence  of  every 
kind  as  contrary  to  the  spirit  and  the  teachings  of  Christianity. 
But  it  was  found  utterly  impossible  to  make  men  desist  from 
waging  private  wars,  even  though  they  were  threatened  with 
the  everlasting  tortures  of  hell. 

Then  the  clergy  in  Southern  France,  seeing  they  could  not 
suppress  the  evil  entirely,  concluded  it  were  wiser  to  try  to 
regulate  it.  This  led  to  the  promulgation  of  what  was  called 
the  "Truce. of  God."  We  find  the  first  trace  of  this  in  the 
year  1041.^  The  movement  connects  itself,  as  do  almost  all 
great  moral  reforms  at  this  time,  with  the  Cluniac  revival. 

In  the  year  named  the  abbot  of  Cluny  and  several  bishops 
united  in  issuing  an  edict  in  which  all  men  were  commanded 

2  Kluckhohn,  Geschichte  des  Gottesfriedetts,  p.  t,^. 


Nonnan  Restlessness  ajid  Crusadinsc  Zeal       221 


to  maintain  a  holy  and  unbroken  peace  during  four  days 
of  the  week,  from  Thursday  evening  to  Monday  morning,^  that 
is,  during  the  days  which  were  supposed  to  be  rendered  pecul- 
iarly sacred  by  the  Saviour's  death,  burial,  and  resurrection. 
Whosoever  should  dare  disobey  the  decree  was  threatened 
with  the  severest  penalties  of  the  Church. 

This  movement  to  redeem  at  least  a  part  of  the  days  from 
fighting  and  violence  embraced  in  time  all  the  countries  of 
Western  Europe.  The  details  of  the  various  edicts  issued  by 
Church  councils  and  by  the  popes  varied  widely,  but  all 
embraced  the  principle  of  the  edict  of  1041. 

This  truce  of  God  was  not,  as  we  may  easily  believe,  very 
well  observed;  yet  it  did  at  least  something  during  the 
eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  to  better  the  general  condition 
of  things,  to  mitigate  the  evils  of  private  warfare,  and  to  render 
life  more  tolerable  and  property  more  secure.  We  shall  see 
a  little  later  how  the  Church  used  the  restraining  authority 
it  had  acquired  in  this  field  to  make  it  possible  and  safe 
for  the  feudal  barons  and  knights,  leaving  their  fiefs  and 
other  possessions  under  the  protecting  aegis  of  the  Church, 
to  go  with  their  retainers  on  the  distant  expeditions  of  the 
Cmsades. 

190.  Norman  Restlessness  and  Crusading  Zeal. — To  the 
various  causes  and  antecedents  of  the  Crusades  already  noticed 
must  be  added  as  a  near  inciting  cause  that  spirit  of  adventure 
and  unrest  with  which  almost  all  the  lands  of  Western  Europe 
were  at  just  this  time  being  filled  by  the  enterprises  of  the 
Normans.  The  conquest  of  England  by  William  the  Con- 
queror and  that  of  Southern  Italy  and  Sicily  by  other  Norman 
leaders  were  simply  two  of  the  most  important  of  their  under- 
takings. Throughout  the  eleventh  century  the  Norman  knights, 
true  to  the  old  Viking  spirit  of  their  ancestors,  were  con- 
stantly raiding  in  Spain,  in  Africa,  and  in  other  Moslem  lands. 

3  Some  edicts  make  the  respite  run  from  Wednesday  evening  to  Monday 
morning. 


222  Mediceval  History 

Everywhere  they  engaged  in  battle  with  the  infidels.  Every- 
where they  stirred  up  the  embers  of  the  old  fierce  hate  between 
Christian  and  Moslem.  Everywhere  throughout  Western 
Christendom  they  awakened,  by  their  own  restless  zeal,  the 
crusading  spirit,  and  thus  did  much  to  prepare  the  way  for 
the  Holy  Wars. 

191.  Various  Minor  Causes. — We  have  now  detailed  the 
chief  causes,  remote  and  immediate,  of  the  Crusades.  But 
there  were  other  concurring  causes  which  must  not  be  over- 
looked. Many  took  part  in  the  expeditions  from  mere  love  of 
change,  excitement,  and  adventure.  Some  of  the  Italian 
cities  engaged  in  the  undertakings  from  commercial  or  politi- 
cal motives.  Many  knights,  princes,  and  even  kings  headed 
expeditions  with  a  view  of  securing  fiefs  in  the  East  from  lands 
wrested  from  the  infidel.  Multitudes  of  serfs  joined  them  in 
order  to  escape  from  a  life  of  misery  and  oppression  that  had 
become  unbearable.  x'\nd  vast  numbers  of  the  baser  sort  joined 
them  in  order  to  secure  immunity  from  the  penalty  of  debt  and 
crime  ;  for,  as  we  shall  see,  the  person  and  property  of  the  Cru- 
sader were  taken  under  the  special  protection  of  the  Church. 

Yet  notwithstanding  that  so  many  unworthy  motives  ani- 
mated vast  numbers  of  those  engaging  in  the  Crusades,  we 
shall  not  be  wrong  in  thinking  that  it  was  the  religious  feeling 
of  the  times,  the  conviction  that  the  enterprise  of  rescuing  the 
sacred  places  was  a  holy  one,  which  was  the  main  motive 
power,  in  the  absence  of  which  all  the  other  causes  and 
motives  enumerated  would  have  proved  wholly  inadequate 
either  to  set  in  motion  or  to  keep  in  motion  these  remarkable 
and  long-continued  expeditions.  This  is  evidenced  by  the 
fact  that  it  was  chiefly  the  lands  that  had  been  affected  by  the 
Cluniac  reform  that  responded  first  to  the  call  of  the  preachers 
of  the  Crusades.  Because.it  was  a  generous  religious  senti- 
ment that  organized  them,  because  it  was  the  moving  force  of 
a  grand  religious  ideal  that  maintained  them  so  long,  they  are 
rightly  called  Holy  Wars. 


The  Criisadijig  Ejiterprises  223 

192.  Circumstances  favoring  the  Crusading  Enterprises. 
—  Notwithstanding  the  number  and  strength  of  the  forces 
that  concurred  to  transform  the  population  of  the  West 
into  zealous  crusaders,  the  Holy  Wars  would  not  have 
been  possible,  or  would  have  failed  to  meet  with  even 
the  partial  and  temporary  success  that  actually  attended 
them,  had  it  not  been  for  several  timely  and  favoring  circum- 
stances. 

First,  just  at  this  time  (during  the  first  half  of  the  eleventh 
century)  the  Hungarians  were  converted,  and  thus  the  over- 
land route  to  the  East,  which  for  centuries  had  been  barred 
by  these  heathen  hordes,  was  reopened.  Thus  was  the  path- 
way for  the  earlier  Crusades  prepared. 

Second,  the  growth  during  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries 
of  the  sea-power  of  the  republics  of  Venice,  Genoa,  and  Pisa, 
together  with  that  of  the  Normans,  and  the  conquest  by  the  lat- 
ter of  Sicily  from  the  Saracens  (par.  166),  enabled  the  Chris- 
tians to  clear  the  Middle  Mediterranean  of  the  Moslem  pirate 
ships  that  had  vexed  its  waters  and  shores  ever  since  the  rise 
of  the  Mohammedan  power.  Because  of  the  crusaders'  dread 
of  the  sea,  the  water  route  to  Palestine  was  not  followed  by 
the  earlier  expeditions ;  but  the  advantages  of  the  water  pas- 
sage gradually  came  to  be  realized  and  all  the  later  expedi- 
tions reached  their  destination  by  ship.  From  the  beginning 
of  the  movements  it  was  alone  the  command  of  the  sea  by 
the  Italian  cities  that  rendered  possible  that  transport  service 
which  was  indispensable  to  the  maintenance  of  the  colonies 
which  as  a  result  of  the  First  Crusade  were  established  in 
Palestine. 

Third,  just  three  or  four  years  before  the  First  Crusade  the 
vast  empire  established  in  Asia  by  the  Seljuk  Turks  (par.  187) 
fell  to  pieces  and  was  replaced  by  a  number  of  mutually 
jealous  Turkish  principalities.  This  was  a  most  fortunate  cir- 
cumstance for  the  first  crusaders,  for  had  they  been  compelled 
to  encounter  the  undivided  forces  of  the  original  empire  it  is 


224  MedicBval  History 

not  probable  that  any  of  them  would  ever  have  reached  the 
Holy  Land. 

Fourth,  the  cause  of  the  Christians  was  greatly  furthered  by 
the  antagonism  of  the  Arabs  and  the  Turks.  This  antagonism 
—  which  has  been  prolonged  to  our  own  day  —  almost  fatally 
divided  the  strength  of  the  Mohammedan  world. 

Finally,  the  development  within  the  Church  of  the  papal 
power  was  a  circumstance  in  the  absence  of  which  the  Cru- 
sades could  never  have  found  a  place  in  the  history  of  Western 
Christendom.  The  popes  used  their  preeminent  authority  to 
persuade  the  people  to  engage  in  the  wars  as  pious  under- 
takings. It  was  they  who  incited,  organized,  and  directed 
with  greater  or  less  success  the  expeditions,  and  to  them 
belongs  whatever  measure  of  praise  or  of  censure  attaches  to 
the  enterprises  as  a  whole. 

193.  The  Legend  of  Peter  the  Hermit. — There  is  a  tradi- 
tion which  makes  one  immediate  inciting  cause  of  the  First 
Crusade  to  have  been  the  preaching  of  a  monk  named  Peter 
the  Hermit,  a  native  of  France.  This  legend  tells  how  this 
monk,  moved  by  devout  longing,  made  a  pilgrimage  to  the 
Holy  Land  ;  how  his  sympathy  and  indignation  were  stirred  by 
the  sight  of  the  indignities  and  cruelties  to  which  the  native 
and  the  pilgrim  Christians  were  subjected  by  the  infidels; 
and  how,  armed  with  letters  from  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem 
to  the  Christians  of  Europe,  he  hastened  to  Rome,  and  there, 
at  the  feet  of  Pope  Urban  H,  begged  to  be  commissioned  to 
preach  a  crusade  for  the  deliverance  of  the  Holy  City.  The 
pope  is  represented  as  commending  warmly  the  zeal  of  the 
hermit,  and,  with  promises  of  aid,  sending  him  forth  to  stir 
up  the  people  to  engage  in  the  holy  undertaking. 

The  legend  now  exhibits  the  monk  as  going  everywhere,  and 
addressing  in  the  streets  and  in  the  open  fields  the  crowds  that 
press  about  him.  The  people  look  upon  the  monk,  clothed 
in  the  coarse  raiment  of  an  anchorite,  as  a  messenger  from 
heaven,  and  even  venerate  the  ass  upon  which  he  rides.     His 


The  Coimcils  of  Piacensa  and  Clermont          225 

wild  and  fervid  eloquence  alternately  melts  his  auditors  to 
tears,  or  lifts  them  into  transports  of  enthusiasm. 

Such,  in  essential  features,  is  the  tradition  of  Peter  the 
Hermit,  which  has  come  down  to  us  in  the  history  of  William  of 
Tyre,  a  chronicler  who  wrote  towards  the  close  of  the  twelfth 
century.  The  first  part  of  this  account  is  now  discredited, 
and  it  seems  quite  certain  that  the  monk's  alleged  pilgrimage 
to  Jerusalem  is  a  pure  embellishment  of  the  tale  by  later 
romancers.  That  the  preaching  of  the  monk,  however,  was  of 
a  most  extraordinary  character  and  produced  a  deep  impres- 
sion upon  the  popular  mind  is  beyond  doubt.  But  the  real 
originator  of  the  First  Crusade  was  Pope  Urban,  and  not  the 
hermit,  as  the  legend  represents.  It  would  appear  also  that 
the  preaching  of  the  monk  took  place  after  instead  of  before 
the  great  Council  of  Clermont,  spoken  of  in  the  next  para- 
graph, and  was  probably  confined  to  Northeastern  France. 

194.  The  Councils  of  Piacenza  and  Clermont  (1095). — 
While  the  religious  feelings  of  the  Christians  of  the  West  were 
growing  tenser  day  by  day,  the  Turks  in  the  East  were  making 
constant  advances,  until  at  last  they  were  threatening  Constan- 
tinople itself.  The  emperor  Alexius  Comnenus  sent  urgent 
letters  to  the  pope,  asking  for  aid  against  the  infidels,  repre- 
senting that,  unless  help  were  extended  immediately,  the  cap- 
ital with  all  its  holy  relics  must  soon  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
barbarians. 

Urban  called  a  great  council  of  the  Church  at  Piacenza 
in  Italy  to  consider  the  appeal  (1095).  It  was  a  vast  and 
enthusiastic  assembly,  for  the  religious  feeHngs  of  Christendom 
had  already  been  deeply  moved.  But  threatening  as  were 
the  dangers  that  impended  above  the  sister  church  in  the 
East,  still  so  many  other  and  discordant  interests  were  repre- 
sented by  the  different  commissioners  to  the  council  that 
it  was  impossible  to  concert  any  measures  looking  towards 
the  deliverance  of  the  Eastern  Church  or  the  recovery  of 
Jerusalem. 


226  Mediceval  History 

Later  in  the  same  year  a  new  council  was  convened  at  Cler- 
mont in  France,  Urban  purposely  fixing  the  place  of  meeting 
among  the  warm-tempered  and  martial  Franks.  Fourteen 
archbishops,  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  bishops,  four  hundred 
abbots,  and  of  others  a  multitude  that  no  man  could  number, 
crowded  to  the  council.  The  town  of  Clermont  could  not 
hold  the  immense  multitudes,  which  overflowed  all  the  sur- 
rounding fields. 

After  the  council  had  considered  some  minor  matters  the 
question  which  was  agitating  all  hearts  was  brought  before 
it.  The  pope  himself  was  one  of  the  chief  speakers.  He 
possessed  the  gift  of  eloquence,  so  that  the  man,  the  cause, 
and  the  occasion  all  contributed  to  the  achievement  of  one  of 
the  greatest  triumphs  of  human  oratory.  Urban  pictured  the 
humiliation  and  misery  of  the  provinces  of  Asia ;  the  profana- 
tion of  the  places  made  sacred  by  the  presence  and  footsteps 
of  the  Son  of  God  ;  and  then  he  detailed  the  conquests  of  the 
Turks,  until  now,  with  almost  all  Asia  Minor  in  their  possession, 
they  were  threatening  Europe  from  the  shores  of  the  Helles- 
pont. "  When  Jesus  Christ  summons  you  to  his  defense," 
exclaimed  the  eloquent  pontiff,  "  let  no  base  affection  detain 
you  in  your  homes ;  whoever  will  abandon  his  house,  or  his 
father,  or  his  mother,  or  his  wife,  or  his  children,  or  his  inherit- 
ance, for  the  sake  of  his  name,  shall  be  recompensed  a  hun- 
dredfold, and  possess  Hfe  eternal." 

Here  the  enthusiasm  of  the  vast  assembly  burst  through 
every  restraint.  With  one  voice  they  cried,  "  Dieu  le 
volt!  Dieu  le  volt!''  "It  is  the  will  of  God!  It  is  the 
will  of  God  !  "  Thousands  immediately  affixed  the  cross ^ 
to  their  garments  as  a  pledge  of  their  sacred  engagement 
to  go  forth  to  the  rescue  of  the  Holy  Sepulcher.  The  sum- 
mer of  the  following  year  was  set  for  the  departure  of 
the  expedition. 

■*  Hence  the  name  "  Crusades"  given  to  the  Holy  Wars,  from  Old  French  cj-ois^ 
"  cross. ' 


Miisterijig  of  tJie  Crusaders  22  J 


II.    The  First  Crusade  (i 096-1 099). 

195.  Mustering  of  the  Crusaders.  —  It  was  the  countries 
of  f>ance  and  Southern  Italy  that  were  most  deeply  stirred  by 
the  papal  call.  In  these  lands  the  contagion  of  the  enthusiasm 
seized  upon  almost  all  classes  alike ;  for  it  was  the  common 
religious  feeling  of  the  age  to  which  the  appeal  had  been 
especially  made.  The  Council  of  Clermont  had  proclaimed 
anew  the  Truce  of  God,  with  a  very  great  extension  of  its 
prohibitions,  and  had  pronounced  anathemas  against  any 
one  who  should  invade  the  possessions  of  a  prince  engaged 
in  the  holy  war.  By  edict  the  pope  had  granted  to  all  who 
should  enlist  from  right  motives  "  remission  of  all  canonical 
penalties,"  and  promised  to  the  truly  penitent,  in. case  they 
should  die  on  the  expedition,  "  the  joy  of  hfe  eternal." 

Under  such  inducements  princes  and  nobles,  bishops  and 
priests,  monks  and  anchorites,  saints  and  sinners,  rich  and 
poor,  hastened  to  enroll  themselves  beneath  the  standard  of 
the  Cross.  "  Europe,"  says  Michaud,  "  appeared  to  be  a  land 
of  exile,  which  every  one  was  eager  to  quit." 

196.  The  Vanguard. — Before  the  regular  armies  of  the 
crusaders  were  ready  to  move,  those  who  had  gathered  about 
Peter  the  Hermit,  becoming  impatient  of  delay,  urged  him  to 
place  himself  at  their  head  and  lead  them  at  once  to  the  Holy 
Land.  Dividing  command  of  the  mixed  multitudes  with  a 
poor  knight  called  Walter  the  Penniless,  and  followed  by  a 
throng,  it  is  said,  of  eighty  thousand  persons,^  among  whom 
were  many  women  and  children,  the  Hermit  set  out  for 
Constantinople  by  the  overland  route  through  Germany  and 
Hungary.  Thousands  of  the  crusaders  perished  miserably  of 
hunger  and  exposure  on  the  march.  Those  who  crossed  the 
Bosporus  were  surprised  by  the  Turks,  and  almost  all  were 

5  As  Kugler  observes,  the  enormous  figures  of  the  chroniclers  can  only  be 
taken  to  mean  "  a  great  many  people."  They  represent,  of  course,  simply  vague 
guesses  or  estimates. 


228  Medicsval  History 

slaughtered.     Thus    perished  the    forlorn  hope  of   the    First 
Crusade. 

197.  March  of  the  Main  Body.  —  Meanwhile  a  real  army 
was  gathering  in  the  West.  Raymond,  count  of  Toulouse ; 
Hugh  of  Vermandois,  a  brother  of  the  king  of  France  ;  Robert, 
duke  of  Normandy;  Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  duke  of  Lower 
Lorraine ;  his  brothers,  Baldwin  and  Eustace ;  Bohemund, 
prince  of  Otranto,  and  his  nephew,  Tancred,  the  "  mirror  of 
knighthood,"  were  among  the  most  noted  of  the  leaders  of  the 
different  divisions  of  the  army.  The  expedition  is  said  to 
have  numbered  about  three  hundred  thousand  men. 

As  the  country  through  which  they  were  to  pass  could  not 
afford  provisions  or  forage  for  the  whole  body  of  crusaders,  it 
was  arranged  that  they  should  march  in  divisions  by  different 
routes,  and  reassemble  at  Constantinople.  Godfrey  of  Bouil- 
lon, at  the  head  of  one  division,  marched  directly  through 
Germany  and  Hungary.  Raymond  of  Toulouse  led  another 
band  by  a  more  southerly  route  through  Dalmatia.  Other 
companies  climbed  the  Alps,  crossed  the  Adriatic,  and  then 
resumed  their  journey  by  land. 

Upon  the  arrival  of  the  crusaders  at  Constantinople,  the 
emperor  tried  to  persuade  their  leaders  to  swear  fealty  to  him 
as  their  overlord.  This  they  at  first  refused  to  do  ;  but  finally, 
by  means  of  flattery  and  bribes,  he  induced  all  the  princes  to 
pay  him  homage.  But  the  homage  thus  paid  was  rather  in 
form  than  in  spirit,  for  the  hardy  warriors  of  the  West  held 
the  effeminate  Greeks  in  ill-concealed  contempt. 

198.  Capture  of  Nicaea  (1097);  March  across  Asia  Minor ; 
Capture  of  Antioch  (1098).  — Once  across  the  Bosporus,  the 
crusaders  straightway  laid  siege  to  the  Turkish  capital  Nicaea, 
and  in  a  short  time  forced  its  capitulation.  The  place,  how- 
ever, did  not  come  into  the  possession  of  any  Frankish  prince, 
but  was  restored  to  the  Eastern  empire. 

After  the  reduction  of  Nicaea  the  Christian  army,  marching 
in  two  divisions  in  order  the  better  to  secure  food  and  forage, 


^<y^^>^ 


Caesure    "    ^'  '~' 


Holy  Lance  and  Ordeal  of  Bartholomew         229 

set  out  for  Syria.  At  a  place  called  Dorylaeum,  in  Phrygia, 
the  Turks  fell  upon  and  almost  overwhelmed  one  of  the 
columns  before  the  other  could  render  assistance.  But  the 
prowess  of  the  Christian  knights  at  last  achieved  a  complete 
victory  over  the  Turkish  hordes. 

After  this  defeat  the  Moslems  did  not  risk  another  en- 
counter, but  resorted  to  desolating  the  country  in  front  of  the 
Latin  army.  So  thoroughly  was  the  work  done,  that  the  cru- 
saders marched  for  five  hundred  miles  through  a  land  deserted 
ahke  by  friend  and  foe,  and  which  yielded  scarcely  anything 
for  themselves  or  their  animals.  Almost  all  their  horses  died, 
and  their  own  ranks  were  terribly  thinned. 

Arriving  at  Antioch,  at  this  time  one  of  the  most  populous 
cities  of  the  East,  the  crusaders  at  once  invested  the  place. 
After  a  siege  of  seven  months,  the  city  fell  into  their  hands 
through  treachery  (1098). 

199.  The  Holy  Lance  and  the  Ordeal  of  Bartholomew.  — 
Scarcely  were  the  Christians  in  possession  of  the  city,  before 
they  were  themselves  besieged  by  an  immense  Moslem  army. 
They  were  soon  reduced  to  the  last  extremity  of  starvation 
and  despair.  Ready  to  die,  they  cursed  God  for  deserting 
them,  when  they  had  given  up  all  for  his  holy  cause. 

A  supposed  miracle  was  all  that  delivered  the  city  from  the 
power  of  the  Mussulman  host.  A  priest,  Bartholomew  by 
name,  gave  out  that  it  had  been  revealed  to  him  that,  buried 
beneath  the  altar  of  one  of  the  churches,  would  be  found  the 
lance  which  pierced  the  side  of  the  Saviour,  and  which  would 
give  the  Christians  certain  victory  over  their  enemies.  Upon 
search,  the  spear-head  — "  which  had  lain  hidden  since  the 
days  of  the  apostles"  — was  found,  and  instantly  at  sight  of 
the  holy  relic  an  uncontrollable  enthusiasm  took  possession 
of  the  crusaders.  With  the  holy  lance  at  their  head  as  their 
standard,  they  rushed  from  the  gates  of  the  city,  and  falling 
upon  the  enemy  with  a  fury  nothing  could  withstand,  scattered 
the  host  with  terrific  slaughter. 


230  Mediceval  History 

Bartholomew  was  afterwards  accused  of  falsehood  in  this 
matter.  He  proposed  to  submit  to  the  ordeal  by  fire  (par.  58). 
Accordingly  two  great  fires  of  dry  olive  branches  were  kindled 
upon  the  plain,  so  close  together  that  the  flames  mingled. 
\Vhen  all  was  ready,  the  priests  advanced,  bearing  the  holy 
relic.  A  brother  priest  then  read  the  usual  appeal :  "  If  this 
man  has  seen  Jesus  Christ  face  to  face,  and  if  the  apostle 
Andrew  did  reveal  the  divine  lance  to  him,  may  he  pass  safe 
and  sound  through  the  flames ;  but  if,  on  the  contrary,  he  is 
guilty  of  falsehood,  may  he  be  burned  up,  together  with  the 
lance  which  he  bears  in  his  hand." 

Then  Bartholomew,  after  solemnly  declaring  that  all  he  had 
told  was  true,  rushed  between  the  flames.  He  passed  through, 
but  was  so  badly  burned  that  he  lived  only  a  little  while  after 
the  ordeal.  Some,  however,  ascribed  the  monk's  death,  not 
to  the  fire,  but  to  hurts  he  received  from  the  press  of  the 
crowd,  and  so  the  ordeal  really  settled  nothing. 

We  have  taken  space  to  narrate  this  incident  because 
better  than  anything  else  it  illustrates  what  sort  of  men 
these  were  who  were  engaged  in  the  rescue  of  the  Holy 
Sepulcher. 

200.  The  Capture  of  Jerusalem  ( 1 099 ) .  —  Instead  of  march- 
ing directly  upon  Jerusalem  after  their  victory,  the  crusaders 
wasted  nearly  a  year  in  Northern  Syria,  some  of  their  leaders 
being  engaged  in  conquering  fiefs  for  themselves  in  the  region 
round  about.  Meanwhile  the  Fatimite  caliph  of  Egypt,  taking 
advantage  of  the  panic  which  the  successes  of  the  Chris- 
tians had  produced  among  the  Turks,  had  wrested  Jerusalem 
from  them.  When  the  Latin  warriors  recommenced  their 
march  upon  the  Holy  City,  he  sent  an  embassy  to  them,  pro- 
posing that  they  join  their  forces  in  a  war  against  the  Turks, 
The  crusaders  replied  that  their  oaths  bound  them  to  deliver 
the  Holy  Sepulcher  from  the  hands  of  all  infidels,  Saracens  as 
well  as  Turks,  and  to  estabhsh  in  the  birthplace  of  their  religion 
a  Christian  sovereignty. 


The  Capture  of  Jerusalem  231 

So  the  army  of  deliverers  pressed  on  towards  Jerusalem. 
As  they  neared  the  object  of  all  their  toils  and  sufferings,  the 
discord  that  had  arisen  in  their  ranks  was  hushed,  and  the 
enthusiasm  that  had  animated  them  in  the  first  days  of  their 
enterprise  again  inflamed  every  heart.  Scarcely  would  they 
take  needed  repose,  but  frequently  continued  their  march 
through  the  night.  Finally,  in  the  first  light  of  a  June  morn- 
ing, 1099,  as  their  columns  gained  the  brow  of  a  hill,  the  walls 
and  towers  of  the  Holy  City  burst  upon  their  view.  A  perfect 
delirium  of  joy  seized  the  crusaders.  The  cry  "  Jerusalem  ! 
Jerusalem  !  "  ran  through  their  ranks.  They  embraced  one 
another  with  tears  of  joy,  and  even  embraced  and  kissed  the 
ground  on  which  they  stood.  As  they  pressed  on,  they  took  off 
their  shoes,  and  marched  with  uncovered  head  and  bare  feet, 
singing  the  words  of  the  prophet :  "  Jerusalem,  Hf  t  up  thine  eyes, 
and  behold  the  liberator  who  comes  to  break  thy  chains." 

The  Saracens  had  taken  every  precaution  to  secure  the  city 
against  attack.  A  strong  garrison  had  been  thrown  within  its 
walls.  Its  defenses  had  been  strengthened,  and  all  the  sur- 
rounding country  laid  waste,  that  there  might  be  nothing  for 
the  subsistence  of  a  besieging  army.  But  the  Christians  at 
once  advanced  and  laid  siege  to  the  place.  Timber  needed 
for  the  construction  of  assaulting  engines  was  brought  from  a 
distance  of  twenty  or  thirty  miles.  A  Genoese  fleet  which  at 
this  moment  landed  at  Jaffa  furnished  additional  material  and 
instruments,  besides  skilled  workmen. 

The  first  assault  made  by  the  Christians  was  repulsed.  But 
the  appearance  of  a  mysterious  horseman  on  the  Mount  of 
Olives  led  the  crusaders  to  believe  that  Saint  Ceorge  had  come 
to  lead  them  to  victory ;  and  with  a  reckless  enthusiasm  that 
struck  dismay  into  the  hearts  of  the  Moslems,  the  Christians 
again  threw  themselves  against  the  walls  of  the  city.  Nothing 
could  withstand  their  terrific  onset.  The  ramparts  were  swept 
of  their  defenders,  and  the  city  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
crusaders  (1099). 


232  Mediceval  Histoiy 

A  terrible  slaughter  of  the  infidels  followed.  "  And  if  you 
desire  to  know  what  was  done  wdth  the  enemy  who  were  found 
there,"  thus  runs  a  home  letter  of  one  of  the  crusaders,  "  know 
that  in  Solomon's  Porch  and  in  his  temple  our  men  rode  in 
the  blood  of  the  Saracens  up  to  the  knees  of  their  horses." 

The  Christians  now  took  possession  of  the  houses  and 
property  of  the  infidels,  each  soldier  having  a  right  to  that 
which  he  had  first  seized  and  placed  his  mark  upon.  The 
poorest  crusader  suddenly  found  himself  a  householder  and 
surrounded  with  luxury. 

201.  Founding  of  the  Latin  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  —  No 
sooner  was  Jerusalem  in  the  hands  of  the  crusaders  than  they 
set  themselves  to  the  task  of  organizing  a  government  for  the 
city  and  country  they  had  conquered.  The  government  which 
they  established  was  a  model  feudal  state,  called  the  Latin 
Kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  The  code  known  as  the  "Assizes  of 
Jerusalem,"  which  was  a  late  compilation  of  the  rules  and 
customs  presumably  followed  by  the  judges  of  the  httle  state, 
forms  one  of  the  most  interesting  collections  of  feudal  customs 
in  existence. 

At  the  head  of  the  kingdom  was  placed  Godfrey  of  Bouillon, 
the  most  devoted  of  the  crusader  knights.  The  prince  refused 
the  title  and  vestments  of  royalty,  declaring  that  he  would 
never  wear  a  crown  of  gold  in  the  city  where  his  Lord  and 
Master  had  worn  a  crown  of  thorns.  The  only  title  he  would 
accept  was  that  of  "  Baron  of  the  Holy  Sepulcher." 

This  Latin  kingdom,  established  by  such  labors  and  sacrifices, 
embraced  about  a  score  of  cities  scattered  throughout  a  region 
whose  limits  very  nearly  coincided  with  the  boundaries  of 
ancient  Palestine.  For  several  generations  a  constant  stream 
of  immigrants  from  the  West  poured  into  the  country,  so  that  it 
took  on  the  aspect  of  a  European  land.  Thus  for  a  time  Pales- 
tine became  socially  and  politically  an  extension  of  Europe. 

The  fortunes  of  this  httle  European  colony  will  appear  as 
we  proceed  with  the  recital  of  the  Holy  Wars. 


TJie  Battle  of  Ascalon  233 

202.  The  Battle  of  Ascalon  (1099)  ;  Close  of  the  First 
Crusade.  —  Scarcely  had  the  crusaders  organized  the  govern- 
ment of  this  Httle  principality  before  they  were  informed  of 
the  advance  of  an  immense  army,  collected  from  almost  every 
part  of  the  Mohammedan  world,  to  avenge  the  slaughter  of 
their  brethren  in  the  taking  of  Jerusalem.  Without  awaiting 
their  near  approach,  the  Christians,  who  now  could  muster  not 
more  than  twenty  thousand  effective  soldiers,  marched  out  of 
the  city  and  met  the  Moslem  host  on  the  plains  of  Ascalon. 
Here  again  was  performed  the  miracle  of  faith  and  enthusiasm. 
By  the  furious  charge  of  that  httle  handful  of  Christian 
knights  the  Mohammedan  hosts  were  scattered  like  chaff 
before  the  wind. 

This  victory  of  Ascalon,  which  was  perhaps  the  most  won- 
derful achievement  of  the  Latin  warriors,  marks  the  last  great 
battle  of  the  First  Crusade.  Many  of  the  crusaders,  con- 
sidering their  vows  to  deliver  the  Holy  City  as  now  fulfilled, 
set  out  on  their  return  to  their  homes,  some  making  their 
way  back  by  sea  and  some  by  land. 

The  arrival  of  the  returning  crusaders  in  their  native  coun- 
tries, and  their  stories  of  the  lands  they  had  seen,  of  the 
exploits  they  had  performed,  of  rich  fiefs  won  in  a  day  by 
knightly  valor,  again  stirred  all  the  West  with  the  same 
delirium  of  enthusiasm  that  had  thrilled  it  at  the  call 
of  Pope  Urban.  And  now  were  repeated  the  scenes  that 
marked  the  beginning  of  the  crusade.  Great  multitudes 
flocked  to  the  standard  of  the  Cross,  and,  without  proper 
organization  or  leadership,  pushed  across  Europe  to  Con- 
stantinople. From  that  capital  they  set  out  in  three  bands 
on  their  march  across  Asia  Minor.  Each  of  these  was  in 
turn  almost  annihilated  by  the  Turks ;  only  a  few  survivors 
ever  found  their  way  back  to  Europe.  This  ill-starred  expe- 
dition marks  the  end  of  the  First  Crusade.  It  is  estimated 
that  during  its  progress  the  West  lost  more  than  one  million 
of  its  warriors. 


2  34  Mcdicez 'al  History 

III.   The  Second  Crusade  (1147-1149) 

203.  Condition  of  the  Latin  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  — After 
the  return  of  the  main  body  of  the  crusaders,  the  position  of 
Godfrey  and  his  companion  knights  was  a  very  critical  one. 
Upon  every  side  the  Httle  Christian  state  was  pressed  by 
watchful  and  vindictive  Moslem  foes.  Under  Godfrey  and 
his  successors,  Baldwin  I  (1100-1118)  and  Baldwin  II 
(1118-1130),  the  crusader  knights  were  constantly  busied  in 
defending  the  cities  of  their  domains  against  the  attacks  of 
the  Saracens  and  the  Turks,  or  in  reducing  the  places  still 
held  by  the  enemy.  Tiberias,  Caesarea,  Ptolemais,  Ascalon, 
Berytus,  Sidon,  Tyre,  and  many  other  places  were  wrenched 
from  the  Mohammedans,  and  the  limits  of  the  Christian 
kingdom  thus  extended  in  every  direction. 

204.  Origin  of  the  Military  and  Religious  Orders.  —  It  was 
about  this  time  that  the  two  great  religious  military  orders 
known  as  the  Hospitalers  and  the  Templars  were  formed. 

The  Hospitalers,  or  Knights  of  Saint  John,  took  their  name 
from  the  fact  that  the  organization  was  first  formed  (about 
1 130)  among  the  monks  of  the  Hospital  of  Saint  John,  at 
Jerusalem  ;  while  the  Templars,  or  Knights  of  the  Temple,  were 
so  called  on  account  of  one  of  the  buildings  of  the  brother- 
hood standing  near  or  upon  the  site  of  Solomon's  Temple. 
The  objects  of  both  orders  were  the  care  of  the  sick  and 
wounded  crusaders,  the  entertainment  of  Christian  pilgrims, 
the  guarding  of  the  holy  places,  and  ceaseless  battling  for  the 
Cross.  In  the  case  of  the  Hospitalers  it  was  monks  who 
added  to  their  ordinary  monastic  vows  those  of  knighthood  ; 
in  the  case  of  the  Templars  it  was  knights  who  added  to  their 
military  vows  those  of  religion.  Thus  were  united  the  seem- 
ingly incongruous  ideals  of  the  monk  and  the  knight. 

These  fraternities  soon  acquired  a  military  fame  that  was 
spread  throughout  the  Christian  world.  They  were  joined  by 
many  of  the  most  illustrious  knights  of  the  West,  and  through 


TJlc  Fall  of  Edessa  235 

the  gifts  of  the  pions  acquired  great  wealth,  and  became  pos- 
sessed of  numerous  foundations  in  Europe  as  well  as  in  Asia. 

At  a  somewhat  later  period  the  order  of  the  Teutonic 
Knights  had  its  origin  in  a  charitable  association  of  philan- 
thropic Germans,  the  immediate  object  of  which  was  the  relief 
of  the  sick  and  wounded  German  warriors  in  the  trenches 
before  Acre,  which  place  the  Christians  were  then  besieging. 
The  members  of  the  society  were  soon  raised  by  the  German 
emperor,  Frederick  Barbarossa,  to  the  order  of  knighthood, 
and  then  the  knights  began  their  remarkable  career  as  the 
champions  of  Christianity,  first  against  the  infidels  of  Asia,  and 
afterwards  against  the  pagans  of  the  Baltic  shores  (par.  220). 

205.  The  Fall  of  Edessa  (1144). — After  the  death  of 
Godfrey  and  the  first  two  Baldwins,  the  little  Latin  kingdom  of 
Jemsalem  was  weakened  by  dissensions  among  the  knights 
and  barons,  and  its  assailants  became  more  successful  in  their 
attacks  upon  it.  Finally,  in  the  year  1144,  the  city  of  Edessa 
was  taken  by  the  Turks,  and  the  entire  population  slaughtered, 
or  sold  into  slavery.  This  city  had  always  been  looked  upon 
as  the  bulwark  of  the  Latin  kingdom  on  the  side  towards 
Mesopotamia.  Its  fall  not  only  carried  terror  and  dismay 
through  all  the  cities  of  Palestine,  but  threw  the  entire  West 
into  a  state  of  the  greatest  apprehension  and  alarm,  lest  the 
little  Christian  state  should  be  completely  overwhelmed,  and 
all  the  holy  places  should  again  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
infidels. 

206.  Preaching  of  Saint  Bernard  ;  Failure  of  the  Crusade.  — 
The  scenes  that  marked  the  opening  of  the  First  Crusade  were 
now  repeated  in  many  of  the  countries  of  the  West.  Saint 
Bernard  of  Clairvaux,  an  eloquent  monk,  was  the  second  Peter 
the  Hermit,  who  went  everywhere,  arousing  the  warriors  of 
the  Cross  to  the  defense  of  the  birthplace  of  their  religion. 
The  contagion  of  the  enthusiasm  seized  upon  not  merely 
barons,  knights,  and  the  common  people,  which  classes  alone 
participated  in  the  First  Crusade,  but  the  greatest  sovereigns 


236  Mediceval  History 

were  now  infected  by  it.  Louis  VII,  king  of  France,  was  led 
to  undertake  the  crusade  through  remorse  for  an  act  of  great 
cruelty  of  which  he  had  been  guilty  against  some  of  his  revolted 
subjects."  Conrad  III,  emperor  of  Germany,  was  persuaded 
to  leave  the  affairs  of  his  distracted  empire  in  the  hands  of 
God,  and  consecrate  himself  to  the  defense  of  the  sepulcher 
of  Christ. 

The  best  part  of  the  strength  of  both  the  German  and  the 
French  division  of  the  expedition  was  wasted  in  Asia  Minor. 
Mere  remnants  of  the  armies  joined  in  Palestine.  The  siege 
of  Damascus,  which  was  now  undertaken,  proved  unsuccessful, 
and  the  crusaders  returned  home,  "  having  accomplished  all 
that  God  willed  and  the  people  of  the  country  permitted." 

IV.    The  Third  Crusade  (1189-1192) 

207.  Capture  of  Jerusalem  by  Saladin.  —  The  Third  Crusade 
was  caused  by  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  by  Saladin,  the  re- 
nowned sultan  of  Egypt.  This  event  occurred  in  the  year 
1 187.  The  intelligence  of  the  disaster  caused  the  greatest 
consternation  and  grief  throughout  Christendom. 

Three  of  the  great  sovereigns  of  Europe,  Frederick  Barba- 
rossa  of  Germany,  Philip  Augustus  of  France,  and  Richard  I 
of  England,  assumed  the  Cross,  and  set  out,  each  at  the  head 
of  a  large  army,  for  the  recovery  of  the  Holy  City. 

The  English  king,  Richard,  afterwards  given  the  title  of 
Coeiir  de  Lion,  the  "  Lion-hearted,"  in  memory  of  his  heroic 
exploits  in  Palestine,  was  the  central  figure  among  the 
Christian  knights  of  this  crusade.  He  raised  money  for  the 
enterprise  by  the  persecution  and  robbery  of  the  Jews ;  by 
the  imposition  of  an  unusual  tax  upon  all  classes ;  and  by 
the  sale  of  offices,  dignities,  and  royal  lands.  When  some 
one  expostulated  with  him  on  the  means  employed  to  raise 

6  The  act  which  troubled  the  king's  conscience  was  the  burning  of  thirteen 
hundred  people  in  a  church,  whither  they  had  fled  for  refuge. 


Death  of  Frederick  Barbarossa  237 

money,  he  declared   that  he  "  would  sell  the  city  of  London, 
if  he  could  find  a  purchaser." 

208.  Death  of  Frederick  Barbarossa  ;  the  Siege  of  Acre.  — 
The  German  army,  attempting  the  overland  route,  after  meet- 
ing with  the  usual  troubles  in  Eastern  Europe  from  the  unfriend- 
liness of  the  natives,  was  decimated  in  Asia  Minor  by  the 
hardships  of  the  march  and  the  swords  of  the  Turks.  The 
Emperor  Frederick  was  drowned  while  crossing  a  swollen 
stream,  and  most  of  the  survivors  of  his  army,  disheartened 
by  the  loss  of  their  leader,  soon  returned  to  Germany. 

The  English  and  French  kings  —  the  first  sovereigns  of 
these  two  countries  who  had  ever  joined  their  arms  in  a  com- 
mon cause  —  took  the  sea  route,  and  finally  mustered  their 
forces  beneath  the  walls  of  Acre,  which  city  the  Christians 
were  then  besieging.  After  one  of  the  longest  and  most 
costly  sieges  they  ever  carried  on  in  Asia,  the  crusaders  at  last 
forced  the  place  to  capitulate,  in  spite  of  all  the  efforts  of 
Saladin  to  render  the  garrison  relief. 

209.  Richard  and  Philip. — The  arrogant  and  perfidious 
conduct  of  Richard  led  to  an  open  quarrel  between  him  and 
Philip.  The  latter  determined  to  retire  from  the  war  rather 
than  continue  the  enterprise  in  connection  with  so  haughty 
and  ungenerous  a  rival.  Accordingly  he  returned  to  France. 
Such  is  the  account  of  the  matter  as  given  by  the  French 
writers,  while  the  EngHsh  chroniclers  declare  that  Philip's 
action  was  prompted  solely  by  his  jealousy  of  the  superior 
mihtary  abihty  of  the  Enghsh  king  ;  "for  on  Richard's  arrival," 
writes  a  chronicler  of  the  crusade,  "  Philip  became  obscured, 
just  as  the  moon  is  wont  to  rehnquish  her  luster  at  the  rising 
of  the  sun."  The  root  of  the  discord  was  doubtless  English 
and  French  national  jealousies. 

210.  Richard  and  Saladin. — The  knightly  adventures  and 
chivalrous  exploits  which  mark  the  career  of  Richard  in  the 
Holy  Land,  after  the  retirement  of  Philip  from  the  field,  read 
like  a  romance.     Nor  was  the  chief  of  the  Mohammedans,  the 


238  Mcdicei ^al  History 

renowned  Saladin,  lacking  in  any  of  those  knightly  virtues 
with  which  the  writers  of  the  time  invested  the  character  of 
the  English  hero.  About  these  two  names  gather  very  many 
of  those  tales  of  chivalric  valor  and  honor  with  which  the 
chroniclers  of  the  Crusades  so  Hberally  embellished  this  period 
of  history. 

Thus  it  is  told  that  these  two  champions  of  the  opposing 
faiths  each  held  in  such  estimation  the  prowess  and  character 
of  the  other,  that  they  frequently  exchanged  the  most  gen- 
erous courtesies  and  knightly  compliments.  One  was  often  a 
guest  in  the  tent  of  the  other.  At  one  time  when  Richard 
was  sick  with  a  fever,  Saladin,  knowing  that  he  was  poorly 
supplied  with  delicacies,  sent  him  a  gift  of  the  choicest  fruits 
of  the  land ;  and  on  another  occasion,  Richard's  horse  having 
been  killed  in  battle,  the  sultan  caused  a  fine  Arabian  steed 
to  be  led  to  the  Christian  camp  as  a  present  for  his  rival. 

211.  Richard's  Captivity. — For  two  years  did  Richard 
the  Lion-hearted  contend  in  almost  daily  combat  with  his 
generous  antagonist  for  the  possession  of  the  tomb  of  Christ. 
But  the  Christian  hero  was  destined  never  to  bow  his  knee  at 
the  shrine  for  the  control  of  which  he  so  valiantly  battled. 
He  finally  concluded  a  truce  of  three  years  and  eight 
months  with  Saladin,  which  provided  that  the  Christians 
during  that  period  should  have  free  access  to  the  holy  places, 
and  remain  in  undisturbed  possession  of  the  coast  from  Acre 
to  Ascalon. 

Refusing  even  to  look  upon  the  city  which  he  could  not 
win  with  his  sword,  Richard  now  set  out  for  home.  But 
while  traversing  Germany  in  disguise,  he  was  discovered,  and 
was  arrested  and  imprisoned  by  order  of  the  emperor 
Henry  VI,  who  was  his  political  enemy.  Henry  cast  his 
prisoner  into  a  dungeon,  and  notwithstanding  the  outcry  of  all 
Europe  that  the  champion  of  Christianity  should  suffer  such 
treatment  at  the  hands  of  a  brother  prince,  refused  to  release 
him  without  an  enormous  ransom. 


The  Fourth  Crusade  239 

The  English  people,  so  great  was  their  admiration  for  the 
hero  whose  prowess  had  reflected  such  luster  upon  English 
knighthood,  set  themselves  to  raise  the  sum  demanded, 
even  stripping  the  churches  of  their  plate  to  make  up  the 
amount ;  and  the  lion-hearted  crusader  was  at  last  set  free,  and 
finally  reached  England,  where  he  was  received  with  wild 
acclamation. 

V.   The  Fourth  Crusade''  (i 202-1 204) 

212.  The    Crusaders    bargain    with   the    Venetians. — The 

rendezvous  of  this  expedition  was  the  city  of  Venice.  Those 
participating  in  it  were  mostly  adventurers. 

It  was  determined  to  proceed  by  sea  to  Egypt,  and  a  con- 
tract was  accordingly  made  with  the  Venetians  for  vessels  and 
supplies  for  the  voyage.  But  unfortunately  the  crusaders  had 
promised  to  pay  a  larger  sum  than  they  were  able  to  raise,  and 
even  after  the  nobles  had  given  up  their  plate  and  ornaments, 
they  still  lacked  a  large  amount. 

The  Venetians  now  proposed  in  lieu  of  money  to  accept 
the  aid  of  the  crusaders  in  punishing  the  recent  revolt  of  the 
city  of  Zara  in  Dalmatia,  upon  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Adri- 
atic. The  crusaders  consented,  being  very  ready  to  pay  a 
debt  by  the  loan  of  their  swords.  The  pope  was  very  much 
angered  that  they  should  thus  turn  aside  from  the  object  of 
the  expedition,  and  threatened  them  with  the  anathemas 
of  the  Church,  but  without  effect.  They  rendered  the  pro- 
posed assistance,  and  thus  discharged  their  obligation  to  the 
Venetians  —  and  secured  some  booty  besides. 

213.  Capture  of  Constantinople  by  the  Latins  (1204). — 
An  event  which  happened  just  at  this  time  at  Constantinople 
turned  the  feces  of  the  crusaders  towards  that  city  instead  of 

'  During  the  years  ii  96-1 197  an  army  composed  chiefly  of  Germans  was 
making  its  way  to  Syria  and  engaging  in  operations  there.  This  enterprise  was 
set  on  foot  by  Henry  VI  of  Germany,  whose  untimely  death  caused  the  break-up 
and  virtual  failure  of  the  expedition.  This  undertaking  is  sometimes  reckoned 
as  the  Fourth  Crusade,  and  thus  the  number  increased  to  nine. 


240  Mediceval  History 

towards  Egypt.  A  revolt  had  placed  a  usurper  upon  the 
Byzantine  throne.  Alexius  Angelus,  a  son  of  the  deposed 
emperor,  besought  the  aid  of  the  Frankish  warriors  against 
the  usurper.  Various  motives  caused  them  to  listen  favorably 
to  his  appeal.  The  Venetians,  headed  by  the  old  and  blind 
doge,  Henry  Dandolo,  seeing  in  the  enterprise  an  opportunity 
to  further  their  commercial  interests,  also  joined  their  forces 
to  those  of  the  crusaders.  The  armament,  consisting  of  over 
three  hundred  ships,  sailed  for  Constantinople.  The  city  was 
taken  by  storm,  and  Isaac  II,  the  father  of  the  exiled  prince 
Alexius,  was  invested  with  the  imperial  authority. 

Scarcely  were  matters  thus  arranged  before  the  turbulent 
Greeks  engaged  in  a  revolt  which  resulted  in  the  death  of 
both  Isaac  and  his  son.  The  crusaders,  who  seem  by  this 
time  to  have  quite  forgotten  the  object  for  which  they  had 
originally  set  out,  now  resolved  to  take  possession  of  the 
capital,  and  set  a  Latin  prince  on  the  throne  of  Constantinople. 
The  determination  was  carried  out.  Constantinople  was  taken 
a  second  time  by  storm,  and  sacked  amidst  horrid  orgies. 
Baldwin  of  Flanders  was  crowned  Emperor  of  the  East  and 
installed  in  the  ruined  capital  (1204). 

Three-eighths  of  the  empire  were  reserved  as  the  share  of 
the  republic  of  Venice.  This  reservation  consisted  wholly  of 
shore  lands  and  islands.  A  great  part  of  the  remainder  of  the 
empire  was  allotted  to  different  Frankish  knights,  who,  after 
first  conquering  the  lands  assigned  them,  were  to  hold  them 
as  fiefs  of  the  new  empire  of  Romania. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  of  the  feudal  principalities  that 
arose  on  the  ruins  of  the  dismembered  empire  was  the  duke- 
dom of  Athens.  Hundreds  of  Western  knights  assembled  at 
this  capital  of  ancient  culture,  and  created  there  a  brilliant 
feudal  court  which  completely  captivated  the  imagination  of 
Europe.  "  From  these  Latin  princes  of  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury, Boccace  (Boccaccio),  Chaucer,  and  Shakespeare  have 
borrowed   their  Theseus,  Duke  of  Athens.     An  ignorant  age 


Lamentable  Results  of  Sack  of  Constantinople    241 

transfers  its  own  language  and  manners  to  the  most  distant 
times."  ^ 

214.  Lamentable  Results  of  the  Sack  of  Constantinople.  — 
A  most  regrettable  result  of  the  sack  of  Constantinople  by  the 
crusaders  was  the  destruction  of  the  numerous  masterpieces  of 
art  with  which  the  city  was  crowded ;  for  Constantinople  had 
been  for  nine  centuries  the  chief  place  of  safe  deposit  for  the 
priceless  art  treasures  of  the  ancient  world.  The  extent  of 
the  loss  suffered  by  art  in  the  ruthless  sack  of  the  city  will 
never  be  known.  It  would  seem  as  though  almost  all  the 
bronze  and  silver  statues,  and  all  the  ornamental  metal  work 
of  the  churches  and  other  edifices  of  the  city  went  into  the 
melting-pot. 

Still  another  lamentable  consequence  of  the  crusaders'  act  was 
the  weakening  of  the  military  strength  of  the  capital.  For  a 
thousand  years  Constantinople  had  been  the  great  bulwark  of 
Western  civilization  against  Asiatic  barbarism.  Its  power  of 
resistance  was  now  broken,  with  momentous  consequences  for 
Western  Christendom,  as   we  shall  learn  later  (chap.  xv). 

The  Latin  empire  of  Constantinople,  as  it  was  called,  lasted 
only  a  Httle  over  half  a  century  (1204-1261).  The  Greeks, 
at  the  end  of  this  period,  succeeded  in  regaining  the  throne, 
which  they  then  held  until  the  capture  of  Constantinople  by 
the  Turks  in  1453. 

VI.   The  Children's  Crusade  ;   Minor  Crusades 

215.  The  Children's  Crusade  (12 12).  —  During  the  interval 
between  the  Fourth  and  the  Fifth  Crusade,  the  religious  enthu- 
siasm that  had  so  long  agitated  the  men  of  Europe  came  to 
fill  with  unrest  the  children,  resulting  in  what  is  known  as  the 
Children's  Crusade. 

8  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall,  chap,  Ixii,  note  53 ;  quoted  by  Finlay,  History 
of  Greece,  vol.  iii,  p.  172.  Recall  Chaucer's  Knight's  Tale  of  Palamon  and 
Arcite  and  Shakespeare's  A  Midsummer  Nighfs  Dream. 


242  '     MedicEval  History 

The  chief  preacher  of  this  crusade  was  a  child  about  twelve 
years  of  age,  a  French  peasant  lad,  named  Stephen,  who 
became  persuaded  that  Jesus  Christ  had  commanded  him  to 
lead  a  crusade  of  children  to  the  rescue  of  the  Holy  Sepulcher. 
The  children  became  wild  with  excitement,  and  flocked  in  vast 
crowds  to  the  places  appointed  for  rendezvous.  Nothing  could 
restrain  them  or  thwart  their  purpose.  "  Even  bolts  and  bars," 
says  an  old  chronicler,  "  could  not  hold  them."  The  great 
majority  of  those  who  collected  at  the  rallying  places  were  boys 
under  twelve  years  of  age,  but  there  were  also  many  girls. 

The  movement  excited  the  most  diverse  views.  Some 
declared  that  it  was  inspired  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  quoted  such 
scriptural  texts  as  these  to  justify  the  enthusiasm  :  "  A  child 
shall  lead  them  "  ;  "  Out  of  the  mouth  of  babes  and  sucklings 
thou  hast  ordained  praise."  Others,  however,  were  quite  as 
confident  that  the  whole  thing  was  the  work  of  the  devil. 

The  German  children,  whose  number  is  variously  estimated 
from  twenty  to  forty  thousand,  were  the  first  to  move.  They 
crossed  the  Alps  and  marched  down  the  Italian  shores  look- 
ing for  a  miraculous  pathway  through  the  sea  to  Palestine. 
Beneath  the  toil  and  hardships  of  the  journey  a  great  part  of 
the  little  crusaders  died  or  fell  out  by  the  way.  Those  reach- 
ing Rome  were  kindly  received  by  the  pope,  who  persuaded 
them  to  give  up  their  enterprise  and  return  to  their  homes, 
impressing  upon  their  minds,  however,  that  they  could  not  be 
released  from  the  vows  they  had  made,  which  they  must  fulfill 
when  they  became  men. 

The  French  children,  numbering  thirty  thousand,  according 
to  the  chroniclers,  set  out  from  the  place  of  rendezvous  for 
Marseilles.  Their  leader,  Stephen,  rode  in  great  state  in  a 
chariot  surrounded  by  an  escort  of  infantile  nobles,  who  paid 
him  the  obedience  and  homage  due  a  superior  and  sacred 
being.  The  little  pilgrims  had  no  conception  of  the  distance 
to  the  Holy  Land,  and  whenever  a  city  came  in  sight  eagerly 
asked  if  it  were  not  Jerusalem. 


The  Minor  Crusades  243 

Arriving  at  Marseilles,  the  children  were  bitterly  disappointed 
that  the  sea  did  not  open  and  give  them  passage  to  Palestine. 
The  greater  part,  discouraged  and  disillusioned,  now  returned 
home  ;  five  or  six  thousand,  however,  accepting  gladly  the 
seemingly  generous  offer  of  two  merchants  of  the  city,  who 
proposed  to  take  them  to  the  Holy  Land  free  of  charge, 
crowded  into  seven  small  ships  and  sailed  out  of  the  port  of 
Marseilles.  But  they  were  betrayed  and  sold  as  slaves  in 
Alexandria  and  other  Mohammedan  slave  markets.  A  part  of 
them,  however,  escaped  this  fate,  having  perished  in  the  ship- 
wreck of  two  of  the  vessels  that  bore  them  from  Marseilles.^ 

This  children's  expedition  marked  at  once  the  culmination 
and  the  decline  of  the  crusading  movement.  The  fervid 
zeal  that  inspired  the  first  crusaders  was  already  dying  out. 
"These  children,"  said  the  pope,  referring  to  the  young  cru- 
saders, "  reproach  us  with  having  fallen  asleep,  whilst  they 
were  flying  to  the  assistance  of  the  Holy  Land." 

216.  The  Minor  Crusades;  End  of  the  Kingdom  of  Jeru- 
salem. —  The  last  four  expeditions  —  the  Fifth,  Sixth,  Seventh, 
and  Eighth  ^^  —  undertaken  by  the  Christians  of  Europe 
against  the  infidels  of  the  East  may  be  conveniently  grouped 

'•^  The  credibility  of  tliat  part  of  the  account  which  deals  with  the  fate  of  the 
French  children  has  been  questioned,  but  there  is  really  no  ground  for  rejecting  it. 
See  Kugler,  Geschiclite  der  Kreitzziige,  p.  307  and  note. 

10  The  Fifth  Crusade  (12 16-1220)  was  led  by  the  kings  of  Hungary  and 
Cyprus.  Its  strength  was  wasted  in  Egypt,  and  it  resulted  in  nothing.  The 
Sixth  Crusade  (i 227-1 229),  headed  by  Frederick  II  of  Germany,  succeeded  in 
securing  from  the  Saracens  the  restoration  of  Jerusalem,  together  with  several 
other  cities  of  Palestine.  The  Seventh  Crusade  (1249-1254)  was  under  the  lead 
of  Louis  IX  of  France,  surnamed  the  Saint,  It  met  with  disaster  in  Egypt. 
The  Eighth  Crusade  (1270-1272)  was  incited  by  the  fresh  misfortunes  that, 
towards  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  century,  befell  the  Christian  kingdom  in 
Palestine.  The  two  principal  leaders  of  the  expedition  were  Louis  IX  of  France 
and  Prince  Edward  of  England,  afterwards  Edward  I.  Louis  directed  his  forces 
against  the  Moors  about  Tunis,  in  North  Africa.  Here  the  king  died  of  the 
plague.  Nothing  was  effected  by  this  division  of  the  expedition.  The  division 
led  by  the  English  prince  was,  however,  more  fortunate.  Edward  succeeded  in 
capturing  Nazareth,  and  in  compelling  the  sultan  of  Egypt  to  agree  to  a  treaty 
favorable  to  the  Christians  (1272). 


244  MedicBval  History 

as  the  Minor  Crusades.  They  were  marked  by  a  less  genu- 
ine enthusiasm  than  that  which  characterized  particularly  the 
First  Crusade,  and  exhibited  among  those  taking  part  in  them 
the  greatest  variety  of  objects  and  ambitions.  The  flame  of 
the  Crusades  had  burned  itself  out,  and  the  fate  of  the  Httle 
Christian  kingdom  in  Asia,  isolated  from  Europe,  surrounded 
on  all  sides  by  bitter  enemies,  and  unfortunately  weakened  by 
internal  feuds,  became  each  day  more  and  more  apparent. 
Finally  the  last  of  the  places  (Acre)  held  by  the  Christians 
fell  before  the  attacks  of  the  Mamelukes  of  Egypt,  and 
with  this  event  the  Latin  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  came  to 
an  end  (1291).  The  second  great  combat  between  Moham- 
medanism and  Christianity  was  over,  and  "  silence  reigned 
along  the  shore  that  had  so  long  resounded  with  the  world's 
debate." 

217.  Withdrawal  of  the  Military  Orders  from  Syria. — 
The  knights  of  the  religious  military  orders  that  had  origi- 
nated in  Palestine  during  the  heroic  age  of  the  Crusades 
retired  mournfully  from  the  land  which  all  their  prodigies  of 
valor  had  been  unable  to  protect  from  the  profanation  of  the 
infidel,  and  sought  elsewhere  new  seats  for  their  fraternities, 
whence  they  might  still  sally  forth  to  battle  with  the  enemies 
of  the  Cross. 

The  Hospitalers  retreated  first  to  the  island  of  Cyprus,  but 
afterwards  established  themselves  in  the  island  of  Rhodes, 
where  for  more  than  two  centuries  .the  valiant  and  devoted 
members  of  the  order  were  the  strongest  bulwark  of  Christian 
Europe  against  the  advance  in  that  quarter  of  the  Moslem 
power  towards  the  West.  Driven  at  last  from  this  island 
by  the  Turks,  they  eventually  retired  to  the  island  of  Malta 
(1530).  In  their  gallant  defense  of  this  rock  against  their 
old  enemy,  they  gained  not  only  fresh  fame,  but  a  new  name, 
becoming  known  as  the  Knights  of  Malta.  Upon  this  island 
the  order  lived  on  till  the  French  Revolution,  "  the  last  relic 
of  the  age  of  the  crusaders  and  of  chivalry." 


Crusades  in  Europe  245 

The  Teutonic  Knights  found  a  new  seat  for  their  order  in 
Northeastern  Europe,  where  members  of  the  fraternity  were 
already  laying  in  part  the  foundations  of  the  future  state  of 
Prussia  (par.  220).  At  the  opening  of  the  Reformation  the 
lands  they  had  acquired  in  these  parts  were  secularized,  and 
the  brotherhood  ceased  to  exist  as  a  political  power. 

The  story  of  the  Templar  Knights  is  short  and  tragic.  We 
shall  find  place  to  narrate  it  in  another  connection  (par.  343). 

VII.    Crusades  in  Europe 

218.  General  Statement.  —  Notwithstanding  the  strenuous 
and  united  efforts  which  the  Christians  of  Europe  put  forth 
against  the  Mohammedans,  they  did  not  succeed  in  extending 
permanently  the  frontiers  of  Western  civiHzation  in  the  Orient. 

But  in  the  southwest  and  the  northeast  of  Europe  it  was 
different.  Here  the  crusading  spirit  rescued  from  Moslem 
and  pagan  large  territories,  and  upon  these  regained  or  newly 
acquired  lands  established  a  number  of  little  Christian  princi- 
paHties,  which  later  grew  into  states,  or  came  to  form  a  portion 
of  states,  which  were  to  play  great  parts  in  the  history  of  the 
following  centuries.  The  states  whose  beginnings  are  thus  con- 
nected with  the  crusading  age  are  Portugal,  Spain,  and  Prussia. 
We  will  say  just  a  single  word  respecting  each  of  them. 

219.  Crusades  against  the  Moors  in  the  Iberian  Peninsula. 
—  Just  before  the  actual  beginning  of  the  crusades  against  the 
Moslems  of  the  East  a  band  of  northern  knights,  of  which  one 
of  the  leaders  was  Henry  of  Burgundy,  went  to  the  help  of 
the  Christians  against  the  Moslems  in  the  west  of  the  Iberian 
peninsula.  The  issue  of  this  chivalric  enterprise  was  the  for- 
mation of  a  little  feudal  principaHty,  the  nucleus  of  the  later 
kingdom  of  Portugal.  At  the  time  of  the  Second  Crusade 
some  German  and  English  crusaders,  on  their  way  to  Palestine 
by  sea,  stopped  here  and  aided  the  native  Christians  in  the 
siege  and  capture  from  the  Mohammedans  of  the  important 


246  MedicBval  History 

city  of  Lisbon  (1147).  This  gave  the  little  growing  state  its 
future  capital.  Thus  Portugal  was,  in  a  very  strict  sense,  a 
creation  of  the  crusading  spirit. 

Then  during  all  the  time  that  the  Crusades  proper  were 
going  on  in  the  Eastern  Mediterranean,  the  Spanish  Christian 
knights  were  engaged  in  almost  one  uninterrupted  crusade 
against  the  Moslems  established  in  the  peninsula.  The  Moors 
received  aid  from  their  co-religionists  of  Africa ;  the  Spanish 
Christians  were  assisted  by  volunteers  from  the  Christian  lands 
of  the  North,  particularly  from  France. 

By  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century  the  Christians  had 
crowded  the  Moors  into  a  small  region  in  the  southern  part 
of  the  peninsula,  where  they  maintained  themselves  until 
the  very  close  of  the  Middle  Ages.  Upon  the  ground  thus 
regained  for  Christendom  there  arose  a  number  of  small 
Christian  states  which  finally  coalesced  to  form  the  modern 
kingdom  of  Spain.  The  circumstances  of  the  origin  of 
this  kingdom  left  a  deep  impress  upon  all  its  subsequent 
history.^^ 

220.  Crusades  by  the  Teutonic  Knights  against  the  Pagan 
Slavs  (12  2  6-1 283). — At  the  time  of  the  Crusades  all  the 
Baltic  shore  lands  lying  eastward  of  the  Vistula  and  which 
to-day  form  a  part  of  Prussia  were  held  by  pagan  Slavs. 
These  people,  like  the  pagan  Saxons  of  an  earlier  time 
(par.  loi),  resisted  strenuously  the  introduction  of  Christianity 
among  them.  Devoted  priests  who  carried  the  Gospel  to  them, 
together  with  the  converts  they  made,  were  often  massacred. 
Finally  a  crusade  was  preached  against  them. 

Early  in  the  thirteenth  century  (1226)  some  knights  of  the 
Teutonic  order  transferred  their  crusading  efforts  to  these 
northern  heathen  lands.  For  the  greater  part  of  the  century 
the  knights  carried  on  what  was  a  desperate  and  almost  con- 
tinuous war  of  extermination  against  the  pagans.   Upon  the  land 

11  For  the  effect  upon  the  Spanish  national  character  of  the  long  religious 
wars  out  of  which  the  Spanish  nation  arose,  see  par.  355. 


Crusades  against  the  Albigcnses  247 

wrested  from  them  were  founded  the  important  fortress-cities 
of  Konigsberg  and  Marienburg.  The  surrounding  Slav  popu- 
lation was  either  destroyed  or  subjected,  and  the  whole 
land  was  gradually  Germanized.  Thus  what  was  originally 
Slav  territory  was  converted  into  a  German  land,  and  the  basis 
laid  of  a  principality  which  later  came  to  form  an  impor- 
tant part  of  modern  Prussia.^'^  Thus  the  crusading  zeal  of 
the  knight-monks  contributed  to  the  creation  of  one  of  the 
strongest  of  modern  European  states. 

221.  Crusades  against  the  Albigenses  (1209-1229).  — 
During  the  crusading  age  holy  wars  were  preached  and 
waged  against  heretics  as  well  as  against  infidels  and 
pagans. 

In  the  south  of  France,  which  country  since  the  settlement 
of  Marseilles  by  the  Greeks  in  the  sixth  century  B.C.  had  been 
open,  by  way  of  the  sea,  to  Hellenic,  Roman,  and  Saracenic 
influences,  was  a  sect  of  Christians  called  Albigenses,^^  who 
had  departed  so  far  from  the  orthodox  faith  that  Pope 
Innocent  III  declared  them  to  be  "  more  wicked  than 
Saracens."  He  therefore,  after  a  vain  endeavor  to  turn 
them  from  their  errors,  called  upon  the  French  king,  PhiHp  II, 
and  his  nobles  to  lead  a  crusade  against  the  heretics  and 
their  rich  and  powerful  patron,  Raymond  VI,  count  of 
Toulouse. 

The  king  held  aloof  from  the  enterprise,  being  fully  occupied 
watching  his  own  enemies ;  but  a  great  number  of  his  nobles 
responded  eagerly  to  the  call  of  the  Church.  The  leader  of 
the  first  crusade  (1209-1213)  was  Simon  de  Montfort,  a  man 
cruel,  callous,  and  relentless  beyond  beHef.  A  great  part  of 
Languedoc,  the  beautiful  country  of  the  xAlbigenses,  was  made 
a   desert,   the   inhabitants  being    slaughtered   and   the    cities 

12  "  Thus  was  effected  the  last  great  expansion  of  Germany  to  the  east " 
(Tout,  The  Empire  and  the  Papacy^  p.  380).  See  on  map  of  Europe  how 
the  German  territory  on  the  northeast  is  thrust  out  into  the  Slavonic  mass. 

13  From  Albi,  the  name  of  a  city  and  district  in  which  their  tenets  prevailed. 


248  Mediceval  History 

burned.  The  extent  of  the  devastation  created  may  be  inferred 
from  the  fact  that  upon  the  capture  of  a  single  town,  Beziers 
by  name,  thirty  thousand  persons,  men,  women,  and  children, 
were  slain. ^^ 

In  1229  the  fury  of  a  fresh  crusade  burst  upon  the  Albi- 
genses,  which  resulted  in  their  prince  (Raymond  VII)  ceding 
the  greater  part  of  his  beautiful  but  ravaged  provinces  to 
Louis  IX,  king  of  France,  and  submitting  himself  to  the 
Church.  The  Albigensian  heresy  was  soon  wholly  extirpated 
by  the  tribunal  of  the  Inquisition  which  was  set  up  in  the 
country. 

VIII.   The    End   of   the    Crusades  ;    their    Influence  on 
European  Civilization 

222.  Why  the  Crusades  ceased. — We  have  said  that  the 
main  cause  w^hich  set  the  Crusades  in  motion  was  religious 
enthusiasm.  Their  cessation  was  due  principally  to  the  dying 
out  of  this  holy  zeal. 

Even  long  before  the  last  of  the  Crusades  the  views  of  the 
Western  Christians  respecting  them  had  materially  changed. 
As  it  would  be  utterly  impossible  to  awaken  to-day  any  enthu- 
siasm among  the  European  nations  for  such  undertakings,  so 
by  the  opening  of  the  fourteenth  century  it  had  become  very 
difficult  to  get  the  people  to  take  much  interest  in  the  matter. 
This  change  in  feeUng  was  a  result  of  the  general  advance  of 
the  peoples  of  Europe  in  knowledge  and  culture,  and  the 
growth  among  them  of  a  more  tolerant  spirit,  due  largely, 
as  we  shall  see  when  we  come  to  speak  of  the  effects  of  the 
Crusades,  to  these  very  movements  themselves. 

14  It  is  said  that  before  the  massacre  one  of  the  crusaders  asked  an  ecclesias- 
tic, the  abbot  of  Citeaux,  how  the  soldiers  were  to  distinguish  the  heretics  from 
the  true  believers.  "  Kill  them  all,"  he  is  said  to  have  replied ;  "  the  Lord  will 
know  his  own."  The  credibility  of  this  story  has  been  called  in  question,  since 
it  rests  upon  the  authority  of  a  single  chronicler.  See  Alzog,  Universal  Church 
History^  vol.  ii,  p.  666. 


Effects  upon  tJie  Papacy  and  the  Afonastic  Orders    249 

And  then  the  barbarian  love  of  martial  adventure,  —  which 
we  gave  as  a  powerful  auxiliary  cause  of  the  Crusades,  —  as 
mediaeval  society  was  slowly  transformed  by  those  feelings  and 
sentiments  that  distinguish  modern  society,  was  superseded 
by  the  industrial  and  commercial  spirit.  The  ambitious  and 
aspiring  began  to  think  it  wiser  to  make  fortunes  through  trade, 
manufacture,  and  maritime  enterprise,  than  to  squander  them 
in  costly  expeditions  for  the  recovery  of  holy  places.  The 
trader  with  his  practical  views  of  life  took  the  place  of  the 
knight  with  his  romantic  ideals. 

223.  Their  Effects  upon  the  Papacy  and  the  Monastic  Orders. 
—  The  Crusades  exerted  indirectly  such  an  influence  upon  the 
institutions  and  the  life  of  the  peoples  of  Western  Europe  that 
they  constitute  a  great  landmark  in  the  history  of  civilization. 
To  show  this  to  be  so,  and  also  to  give  unity  and  coherence  to 
our  narrative  by  connecting  these  enterprises  with  the  later 
general  course  and  progress  of  mediaeval  history,  we  shall 
now  proceed  to  speak  briefly  of  their  effects  upon  the  ecclesi- 
astical, the  commercial,  the  social,  the  intellectual,  and  the 
political  life  of  Western  Christendom.  We  speak  first  of  the 
effects  of  the  crusading  movement  upon  the  institutions  of 
the  Church. 

Without  doubt  the  Crusades  tended  to  enhance  the  power 
of  the  papacy.  Thus  the  prominent  part  which  the  popes 
took  in  these  enterprises  naturally  fostered  their  authority  and 
influence,  by  placing  in  their  hands,  as  it  were,  the  armies  and 
resources  of  Christendom,  and  by  accustoming  the  people  to 
look  to  them  as  guides  and  leaders.  The  papal  power  was 
also  materially  strengthened  by  the  mihtary  orders  of  monks 
called  into  existence  by  the  crusading  enthusiasm  ;  for  these 
orders,  speaking  generally,  upheld  the  papal  authority  as 
opposed  to  that  of  the   episcopate. 

As  to  the  monasteries,  their  wealth  was  augmented  enor- 
mously by  the  sale  to  them,  for  a  mere  fraction  of  their  actual 
value,  of  the  estates  of  those  preparing  for  the  expeditions,  or 


250  Mediceval  History 

by  the  out-and-out  gift  of  the  lands  of  such  in  return  for 
prayers  and  pious  blessings.  Often,  too,  religious  houses 
were  made  the  guardians  of  the  property  of  crusaders  during 
their  absence,  which  death  left  in  the  hands  of  these  frater- 
nities. Again,  thousands,  returning  broken  in  spirit  and  in 
health,  sought  an  asylum  in  cloistral  retreats,  and  endowed 
with  all  their  worldly  goods  the  estabHshments  they  entered. 
Besides  all  this,  the  stream  of  the  ordinary  gifts  of  piety 
was  swollen,  by  the  extraordinary  fervor  of  religious  enthu- 
siasm which  characterized  the  period,  into  prodigious  pro- 
portions. 

Thus  were  augmented  the  power  of  the  papacy  and  the 
riches  of  the  monasteries.  In  the  end  this  increase  in  power 
and  wealth  proved  disastrous  both  to  the  popes  and  to  the 
monks.  The  enhancement  of  the  papal  authority  intensified 
the  apprehension  and  the  opposition  of  the  lay  princes  of 
Europe,  and  thus  gave  a  fresh  impulse  to  that  struggle  which 
had  already  begun  between  the  temporal  and  the  spiritual 
authority,  and  which  finally  resulted  in  the  crippling  of  the 
papal  power  (chap.  xiv).  The  enormous  growth  in  wealth  of 
the  monasteries  led  to  the  moral  degeneracy  of  the  monks, 
and  thus  paved  the  way  for  the  decay  and  downfall  of  the 
monastic  system. 

224.  Their  Effect  upon  the  Eastern  Empire.  —  Among  the 
most  noteworthy  results  of  the  Crusades  we  may  place  the 
preserv^ation  for  a  time  of  Constantinople.^^  The  shock  of 
the  First  Crusade  rolled  back  the  tide  of  Turkish  conquest, 
and  thus  postponed  the  fall  of  the  Eastern  empire,  or  at  least 
of  its  capital,  for  three  centuries  and  more.  This  postpone- 
ment of  the  conquest  of  Southeastern  Europe  by  Asiatic  hordes 
would  in  itself  be  a  matter  of  only  secondary  importance  ; 
but  this  delay  gave  the  young  Christian  civilization  of  Central 

15  But  for  the  crime  of  the  men  of  the  Fourth  Crusade  (par.  214),  the  Eastern 
emperors  might  possibly  have  been  able  to  hold  the  Bosporus  indefinitely 
against  the  Ottoman  Turks. 


Effects  7ip07i  Towns,  Commerce,  and  Society      251 

Europe  time  sufficient  to  consolidate  its  strength  into  an  im- 
pregnable bulwark  before  the  returning  tide  of  Mohammedan 
invasion  swept  in  again  upon  Christendom.  It  is  altogether 
probable  that,  had  the  Seljuk  Turks  been  allowed  to  cross 
the  Bosporus  in  the  twelfth  century,  they  would  have  carried 
their  conquests  much  farther  towards  the  West  than  their 
kinsmen,  the  Osmanli,  were  able  to  do  in  the  fifteenth  and 
sixteenth  centuries  (see  chap.  xv). 

Furthermore,  the  fall  of  Constantinople  in  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury would  have  meant  probably  the  permanent  loss  to  civiU- 
zation  of  all  the  literary  treasures  the  city  was  holding  in 
safe-keeping  for  civilization  ;  for  the  West  was  not  yet  ready, 
as  is  shown  by  the  vandalism  of  the  men  of  the  Fourth  Cru- 
sade, to  become  the  appreciative  and  reverent  guardians  of 
this  precious  bequest. 

225.  Their  Effects  upon  the  Towns  and  upon  Commerce  and 
Society.  —  The  towns  gained  many  political  advantages  at  the 
expense  of  the  crusading  barons  and  princes.  Ready  money 
in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  was  largely  in  the  hands 
of  the  burgher  class,  and  in  return  for  the  contributions  and 
loans  they  made  to  their  overlords  or  suzerains,  they  received 
charters  conferring  special  and  valuable  privileges.  Thus, 
while  power  and  wealth  were  slipping  out  of  the  hands  of 
the  nobihty,  the  cities  and  towns  were  growing  in  poHtical 
importance  and  making  great  gains  in  the  matter  of  municipal 
freedom. 

The  Holy  Wars  further  promoted  the  prosperity  of  the 
towns  by  giving  a  great  impulse  to  commercial  enterprise  and 
by  widening  trade  relations.  During  this  period,  Venice,  Pisa, 
and  Genoa  acquired  great  wealth  and  reputation  through  the 
fostering  of  their  trade  by  the  needs  of  the  crusaders  and  the 
opening  up  of  the  East.  The  Mediterranean  was  whitened 
with  the  sails  of  their  transport  ships,  which  were  constantly 
plying  between  the  various  ports  of  Europe  and  the  towns 
of  the   Syrian   coast.     Also,  various  arts,   manufactures,   and 


252  MedicBval  History 

inventions  (among  these  the  windmilP^)  before  unknown  in 
Europe  were  introduced  from  Asia.  This  enrichment  of  the 
civilization  of  the  West  with  the  "  spoils  of  the  East "  we  may 
allow  to  be  emblemized  by  the  famous  bronze  horses  that  the 
crusaders  carried  off  from  Constantinople  and  set  up  before 
Saint  Mark's  Cathedral  in  Venice. 

The  effects  of  the  Crusades  upon  the  social  hfe  of  the 
Western  nations  were  marked  and  important.  Giving  oppor- 
tunity for  romantic  adventure,  they  aided  powerfully  in  the 
development  of  that  institution  of  knighthood  which,  whatever 
may  have  been  the  extravagances  and  follies  into  which  its 
members  at  last  fell,  was  the  home  in  which  were  nourished, 
as  we  have  seen,  many  of  the  noblest  virtues  and  most  exalted 
sentiments  of  modern  society  (par.  163).  And  under  this 
head  must  be  placed  the  general  refining  influence  that  con- 
tact with  the  more  cultured  nations  of  the  East  had  upon  the 
semi-barbarous  people  of  the  West.  The  rude  Frankish  war- 
riors looked  with  astonishment  upon  the  luxury  of  the  Greeks, 
and  especially  upon  the  magnificence  displayed  by  the  Saracen 
chiefs,  whom  they  had  imagined  to  be  as  barbarous  in  manners 
as  perverted  in  faith. 

These  influences,  which  we  designate  the  social,  were  felt  of 
course  in  the  country  as  well  as  in  the  town,  but  their  more 
permanent  impress  was  probably  left  upon  the  life  of  the 
urban  communities. 

226.  Their  Effects  upon  the  Intellectual  Life  of  Europe.  — 
The  influence  of  the  Crusades  upon  the  general  intellectual 
development  of  Europe  can  hardly  be  overestimated.  Above 
all,  they  liberalized  the  minds  of  the  crusaders.  At  the  com- 
mencement of  the  expeditions  the  Christians  entertained  senti- 
ments of  the  bitterest  hate  and  intolerance  towards  the  Mos- 
lem infidels,  whom  they  verily  thought  to  be  the  "  Children 

16  Windmills  were  chiefly  utilized  in  the  Netherlands,  where  they  were  used 
to  pump  the  water  from  the  oversoaked  lands,  and  thus  became  the  means  of 
creating  the  most  important  part  of  what  is  now  the  kingdom  of  Holland. 


Their  Political  Effects  253 

of  Hell";  but  before  the  close  of  the  Crusades  we  find  that 
they  have  come  to  hold  very  different  views  respecting  their 
antagonists.  During  the  Third  Crusade  the  Saracen  chiefs 
were  frequent  guests  at  Richard's  table,  and  the  Christian 
knights  were  recipients  of  the  same  courtesy  in  the  tent  of 
the  chivalrous  Saladin.  In  a  word,  the  voyages,  observations, 
and  experiences  of  the  crusaders  had  just  that  effect  in  cor- 
recting their  false  notions,  and  in  liberalizing  their  narrow  and 
intolerant  ideas,  that  wide  travel  and  close  contact  with  differ- 
ent peoples  and  races  never  fail  of  producing  upon  even  the 
dullest  and  most  bigoted  person. 

Furthermore,  the  knowledge  of  geography,^'  and  of  the 
science  and  learning  of  the  East,  gained  by  the  crusaders 
through  their  expeditions,  greatly  stimulated  the  Latin  intel- 
lect, and  helped  to  awaken  in  Western  Europe  that  mental 
activity  which  resulted  finally  in  the  great  intellectual  outburst 
known  as  the  Renaissance  (chap,  xviii). 

In  no  realm  were  the  effects  of  the  Crusades  more  positive 
than  in  the  field  of  Uterature.  From  the  East  was  brought  in 
a  vast  amount  of  fresh  literary  material,  consisting  of  the  tra- 
ditions of  great  events  like  the  siege  of  Troy,  and  of  great 
heroes,  such  as  Solomon  and  Alexander  the  Great.  These 
legends,  exaggerated  and  distorted  and  curiously  mingled  with 
the  folklore  of  the  Western  peoples,  came  now  to  form  the 
basis  of  a  vast  literature  consisting  of  chronicles,  romances, 
epic  poems,  and  pious  tales,  infinite  in  variety  and  form.  In 
this  way  the  literatures  of  Europe  were  enriched  and  their 
growth  greatly  stimulated. 

227.  Their  Political  Effects.  —  The  Crusades,  as  we  have 
noticed  in  another  connection  (par. 153),  helped  to  break  down 
the  power  of  the  feudal  aristocracy  and  give  prominence  to  the 

1"  "  If  I  were  asked,"  says  Sismondi,  as  quoted  by  Stille,  "  what  was  the 
knowledge  acquired  during  the  Middle  Ages  which  did  most  to  quicken  and 
develop  the  intelligence  of  that  time,  I  should  say,  without  the  slightest  hesita- 
tion, the  knowledge  of  geography  acquired  by  the  pilgrims  to  the  Holy  Land," 


254  MedicEval  History 

kings  and  the  people.  Many  of  the  nobles  who  set  out  on  the 
expeditions  never  returned,  and  their  estates,  through  failure 
of  heirs,  escheated  to  the  crown ;  while  many  more  wasted 
their  fortunes  in  meeting  the  expenses  of  their  undertaking. 
Thus  the  nobiHty  were  greatly  weakened  in  numbers  and  influ- 
ence, and  the  power  and  patronage  of  the  kings  correspond- 
ingly increased. 

This  process  of  the  disintegration  of  feudalism  and  the 
growth  of  monarchy  is  to  be  traced  most  distinctly  in  France, 
the  cradle  and  center  of  the  crusading  movement.  That  the 
Crusades  contributed  to  the  growth  of  the  royal  power  in  any 
other  country  of  the  West  cannot  be  asserted  with  any  degree 
of  assurance.  They  seem,  however,  to  have  quickened  the 
national  consciousness  not  only  in  France,  but  also  in  England 
and  in  Germany,  and  thus  to  have  promoted  that  movement 
which  we  shall  speak  of  later  under  the  head  of  the  growth 
of  the  nations  (chap.  xix).  This  national  consciousness,  by 
which  we  mean  substantially  national  patriotism,  was  stimu- 
lated by  the  comradeship  of  the  camp,  and  by  the  participation 
of  the  crusaders  in  common  dangers  and  common  achieve- 
ments, as  well  as  by  the  mutual  rivalries  of  the  different 
national  contingents  forming  the  crusading  armies. 

The  laying  of  the  foundations  of  the  later  states  of  Portugal, 
Spain,  and  Prussia  should  also  be  noticed  here  as  showing  how 
the  Crusades  helped  to  create  the  pohtical  map  of  modern 
Europe.  It  is  the  practical  continuation  of  the  Crusades  in 
Southeastern  Europe  that  has  in  our  own  day  called  into 
existence  several  little  Christian  states  in  the  Balkan  peninsula. 

228.  Their  Influence  on  Geographical  Discovery.  —  Lastly, 
the  incentive  given  to  geographical  exploration  led  various 
travelers,  such  as  the  celebrated  Venetian  Marco  Polo,  to 
range  over  the  most  remote  countries  of  Asia.  Nor  did  the 
matter  end  here.  Even  that  spirit  of  maritime  enterprise  and 
adventure  which  rendered  illustrious  the  close  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  inspiring  the  voyages  of  Columbus,  Vasco  da  Gama,  and 


Their  Influence  on  Geographical  Discovery       255 

Magellan,  may  be  traced  back  to  that  lively  interest  in 
geographical  matters,  that  curiosity  respecting  the  remote 
regions  of  the  earth,  awakened  by  the  expeditions  of  the 
crusaders.^^ 

These  various  growths  and  movements,  ecclesiastical,  com- 
mercial, social,  intellectual,  political,  and  geographical,  in 
European  society,  which,  though  not  originated  by  the  Cru- 
sades, were  nevertheless  given  a  fresh  impulse  by  them,  we 
shall  trace  out  in  the  following  chapters,  beginning  with  the 
papacy. 

Sources  and  Source  Material.  —  Chronicles  of  the  Crusades  (Bohn). 
This  volume  embraces  translations  of  three  chronicles  bearing  on 
the  Crusades.  The  first  is  by  Richard  of  Devizes  and  the  second  by 
Geoffrey  de  Vinsauf.  Both  detail  the  part  taken  by  King  Richard  I 
in  the  Third  Crusade.  The  chronicle  by  Geoffrey  is  the  more  valu- 
able one,  since  the  chronicler  writes  as  an  eyewitness  of  the  scenes  he 
depicts.  The  third  chronicle  is  by  Joinville,  who  accompanied  Saint 
Louis  on  his  expedition  to  Egypt  and  Palestine.  Archer's  Crusade 
of  Richard  I  (English  History  by  Contemporary  Writers).  Transla- 
tions and  Reprints  (Univ.  of  Penn.),  vol.  i,  No.  2,  "  Urban  and  the 
Crusaders,"  and  No.  4,  "Letters  of  the  Crusaders";  also  vol.  iii, 
No.  I,  "The  Fourth  Crusade."  Henderson's  Historical  Doctunents  of 
the  Middle  Ages,  p.  208,  "  Decree  of  the  Emperor  Henry  IV  concerning 
a  Truce  of  God  (1085)."  The  Book  of  Ser  Marco  Polo,  2  vols.,  trans- 
lated and  edited  by  Henry  Yule  (2d.  ed.,  London,  1875).  These  unique 
volumes  of  travel  and  observation  illustrate  how  the  Crusades  widened 
the  geographical  horizon  of  the  European  world,  and  particularly  how 
they  "  opened  the  world  towards  the  East."  Also  by  the  same  editor, 
Cathay  and  tlie  way  thither. 

Secondary  or  Modern  Works.  —  Modern  works  on  the  Crusades 
are  very  numerous.  The  following  are  among  the  best  in  English. 
Sybel  (H.  von),  The  History  and  Literature  of  the  Crusades  (trans, 
from  the  German).     For  the  mature  reader.     Burr  (G.  L.),  The  Year 

18  Colonel  Henry  Yule,  speaking  of  the  influence  of  the  travels  and  writings 
of  Marco  Polo,  says :  "  The  spur  which  his  book  eventually  gave  to  geographical 
studies,  and  the  beacon  which  it  hung  out  at  the  eastern  extremities  of  the  earth, 
helped  to  guide  the  aims  ...  of  the  greater  son  of  the  rival  republic.  His  work 
was  at  least  a  link  in  the  providential  chain  which  at  last  dragged  the  New  World 
to  light."  —  Introduction  to  The  Book  of  Ser  Marco  Polo  (London,  1875),  P-  ^°3' 


256  MedicEval  History 

1000  and  the  Antecedents  of  the  Crusades  (in  Am.  Hist.  Rev.  for 
April,  1 90 1,  vol.  vi,  No.  3).  Shows  the  unhistorical  character  of  the 
tradition  of  the  "  millennial  terror."  Archer  (T.  A.)  and  Kingsford 
(C.  L.),  **  The  Crusades  (Story  of  the  Nations).  The  founding  and 
the  fortunes  of  the  Latin  kingdom  at  Jerusalem  are  made  the  matters 
of  chief  interest.  The  critical  reader  will  correct  the  error  on  p.  xiv 
in  regard  to  the  "fateful  year  1000."  Cox  (G.  W.),  The  Crusades 
(Epochs  series).  Emerton  (E.),  Mediceval  Europe,  chap,  xi,  "  The 
Crusades."  Adams  (G.  B.),  Civilization  during  the  Middle  Ages, 
chap,  xi,  "  The  Crusades."  Michaud  (J.  F.),  History  of  the  Crusades 
(from  the  French),  3  vols.  Very  interesting,  but  in  part  discredited 
through  a  new  appraisement  of  the  trustworthiness  of  the  sources  for  the 
Crusades.  Pears  (E.),  **  The  Fall  of  Constantinople.  The  best  account 
of  the  Fourth  Crusade.  Gray  (G.  Z.),  The  Children's  Crusade  (new 
ed.,  Boston,  1900).  A  narrative  that  will  be  sure  to  interest  young 
readers.  Mombert  (J.  I.),  A  Short  History  of  the  Crusades.  Not  so 
fine  a  piece  of  work  as  the  same  author's  "  Charles  the  Great."  Oman 
(C),  The  Art  of  War  in  the  Middle  Ages.  Also  the  same  author's 
Byzajitine  Empire  (Story  of  the  Nations),  chaps,  xxi  and  xxii.  Particu- 
larly for  the  Fourth  Crusade  ;  the  work  supplements  Archer's.  GuizoT 
(F.  G.  P.),  **  History  of  Civilization  in  Europe  (ed.  by  George  Wells 
Knight),  lect.  viii.  Gives  a  succinct  account  of  the  causes  and  results 
of  the  Crusades.  Perry  (F.),  Saint  Louis  (Heroes  of  the  Nations). 
KlTCHlN  (G.  W.),  History  of  France,  vol.  i,  bk.  iii,  chap,  iii,  pp.  216-240. 
Excellent,  particularly  in  its  review  of  the  effects  of  the  crusading 
movement.  Storrs  (R.  S.),  Bernard  of  Clairvaux.  A  stately  biogra- 
phy of  the  preacher  of  the  Second  Crusade.  Shows  the  depth  and 
force  of  the  religious  movement  of  the  times.  Morison  (J.  C),  ^^The 
Life  and  Times  of  Saint  Bernard,  bk.  iv,  particularly  chaps,  ii  and  iii, 
entitled  respectively  "  The  Second  Crusade  preached  by  Saint  Bernard  " 
and  "The  Second  Crusade."  Lecky  (W.  E.  H.),  History  of  European 
Morals,  vol.  ii,  pp.  248-254.  For  the  development  of  the  military  spirit 
in  the  Church.  Tout  (T.  F.),  The  Efupire  and  the  Papacy,  chap.  viii. 
An  excellent  summary.  Gibbon  (E.),  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  chaps.  Iviii-lxi.  CuTTS  (E.  L.),  Scenes  and  Characters  of  the 
Middle  Ages  (New  York,  1885),  pp.  157-194,  "The  Pilgrims  of  the 
Middle  Ages."  Lane-Poole  (S.),  Saladin,  and  the  Fall  of  the  Kingdom 
of  ferusalern  (Heroes  of  the  Nations).  Finlay  (G.),  History  of  Greece 
(Oxford,  1877  ;  ed.  by  H,  F.  Tozer),  vol.  iii,  pp.  219-280,  "The  Fall  of 
the  Byzantine  Empire";  vol.  iv,  pp.  132-173,  "  Dukes  of  Athens." 


CHAPTER  XIV 

SUPREMACY  OF  THE  PAPACY ;  DECLINE  OF  ITS 
TEMPORAL  POWER 

229.    Introductory  :   the    Papacy    at    its    Height.  —  In    an 

earlier  chapter  on  the  empire  and  the  papacy  we  related  the 
beginnings  of  the  contention  for  supremacy  between  pope 
and  emperor.  In  the  present  chapter  we  shall  first  speak  of 
the  papacy  at  the  height  of  its  power,  and  then  tell  how,  as  the 
popes,  with  the  empire  ruined,  seemed  about  to  reahze  their 
ideal  of  a  universal  ecclesiastical  and  secular  monarchy,  their 
temporal  power  was  shattered  by  a  new  opposing  force,  —  the 
rising  nations. 

The  temporary  success  of  the  papal  party,  and  the  virtual 
establishment  for  a  time  of  a  theocracy  over  Western  Christen- 
dom, was  due  more  than  to  aught  else  to  the  fortunate  suc- 
cession in  the  papal  chair  of  great  men  all  animated  by  the 
steady  purpose  of  making  supreme  the  authority  of  the  Roman 
see.  We  have  already  noticed  the  work  of  some  of  these 
makers  of  the  papacy,  notably  that  of  Pope  Gregory  VII. 
Gregory  had  many  worthy  successors.  The  most  eminent  of 
these  were  Alexander  III  (1159-1181)  and  Innocent  III 
(i  198-12 16),  under  whom  the  power  of  the  papacy  was  at 
its  height. 

In  the  paragraphs  immediately  following  we  shall  glance  at 
some  of  the  events  which  signaKzed  the  pontificates  of  these 
representatives  of  the  papal  supremacy.  The  events  we  shall 
touch  upon  are  those  which  record  the  triumph  of  the  papacy 
first  over  the  empire  and  then  over  the  kings  of  France  and 
England. 

257 


258  MedicBval  History 

230.    Pope  Alexander  III  and  Emperor  Frederick  Barbarossa. 

—  A  little  after  the  settlement  known  as  the  Concordat  of 
Worms  (par.  185)  the  first  of  the  house  of  Hohenstaufen  came 
to  the  German  throne,  and  then  began  a  fierce  contention,  last- 
ing, with  intervals  of  strained  peace,  for  more  than  a  century, 
between  the  emperors  of  this  proud  family  and  the  successive 
occupants  of  the  papal  chair.  This  contest  was  practically  the 
continuation,  although  under  changed  conditions  of  course, 
of  the  struggle  begun  long  before  to  decide  which  should  be 
supreme,  the  "world-priest"  or  the  "world-king." 

The  contention  filled  Germany  and  Italy,  all  the  lands  over 
which  the  emperors  claimed  supremacy,  with  turmoil  and 
violence.  The  story  of  the  struggle,  given  with  any  detail, 
would  fill  many  volumes.  In  the  present  connection  we  can 
do  no  more  than  simply  note  the  issue  of  the  quarrel,  in  so 
far  as  it  concerned  Pope  Alexander  III  and  one  of  the  most 
noted  of  the  Hohenstaufen,  Frederick  Barbarossa. 

In  his  struggle  with  the  emperor,  the  pope  had  as  allies  the 
Eastern  emperor,  the  king  of  Sicily,  and,  above  all  others  in 
importance  to  him,  the  Lombard  cities,  who  were  rebelHous 
towards  Frederick  because  of  his  assertion  and  harsh  exer- 
cise of  imperial  rights  over  them.  After  maintaining  the  con- 
test for  many  years  Frederick,  vanquished  and  humiliated, 
was  constrained  to  seek  reconciliation  with  the  pope.  Then 
followed  the  Peace  of  Venice  (11 77)  with  its  dramatic  inci- 
dents. In  front  of  Saint  Mark's  Cathedral,  in  the  presence 
of  a  vast  throng,  Frederick,  overwhelmed  by  a  sudden  emo- 
tion of  awe  and  reverence,  cast  off  his  mantle  and  flung 
himself  at  the  feet  of  the  venerable  pontiff,  who  raised  him 
from  the  ground  and  gave  him  the  kiss  of  peace.  That 
was  for  the  imperial  power  its  second  Canossa.  Precisely 
one  hundred  years  had  passed  sinfce  the  humihation  of  the 
emperor  Henry  IV.^ 

1  See  par.  184.  For  further  notice  of  Frederick  Barbarossa's  reign,  see 
pars.  258  and  366. 


Pope  Iiuiocent  III  and  Philip  Augustus  259 

231.  Pope  Innocent  III  and  Philip  Augustus  of  France. — 
When  one  of  the  most  powerful  and  self-reUant  of  all  the 
emperors  after  Charles  the  Great  was  forced  thus  to  bow 
before  the  papal  throne,  we  are  not  surprised  to  find  the 
kings  of  the  different  countries  of  Europe  subjecting  them- 
selves obediently  to  the  same  all-pervading  authority.  French 
and  EngHsh  history,  of  the  period  covered  by  the  pontificate 
of  Innocent  III,  each  affords  a  striking  illustration  of  the  sub- 
ject relation  which  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  had  come  to 
sustain  to  the  papal  see. 

The  French  throne  was  at  this  time  held  by  Philip  Augustus 
(i  180-1223).  On  some  pretext  Philip  had  put  away  his  wife 
and  entered  into  another  marriage  alliance.  Pope  Innocent 
III,  as  the  censor  of  the  morals  of  kings  as  well  as  of  the 
morals  of  their  subjects,  commanded  him  to  take  back  his 
discarded  queen,  and  upon  his  refusal  to  do  so,  laid  France 
under  an  interdict.  Philip  was  finally  constrained  to  yield 
obedience  to  the  pope. 

This  triumph  of  the  papal  see  over  so  strong  and  imperious 
a  sovereign  has  been  pronounced  "  the  proudest  trophy  in  the 
scutcheon  of  Rome." 

232.  Pope  Innocent  III  and  King  John  of  England. — The 
story  of  Innocent's  triumph  over  King  John  (11 99-1 2 16)  of 
England  is  familiar.  The  see  of  Canterbury  falling  vacant, 
John  ordered  the  monks  who  had  the  right  of  election  to  give 
the  place  to  a  favorite  of  his.  They  obeyed ;  but  the  pope  im- 
mediately declared  the  election  void,  and  caused  the  vacancy  to 
be  filled  with  one  of  his  own  friends,  Stephen  Langton.  John 
declared  that  the  pope's  archbishop  should  never  enter  England 
as  primate,  and  proceeded  to  confiscate  the  estates  of  the  see. 
Innocent  now  laid  all  England  under  an  interdict,  excommuni- 
cated John,  and  incited  the  French  king,  Philip  Augustus,  to 
undertake  a  crusade  against  the  contumacious  rebel. 

The  outcome  of  the  matter  was  that  John  was  compelled  to 
yield  to  the  power  of  the  Church.    He  gave  back  the  lands  he 


26o  MedicBval  History 

had  confiscated,  acknowledged  Langton  to  be  the  rightful  pri- 
mate of  England,  and  even  went  so  far  as  to  give  England  and 
Ireland  to  the  pope,  receiving  them  back  as  a  perpetual  fief 
(1213).  In  token  of  his  vassalage  he  agreed  to  pay  to  the 
papal  see  the  annual  sum  of  one  thousand  marks  sterling. 
This  tribute  money  was  actually  paid,  though  irregularly,  until 
the  reign  of  Edward  III  (par.  237). 

233.  The  Mendicant  Orders,  or  Begging  Friars.^  —  The 
immediate  successors  of  Innocent  III  found  a  strong  support 
for  their  authority  in  two  new  monastic  orders  known  as  the 
Dominican  and  the  Franciscan.  They  were  so  named  after 
their  respective  founders.  Saint  Dominic  (11 70-1 221)  of  Old 
Castile  and  Saint  Francis  (about  1 182-1226)  of  Assisi,  in 
Italy.  The  principles  on  which  these  fraternities  were  estab- 
Hshed  were  very  different  from  those  which  had  shaped  all 
previous  monastic  orders.  Until  now  the  monk  had  sought 
cloistral  solitude  primarily  in  order  to  escape  from  the  world, 
and  through  penance  and  prayer  and  contemplation  to  work 
out  his  own  salvation.  In  the  new  orders,  the  members, 
instead  of  withdrawing  from  the  world,  were  to  remain  in  it, 
and  give  themselves  wholly  to  the  work  of  securing  the  salva- 
tion of  others. 

Again,  the  orders  were  also  as  orders  to  renounce  all  earthly 
possessions,  and,  "  espousing  Poverty  as  a  bride,"  to  rely  entirely 
for  support  upon  the  daily  and  voluntary  alms  of  the  pious.^ 
Hitherto,  while  the  individual  members  of  a  monastic  order 
must  affect  extreme  poverty,  the  house  or  fraternity  might 
possess  any  amount  of  communal  wealth.  This  had  led  to 
indolence  and  laxity  of  discipline,  and  the  espousal  of  poverty 

2  From  fratres^  freres,  "  brethren." 

3  The  Mendicant  Friars  did  not  long  rely  wholly  upon  the  "  voluntary  system  " 
for  support.  They  came  to  interpret  their  vow  of  poverty  more  liberally,  and 
believed  that  they  met  its  obligations  when  they  put  the  title  of  the  property 
they  acquired  in  the  hands  of  the  pope,  while  they  themselves  simply  enjoyed 
the  use  of  it.  The  new  fraternities  grew  in  time  to  be  among  the  richest  of 
the  monastic  orders. 


The  Mendicant  Orders,  or  Begging  Fjiars        261 

by  the  new  brotherhood  was  a  protest  against  the  luxurious 
vices  of  the  old  orders. 

There  was  at  first  a  wide  difference  between  the  two  fra- 
ternities. Saint  Francis  and  the  disciples  whom  his  boundless 
self-sacrificing  charity  drew  about  him  devoted  themselves, 
in  imitation  of  Christ  and  the  apostles,  to  preaching  the  gos- 
pel to  the  poor  and  outcast,  and  to  visiting  those  who  were 
sick  and  in  prison.  This  character  of  the  activities  of  the 
early  Franciscans  has  led  to  their  being  likened  to  the  Salvation 
Army  of  our  own  day.^ 

Saint  Dominic  made  his  appeal  to  the  higher  and  cultured 
class.  He  conceived  his  mission  to  be  the  combating  of 
heresy,  with  which  the  intellectual  ferment  of  the  times  had 
begun  to  fill  Christendom. 

These  different  tendencies  of  the  two  great  founders  are 
tersely  expressed  in  the  respective  titles  given  them  :  Saint 
Francis  was  called  the  "  Father  of  the  poor,"  Saint  Dominic 
the  "  Hammer  of  the  heretics."  But  notwithstanding  that 
the  differing  genius  of  the  two  saints  left  at  first  a  distinct 
impress  upon  their  respective  orders,  still  each  fraternity  in 
time  borrowed  much  from  the  other  and  the  two  finally 
became  very  much  alike. 

The  new  fraternities  grew  and  spread  with  marvelous  rapid- 
ity, illustrating  anew  the  power  of  genuine  self-abnegation  and 
sympathy,  and  in  less  than  a  generation  they  had  quite  over- 
shadowed all  the  old  monastic  orders  of  the  Church,  as  well  as 
the  regular  clergy,  who  were  hostile  to  them.  But  that  which 
it  alone  concerns  us  especially  to  notice  in  the  present  con- 
nection is  the  relation  of  the  new  orders  to  the  papacy.  The 
popes  conferred  upon  them  many  and  special  privileges,  and 
gradually  freed  them  from  all  episcopal  control.  They  in  turn 
became  the  staunchest  friends  and  supporters  of  the  Roman 

4  Canon  Jessopp  well  says  of  the  founder  of  the  Franciscan  Order,  "  Saint 
Francis  was  the  John  Wesley  of  the  thirteenth  century  whom  the  Church  did 
not  cast  out." —  The  Cotnitig  of  the  Friar s^  p.  47. 


262  MedicBval  History 

see.  They  formed  what  has  been  called  the  militia  of  the 
popes.  More  accurately,  they  formed  a  regular,  well-drilled, 
obedient  papal  soldiery,  occupying  every  point  of  vantage 
in  Western  Christendom.  They  were  to  the  papacy  of  the 
thirteenth  century  what  the  Benedictines  had  been  to  Pope 
Gregory  VII,  or  what  the  later  order  of  the  Jesuits  was  to  be 
to  the  papal  Church  of  the  period  of  the  Reformation. 

234.  The  Papacy  brings  the  Empire  to  Virtual  Ruin.  — 
We  have  just  seen  how  the  imperial  power  in  the  person  of 
one  of  the  greatest  of  the  house  of  Hohenstaufen  was  humbled 
by  the  papal  authority.  We  have  now  to  witness  the  utter 
ruin  of  this  proud  house  and  the  downfall  of  the  empire  as  a 
real  international  force  in  European  affairs. 

The  empire  fell  at  the  very  moment  of  the  culmination  of 
its  glory,  if  not  of  its  power,  under  the  Hohenstaufen  Fred- 
erick II  (12 1 2-1 250),  whom  the  historian  Freeman  ventures 
to  pronounce  "  the  most  gifted  of  the  sons  of  men."  No 
emperor  before  him  had  conceived  a  loftier  ideal  of  the  world- 
empire,  nor  had  any  of  his  predecessors,  after  the  great  Charles, 
by  virtue  of  personal  qualities  imparted  to  the  imperial  office 
such  glamour  and  brilliancy. 

But  there  were  many  elements  of  weakness  in  the  empire,  — 
selfish  ambitions  among  the  German  princes,  rival  aspirants  for 
the  imperial  crown,  national  and  municipal  sentiment  in  Italy, 
and  the  jealousy  of  outside  rulers.  All  these  elements  of  dis- 
content and  opposition  w^ere  utilized  by  the  popes  to  effect  the 
undoing  of  the  emperor.  Throughout  his  long  reign,  laboring 
much  of  the  time  under  all  the  disabiHties  of  an  excommuni- 
cate and  with  his  authority  in  every  part  of  his  extended 
dominions  undermined  by  the  hostile  activity  of  the  papal 
agents,  the  Mendicant  Friars,  Frederick  fought  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  dignity  and  supremacy  of  the  imperial  power. 
He  died  in  1250  with  the  heavy  consciousness  of  failure.  Pur- 
sued by  the  hostility  of  the  popes,  his  posterity  was  extirpated 
root  and  branch. 


TJie  Revolt  of  the  Nations  26  3 

After  Frederick  II  the  empire  was  never  again  a  real  world- 
power.  But  the  emperors  in  maintaining  so  long  the  struggle 
with  the  papacy  had  given  time  for  a  new  power  to  arise,  which 
was  destined  to  avenge  them  in  the  overthrow  of  the  papacy 
as  an  international  lay  authority.  This  new  power  was  the 
awakening  nationalities. 

235.  The  Revolt  of  the  Nations. — The  fourteenth  century 
marks  the  turning  point  in  the  history  of  the  temporal  power 
of  the  papacy.  In  the  course  of  that  century  the  lay  rulers 
in  several  of  the  leading  countries  of  Europe,  supported  by 
their  subjects,  succeeded  in  regaining  their  lost  independence. 
France,  Germany,  and  England  successively  revolted  against 
the  papacy,  —  the  expression  is  not  too  strong,  —  and  formally 
denied  the  right  of  the  pope  to  interfere  in  their  political  or 
governmental  affairs. 

But  it  should  be  carefully  noted  that  the  leaders  of  this 
revolt  against  the  secular  domination  of  the  papacy  did  not 
think  of  challenging  the  spiritual  authority  and  jurisdiction  of 
the  pope  as  the  supreme  head  of  the  Church.  Their  attitude 
was  wholly  like  that  of  the  Italians  of  our  own  day,  who,  while 
dispossessing  the  pope  of  the  last  remnant  of  his  temporal 
sovereignty,  abate  nothing  of  their  veneration  for  him  as  the 
Vicar  of  God  in  all  things  moral  and  spiritual. 

236.  Pope  Boniface  VIII  and  Philip  the  Fair  of  France.  — 
It  was  during  the  pontificate  of  Boniface  VIII  (i 294-1 303) 
that  the  secular  authority  of  the  popes  received  a  severe  blow 
and  began  rapidly  to  decline.  Boniface  had  Gregory  VII's 
exalted  views  of  the  prerogatives  of  the  papal  office.  Taking 
as  his  warrant  for  the  exercise  of  jurisdiction  over  all  princes 
and  kings  these  words  of  Scripture,  "  Behold  I  have  set  thee 
over  kingdoms  and  empires,"  ^  he  assumed  an  attitude  towards 
the  lay  rulers  which  was  certain  to  bring  the  ecclesiastical 
and  civil  authorities  into  angry  and  violent  colHsion.  In 
the    year    1296    he    issued   a  bull   in   which,   under  pain   of 

5  Jer.  i,  10. 


264  Mediceval  History 

excommunication,  he  forbade  all  ecclesiastical  persons,  without 
papal  permission,  to  pay  taxes  in  any  form  levied  by  lay  rulers. 
All  civil  rulers  of  whatsoever  name,  baron,  duke,  prince,  king, 
or  emperor,  who  should  presume  to  impose  upon  ecclesiastics 
taxes  or  imposts  of  any  kind,  were  also  to  incur  the  same 
sentence.® 

PhiHp  of  France  regarded  the  papal  claims  as  an  encroach- 
ment upon  the  civil  authority.  The  contention  between  him 
and  the  pope  speedily  grew  into  an  acrimonious  and  undigni- 
fied quarrel.  In  one  of  his  letters  to  Boniface,  Philip  addressed 
the  pontiff  in  words  qf  unseemly  and  studied  rudeness.  PhiUp 
was  bold  because  he  knew  that  his  people  were  with  him.  The 
popular  feeling  was  given  expression  in  a  famous  States-Gen- 
eral which  the  king  summoned  in  1302,  and  in  another  called 
together  the  next  year.  The  three  estates  of  the  realm,  the 
nobility,  the  clergy,  and  the  commons,  declared  that  the  pope 
had  no  authority  in  France  in  political  matters  ;  that  the  French 
king  had  no  superior  save  God.  To  the  maintenance  of  the 
ancient  liberties  of  the  French  nation  they  pledged  to  Philip 
their  fortunes  and  their  lives. 

The  end  was  soon  reached.  At  Anagni,  in  Italy,  a  band  of 
soldiers  in  the  French  pay,  with  every  indignity,  accompanied 
by  blows,  made  Boniface  a  prisoner.  After  three  days  he  was 
set  free  by  friends  and  returned  to  Rome,  only,  however,  to  be 
there  made  the  victim  of  fresh  insults.  In  a  few  days  he  died, 
broken-hearted,  it  is  said,  at  the  age  of  eighty-seven  (1303). 

By  all  historians  of  the  rise  and  decHne  of  the  temporal 
power  of  the  popes,  the  scene  at  Anagni  is  placed  for  his- 
torical instruction  alongside  that  enacted  more  than  two  cen- 
turies earlier  at  Canossa  (par.  184).  The  contrasted  scenes 
cannot  fail  to  impress  deeply  the  thoughtful  student  of  his- 
tory with  the  vast  vicissitudes  in  the  fortunes  of  the  mediaeval 
papacy. 

6  This  is  the  celebrated  bull  known  as  Clericis  Laicos.  See  Henderson's 
Select  Historical  Documents^  p.  432. 


Removal  of  the  Papal  Seat  to  Avigno7i  265 

237.  Removal  of  the  Papal  Seat  to  Avignon  (1309-1376); 
Revolt  of  Germany  and  England.  —  In  1309,  through  the  con- 
currence of  various  influences,  the  papal  seat  was  removed  from 
Rome  to  Avignon,  in  Provence,  adjoining  the  frontier  of  France. 
Here  it  remained  for  a  space  of  nearly  seventy  years,  an  era 
known  in  church  history  as  the  *'  Babylonian  Captivity."  While 
it  was  estabhshed  here,  all  the  popes  were  Frenchmen,  and  their 
policies  were  largely  dictated  by  the  French  kings.  "  The  migra- 
tion to  France,"  says  Pastor,  "  the  creation  of  a  preponderance 
of  French  cardinals  and  the  consequent  election  of  seven 
French  popes  in  succession,  necessarily  compromised  the  posi- 
tion of  the  papacy  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  creating  a  suspicion 
that  the  highest  spiritual  power  had  become  the  tool  of  France." 

Thus  the  papacy  lost  that  character  of  universality  which 
had  been,  the  basis  of  its  influence  and  strength.  Under  these 
circumstances  it  was  but  natural  that  outside  of  France  there 
should  be  stirred  up  a  more  and  more  angry  protest  against 
the  interference  of  the  popes  in  civil  matters. 

The  measures  taken  at  this  time  by  the  national  assembhes 
of  Germany  and  England,  in  both  of  which  countries  a  national 
sentiment  was  springing  up,  show  how  completely  the  papacy 
had  lost  prestige  as  an  international  power. 

In  1338  the  German  princes  with  whom  rested  the  right 
of  electing  the  German  king,  in  opposing  the  papal  claims, 
declared  that  the  German  emperor  derived  all  his  powers  from 
God  through  them  and  not  from  the  pope.  The  German  Diet 
endorsed  this  declaration,  and  the  principle  that  the  German 
emperor,  as  to  his  election  and  the  exercise  of  his  functions, 
is  independent  of  the  papal  see  became  from  that  time  fonvard 
a  part  of  the  German  constitution. 

A  Httle  later  (in  1366),  during  the  reign  of  Edward  III,  the 
English  Parliament,  acting  in  a  like  spirit  and  temper,  put  an 
end  to  English  vassalage  to  Rome  by  formally  refusing  to 
pay  the  tribute  pledged  by  King  John,''  and  by  repudiating 

"See  par.  232.     The  payment  of  this  tribute  had  fallen  into  arrears. 


266  Mediceval  History 

wholly  the  claims  of  the  popes  upon  England  as  a  fief  of  the 
holy  see. 

238.  The  Great  Schism  (1378-1417).  — The  stirring  of  the 
national  sentiment  in  several  of  the  countries  of  Europe  was 
not  the  only  result  of  the  Babylonian  exile  disastrous  to  the 
papacy.  The  removal  of  the  papal  court  from  Rome  awak- 
ened great  discontent  in  Italy.  Rome  without  the  pope  was  a 
widowed  city.  It  was  torn  by  rival  factions,  its  buildings  were 
falling  into  ruins,  and  cattle  ''were  grazing  even  to  the  foot 
of  the  altar"  in  the  churches  of  Saint  Peter  and  the  Lateran.*^ 

The  return  of  the  popes  to  Rome  was  imperatively  neces- 
sary if  they  were  to  retain  any  authority  in  Italy.  Finally 
Pope  Gregory  XI  was  persuaded  to  break  away  from  the  influ- 
ence of  the  French  king  and  transfer  the  papal  seat  once  more 
to  the  Eternal  City.  This  was  in  1377.  The  following  year 
Gregory  died,  and  the  college  of  cardinals  elected  as  his  suc- 
cessor an  Italian  prelate,  who  took  the  name  of  Urban  VI. 
The  new  pope  unfortunately  was  of  a  harsh  and  imperious 
disposition.  His  discourteous  treatment  of  the  French  cardi- 
nals angered  them,  and  they,  denying  the  validity  of  his  elec- 
tion, set  up  an  anti-pope,  who  under  the  name  of  Clement  VII 
established  his  court  at  Avignon.  Such  was  the  beginning  of 
the  Great  Schism  (1378). 

The  spectacle  of  two  rival  popes,  each  claiming  to  be  the 
rightful  successor  of  Saint  Peter  and  each  anathematizing  the 
other,  naturally  gave  the  reverence  which  the  world  had  so 
generally  held  for  the  Roman  see  a  rude  shock,  and  one 
from  which  it  never  fully  recovered. 

239.  The  Church  Councils  of  Pisa  (1409)  and  Constance 
(1414-1418).  —  For  the  hfetime  of  a  generation  all  Western 
Christendom  was  deeply  agitated  by  the  bitter  and  unseemly 
quarrel.  No  peaceful  solution  of  the  difficulty  seemed  pos- 
sible. Some  even  favored  a  resort  to  force.  The  faculties 
of  the  University  of  Paris  invited  suggestions  as  to  the  best 

8  Pastor,  History  of  the  Popcs^  vol.  i,  p.  69. 


The  Papacy  irmains  a  Spiritual  Theocracy      267 

means  of  ending  the  schism.  They  received  ten  thousand 
written  opinions.  The  drift  of  these  was  in  favor  of  an  ecu- 
menical council.  Finally,  in  1409,  a  council  of  the  Church 
assembled  at  Pisa,  for  the  purpose  of  composing  the  unfortu- 
nate feud.  This  council  deposed  both  popes  and  elected 
Alexander  V  as  the  supreme  head  of  the  Church.  But  matters 
instead  of  being  mended  hereby  were  only  made  worse ;  for 
neither  of  the  deposed  pontiffs  would  lay  down  his  authority 
in  obedience  to  the  demands  of  the  council,  and  consequently 
there  were  now  three  popes  instead  of  two. 

In  14 14  another  council  was  called,  at  Constance,  for  the 
settlement  of  the  growing  dispute.  One  of  the  claimants 
resigned  and  the  other  two  were  deposed.  A  new  pope  was 
then  elected,  the  choice  of  the  assembly  falling  upon  Cardinal 
Colonna,  who  became  Pope  Martin  V  (141 7).  In  his  person 
the  Catholic  world  was  again  united  under  a  single  spiritual 
head.  The  schism  was  outwardly  healed,  but  the  wound  had 
been  too  deep  not  to  leave  peniianent  traces  upon  the  Church. 
Furthermore,  the  worldly  and  evil  lives  of  some  of  the  schis- 
matic popes  had  cast  ineffaceable  stains  upon  the  robes  of  the 
pontifical  office. 

The  Roman  pontiffs,  although  the  battles  of  the  lost  cause 
were  fought  over  again  and  again  in  different  countries,  were 
never  able,  after  the  events  of  the  fourteenth  century,  to  exer- 
cise such  authority  over  the  kings  of  Europe,  or  exact  from 
them  such  obedience  in  civil  affairs,  as  had  been  possible  for 
the  popes  of  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries.  The  splen- 
did ideal  of  Hildebrand,  though  so  nearly  realized,  had  at  last, 
as  to  one-half  of  what  he  purposed,  proved  an  utter  failure,  — 
"the  grandest  and  most  magnificent  failure  in  human  history." 

240.  The  Papacy  remains  a  Spiritual  Theocracy.  —  We  say 
that  the  B-oman  pontiffs  failed  as  to  one-half  their  purpose ; 
for  while  they  failed  to  make  good  their  supremacy  in  tem- 
poral affairs,  they  did  succeed  in  establishing  and  perpetuating 
an  absolute  spiritual  dominion,  their  plenary  authority  in  all 


268  Mediceval  History 

matters  of  faith  being  to-day  acknowledged  by  more  than  one- 
half  of  all  those  who  bear  the  name  of  Christian. 

The  Council  of  Constance,  indeed,  decreed  that  the  pope 
is  subject  to  an  ecumenical  council,  and  that  a  decision  of 
the  Roman  see  may  be  appealed  from  to  the  judgment  of  the 
Church  gathered  in  one  of  these  great  assemblies,  which  were 
to  be  convened  at  least  every  ten  years.  Thus  the  Church  was 
for  a  moment  practically  converted  into  a  limited  monarchy ; 
and  perhaps  if  this  form  could  actually  have  been  impressed 
upon  it,  and  general  councils  regularly  convened,  the  Church 
might  have  gradually  corrected  those  abuses  that  had  crept 
into  it,  and  the  great  popular  revolt  of  the  sixteenth  century 
have  been  prevented.  But  Martin  V,  the  pope  elected  by  this 
same  council,  in  opposition  to  its  edicts,  issued  a  bull  declar- 
ing "  it  unlawful  for  any  one  either  to  appeal  from  the  judg- 
ment of  the  apostolic  see,  or  to  reject  its  decisions  in  matters 
of  faith."  On  the  other  hand,  the  Council  of  Basel,  —  the 
third  and  last  of  the  great  reforming  councils  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  —  which  assembled  in  1431,  setting  itself  against  the 
principle  of  papal  autocracy,  declared  any  one  appealing  from 
a  general  council  of  the  Church  to  the  pope  to  be  guilty  of 
heresy. 

The  papal  party,  the  party  of  absolutism,  carried  the  day. 
Only  one  ecumenical  council  has  been  held  since  the  Council  of 
Trent,  which  was  called  in  1545  to  pronounce  upon  the  doc- 
trines of  Luther  ;  and  this  assembly  (the  Vatican  Council,  1869— 
1870)  promulgated  the  decisive  edict  of  papal  infallibility. 

And  thus  the  papacy,  though  its  temporal  power  has  been 
entirely  taken  from  it,  and  its  spiritual  authority  rejected  in 
general  by  the  northern  nations,  still  remains,  as  Macaulay 
says,  "  not  in  decay,  not  a  mere  antique,  but  full  of  life  and 
youthful  vigor."  The  pope  is  to-day,  in  the  view  of  more 
than  half  of  Christendom,  the  supreme  and  infallible  head  of 
a  Church  that,  in  the  famous  words  of  the  brilliant  writer  just 
quoted,  "was  great  and  respected  before  the  Saxon  had  set 


Popes  and  Councils  269 

foot  on  Britain,  before  the  Frank  had  passed  the  Rhine,  when 
Grecian  eloquence  still  flourished  in  Antioch,  when  idols  were 
still  worshiped  in  the  temple  of  Mecca.  And  she  may  still 
exist  in  undiminished  vigour  when  some  traveler  from  New 
Zealand  shall,  in  the  midst  of  a  vast  solitude,  take  his  stand 
on  a  broken  arch  of  London  Bridge  to  sketch  the  ruins  of 
Saint  Paul's."^ 

Sources  and  Source  Material.  —  Henderson's  Select  Historical  Docu- 
ments, pp.  410-430,  —  a  variety  of  documents  illustrating  the  relation  of 
papacy  and  empire  during  the  reign  of  Frederick  Barbarossa :  p.  430, 
"John's  Concession  of  England  to  the  Pope";  p.  432,  "The  Bull 
'  Clericis  Laicos  '  "  ;  p.  435,  "  The  Bull  '  Unam  Sanctam'  "  ;  and  p.  437, 
"The  Law  'Licet  Juris'  of  the  Frankfort  Diet  of  1338."  Translations 
and  Reprints  (Univ.  of  Penn.),  vol.  iii,  No.  6:  documents  and  extracts 
under  §  iii,  "  Church  and  State  ";  and  §  iv,  "The  Council  of  Constance 
and  its  Antecedents."  Dante,  De  Monarchia  (see  above,  p.  212)  and 
Divina  Commedia. 

Secondary  or  Modern  Works.  —  Bryce  (J.),  The  Holy  Roman  Empire, 
chap,  xi,  "  The  Emperors  in  Italy:  Frederick  Barbarossa,"  and  chap,  xiii, 
"  Fall  of  the  Hohenstaufen."  Pastor  (L.),  **  The  History  of  the  Popes, 
vol.  i  (Catholic  ;  from  the  German).  Adams  (G.  B.),  **  Civilization 
dtcring  the  Middle  Ages,  chap,  x,  "  The  Empire  and  the  Papacy  "  (last 
part),  and  chap,  xvi,  "The  Papacy  in  the  New  Age."  Alzog  (J.), 
Universal  Church  History,  vol.  ii,  pp.  573-586,  for  Innocent  III  and 
his  relations  to  the  princes  of  Europe  ;  and  pp.  614-630,  for  Boniface 
VIII  and  Philip  the  Fair.  Balzani  (U.),  **  The  Popes  and  the  Hohen- 
staufen (Epochs  of  Church  History).  Fisher  (G.  P.),  History  of  the 
Christian  Church,  pp.  240-264.  Tout  (T.  F.),  The  Etnpire  and  the 
Papacy  (Periods  of  European  History),  chaps,  xi,  xiv,  xvi,  and  xxi. 
Kington  (T.  I^.),  History  of  Frederick  the  Second,  Emperor  of  the 
Romans,  2  vols.  Freeman's  Historical  Essays  (First  Series),  "  Fred- 
erick II."  Renan  (E.),  New  Studies  in  Religious  History  (New  York, 
1887),  pp.  305-329  ;  for  a  very  suggestive  essay  on  Francis  of  Assisi. 
Jessopp  (A.),  The  Coming  of  the  Friars.  Lea  (H.  C),  History  of  the 
Inquisition  of  the  Middle  Ages,  vol.  i,  chap,  vi,  "  The  Mendicant 
Orders."  Creighton  (M.),  History  of  the  Papacy,  vol.  i,  "The  Great 
Schism  ;  The  Council  of  Constance."  Wylie  (J.  H.),  The  Council  of 
Constance  to  the  Death  offohn  Hus. 

9  Essay  on  "Von  Ranke's  History  of  the  Popes." 


CHAPTER   XV 
THE   MONGOLS   AND   THE   OTTOMAN   TURKS 

I.  The  Mongols 

241.  Introductory. — We  have  witnessed  two  invasions  of 
civilized  Europe,  one  by  the  Germanic  tribes  from  the  north 
and  another  by  the  Saracens  from  the  south,  and  have  noted 
the  effects  of  each  upon  the  course  of  general  history.  Our 
attention  is  now  drawn  to  a  third  invasion,  this  time  from 
the  east,  by  nomadic  races  of  Asia,  —  the  Mongols  and  the 
Ottoman  Turks. ^ 

The  ultimate  results  for  European  civilization  of  the  Ger- 
manic invasion  were,  as  we  have  seen,  most  salutary  and 
happy,  because  of  the  fresh  mental  vigor,  the  firm  moral  quali- 
ties, and  the  political  capacity  of  the  invaders.  The  conse- 
quences, direct  and  indirect,  of  the  Arabian  invasion  were 
mixed,  and  it  would  be  difficult  to  make  an  appraisement  of 
its  net  effects.  The  results  of  the  Turanian  irruption,  on  the 
other  hand,  were  almost  wholly  disastrous,  as  we  shall  learn, 
to  European  civilization.  The  growth  of  the  promising  Rus- 
sian nation  was  checked,  and  its  social,  moral,  and  political 
life  sensibly  impaired  ;  while  all  the  countries  and  races  of 
Southeastern  Europe  were  subjected  for  centuries  to  the 
degrading  domination  of  a  race  alien  in  blood,  in  social  institu- 
tions, in  moral  ideals,  and  in  religious  belief.     Indeed,  some 

1  The  Mongols  and  Turks  belong  to  that  great  family  of  predominantly 
nomadic  or  pastoral  tribes  and  nations  variously  designated  as  the  Scythic, 
the  Turanian,  or  the  Ural-Altaic,  and  having  the  steppes  of  Central  and  Northern 
Asia  as  their  chief  original  seat. 

270 


TJie  Conquests  of  the  Mongols  27 1 

of  the   European   lands  thus  inundated   have  remained  sub- 
merged beneath  Asiatic  barbarism  up  to  the  present  day. 

This  comparatively  late  invasion  of  Europe  by  Asiatic 
nomads  is  noteworthy  especially  for  the  reason  that  it  was 
the  most  successful  of  all  the  attacks  during  historic  times  of 
Asia  upon  Europe,  and  the  last  conquest  of  European  terri- 
tory by  an  Asiatic  race.  Ever  since  the  force  of  this  formi- 
dable assault  was  broken  the  European  races  have  steadily 
encroached  upon  Asia,  and  it  does  not  now  look  as  though 
there  would  ever  be  another  change  in  the  tide  that  has  so 
often  flowed  and  ebbed. 

The  most  serious  of  the  inroads  or  threatened  inroads  into 
Europe  by  Turanian  tribes  to  which  our  attention  has  already 
been  drawn  in  the  present  survey  were  those  of  the  Huns,  the 
Avars,  the  Hungarians,  and  the  Seljuk  Turks.  Of  all  these 
folks  the  Hungarians  alone  have  a  history  which  forms  an 
integral  part  of  the  story  of  European  civilization.  In  marked 
contrast  to  substantially  all  the  other  invading  Turanians, 
they  adopted  the  manners,  the  customs,  and  the  religion  of 
the  European  peoples,  became  in  a  word  thoroughly  European- 
ized  and  Christianized,  and  for  a  long  time  were  the  chief 
bulwark  of  Christian  F^urope  against  the  inundation  of  the 
Moslem  Ottoman  hordes.  They  are  to-day,  after  the  Ger- 
mans, probably  the  race  of  most  youthful  energy  and  promise 
in  Europe. 

The  Seljuk  Turks  were  never  able  to  set  foot  on  European 
soil.  It  will  be  recalled  that  it  was  the  capture  of  the  holy 
places  in  Palestine  by  this  intolerant  race,  and  their  men- 
acing advance  towards  Constantinople,  that  alarmed  Western 
Christendom  and  led  to  the  First  Crusade  (par.  187).  Dis- 
sensions among  themselves  and  the  blows  dealt  them  by  the 
crusaders  brought  their  supremacy  to  an  end. 

242.  The  Conquests  of  the  Mongols.  — While  the  power  of 
the  Seljuk  Turks  was  declining  in  Western  Asia,  the  Mongols, 
cruel  and  untamed  nomads  bred  on  the  steppes  of  Central 


2/2  Mediceval  History 

and  Eastern  Asia,  that  nursery  of  conquering  races,  were  set- 
ting up  a  new  dominion  among  the  various  tribes  of  Mongolia. 
Their  first  great  chieftain  was  Temuchin,  better  known  by  the 
title  he  assumed  of  Jenghiz  Khan,  or  "The  Greatest  Khan" 
(1206-122 7),  the  most  terrible  scourge  that  ever  afflicted  the 
human  race.  At  the  head  of  innumerable  hordes,  composed 
largely  of  Turkish  tribes,  callous  and  pitiless  in  their  slaughter- 
ings as  though  their  victims  belonged  to  another  species  than 
themselves,  Jenghiz  traversed  with  sword  and  torch  a  great  part 
of  Asia.  Breaking  through  the  Great  Chinese  Wall,  built  some 
fifteen  centuries  before  as  a  defense  against  the  ancestors  of 
these  same  or  kindred  nomads,  he  conquered  all  the  northern 
part  of  China,  and  then  turning  westward  overran  Turkestan 
and  Persia.  Cities  disappeared  as  he  advanced ;  populous 
plains  were  transformed  into  silent  deserts.  Before  death  over- 
took him  he  had  extended  his  authority  to  the  Dnieper  in 
Russia  and  to  the  valley  of  the  Indus.  Even  in  death  he 
claimed  his  victims  :  at  his  tomb  forty  maidens  were  slain  that 
their  spirits  might  go  to  serve  him  in  the  other  world. 

The  vast  domains  of  Jenghiz  passed  into  the  hands  of  his 
son  Oghotai,  or  Oktai  (d.  1241),  a  worthy  successor  of  the 
great  conqueror.  He  pushed  outwards  still  further  the  bound- 
aries of  the  empire  in  the  east  as  well  as  in  the  west  of  Asia, 
and  made  a  threatening  invasion  into  Europe.  This  western 
expedition  was  led  by  the  celebrated  Batu,  and  was  con- 
ducted, we  are  told  by  military  experts,  with  "  consummate 
strategy."  A  large  part  of  Russia,  Poland,  and  Hungary  were 
overrun  and  devastated.  The  cities  of  Moscow,  Kiev,  Pesth, 
and  many  others  were  burned  and  their  inhabitants  slain.  In 
the  space  of  two  or  three  terrible  years  (i 238-1 241)  almost 
half  of  Europe  was  pitilessly  ravaged.  The  inhabitants 
of  the  other  half  —  such  as  were  not  insanely  preoccupied 
\^^th  the  quarrel  between  pope  and  emperor  —  seemed  to  be 
stunned.  They  made  no  concerted  efforts  to  check  the  prog- 
ress of  the  invaders.     They  apparently  regarded  the  visitation 


TJie  Conquests  of  the  Mongols  273 

as  though  it  were  some  destructive  convulsion  of  nature  for 
which  there  was  no  help  or  remedy.  Fortunately,  just  at 
this  critical  moment  Oktai  died.  Batu  was  recalled  to  Asia 
—  and  the  civilization  of  Western  E2urope  escaped  the  threat- 
ened destruction. 

A  successor  of  Oktai,  Kublai  Khan  (12 59-1 294),  still 
further  enlarged  the  empire.  One  of  his  most  important 
conquests  was  effected  by  his  lieutenant  Hulagu,  who  captured 
Bagdad  (1277)  and  brought  to  an  end  the  caliphate  of  the 
Abbassides  (par.  92).  Kublai's  dominions  finally  came  to 
embrace  most  of  Asia  together  with  Russia.  Never  before  had 
so  much  of  the  earth  been  subject  to  a  single  will. 

Kublai  made  Cambalu,  the  modern  Peking,  his  royal  seat, 
and  there  received  ambassadors  and  visitors  from  all  parts  of 
the  world.  It  was  at  the  court  of  this  prince  that  the  cele- 
brated Italian  traveler  Marco  Polo  resided  many  years  and 
gained  that  valuable  and  quickening  knowledge  of  the  Far  East 
which  he  communicated  to  Europe  in  his  remarkable  work 
of  travels  and  observations. 

Upon  the  death  of  Kublai  Khan  the  immoderately  extended 
and  loosely  knit  empire  fell  into  disorder  and  separated  into 
many  petty  states.  Its  parts  needed  to  be  welded  again  by  the 
genius  of  another  chieftain.  Timur,  or  Tamerlane  (=  Ti77iur- 
tefik,  "Timur  the  lame":  1369-1405),  a  remote  relative  of 
Jenghiz  Khan,  was  the  one  chosen  by  destiny  for  the  work  of 
reestablishing  the  Mongol  dominion.  He  made  Samarcand 
in  Central  Asia  his  capital  and  seems  to  have  deliberately  set 
about  reducing  the  whole  earth  to  obedience.  He  is  said  to 
have  declared  that  "  since  God  is  one  and  hath  no  partner, 
therefore  the  vicegerent  over  the  lands  of  the  Lord  must  be 
one."  If  we  may  credit  his  Me??ioirs,'^  he  conceived  it  to 
be  his  mission  and  duty  wherever  there  was  wrong  to  right  it ; 
wherever  there  was  anarchy  to  establish  order ;  and  wherever 
there  was  oppression  to  deliver  the  oppressed. 

2  See  "  Sources  "  at  end  of  chapter. 


274  MedicBval  History 

The  anarchical  condition  of  things  in  the  various  principah- 
ties  of  the  former  empire  of  Kiiblai  Khan  afforded  him  work 
enough  to  do.  At  the  head  of  immense  armies,  composed 
of  various  tribes,  he  traversed  anew  a  great  part  of  the  lands 
that  had  been  tracked  by  the  sanguinary  marches  of  his 
Mongol  predecessors.  His  trail  was  marked  by  bleaching 
bones  and  charred  ruins.  It  was  his  custom  to  use  the  heads 
and  bodies  of  his  enemies  as  building  material  for  the  con- 
struction of  great  pyramids,  the  ghastly  monuments  of  his 
revenge  for  resistance  or  rebellion. 

But  upon  the  ruins  he  had  made,  Timur  erected  a  vast  empire. 
A  great  part  of  Asia  acknowledged  his  authority.  Chieftains  of 
remote  regions  are  represented  as  giving  him  their  allegiance 
in  these  words  :  "  We  have  placed  the  collar  of  obedience  on 
the  neck  of  our  life,  and  the  saddle  of  servitude  on  our  back." 
Over  his  wide  dominions  Timur  ruled  with  a  measure  of  mod- 
eration and  equity  which  proves  that  he  was  something  besides 
a  mere  ruthless  conqueror  and  destroyer  of  men. 

Timur's  immense  empire  crumbled  to  pieces  after  his  death. 
One  of  his  descendants,  Babar,  or  Baber,  by  name,  invaded 
India  (1525)  and  established  there  what  became  known  as 
the  Kingdom  of  the  Great  Moguls.  This  Mongol  state  lasted 
over  two  hundred  years,  —  until  destroyed  by  the  English  in 
the  eighteenth  century.  The  magnificence  of  the  court  of  the 
Great  Moguls  at  Delhi  and  Agra  is  one  of  the  most  splendid 
traditions  of  the  East.  These  foreign  rulers  gave  India  some 
of  her  finest  architectural  monuments.  The  mausoleum  at 
Agra,  known  as  the  Taj  Mahal,  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful 
structures  in  the  world .^ 

243.  Historical  Results  of  the  Mongol  Outbreak. — Asia 
has  never  recovered  from  the  terrible  devastation  wrought  by 

3  Wherever  we  find  an  upspringing  of  art  and  architecture  under  the  Mon- 
gols we  shall  not  be  wrong  in  attributing  it  to  the  influence  upon  them  of  the 
civilizations  wth  which  they  came  in  contact  in  China,  Persia,  India,  and 
Western  Asia.  Their  architects  and  artisans  were  generally  furnished  by  the 
conquered  races  or  by  the  cities  of  Western  Europe. 


Historical  Results  of  the  Mongol  Outbreak      275 

the  Mongol  conquerors.  Many  districts  swarming  with  Hfe 
were  swept  clean  of  their  population  by  these  destroyers  of 
the  race  and  have  remained  to  this  day  desolate  as  the  tomb. 
Speaking  of  the  once  populous  district  lying  southeastward  of 
the  Caspian,  M.  Re'musat  affirms  that  five  centuries  have  not 
sufficed  to  repair  the  ravages  of  four  years. 

But  the  consequences  for  Asia  of  the  great  uj)heaval  were 
not  wholly  negative.  One  important  positive  result  of  these 
revolutions  was  the  definitive  establishment  of  the  Lamaic 
hierarchy  of  Thibet.  At  the  time  of  the  Mongol  conquests 
Buddhism  had  already  established  itself  in  that  country.  To 
the  head  of  the  Buddhistic  priesthood  there,  the  Mongol 
emperors  came  into  some  such  relation  as  the  Frankish  kings 
entered  into  with  the  bishops  of  Rome  (chap.  vii).  Kublai 
Khan  elevated  the  living  Buddha  to  royal  rank  and  made  him 
overlord  of  Thibet.  Thus  were  established  the  rank  and  title 
of  the  Thibetan  Grand  Lama,  and  thus  were  laid  the  founda- 
tions of  the  temporal  sovereignty  of  this  remarkable  Oriental 
papacy.^ 

A  still  more  historically  important  outcome  of  the  conquests 
and  reign  of  Timur  was  the  establishment  of  Mohammedanism 
as  the  predominant  religion  of  Central  Asia.  Timur  avowedly 
founded  his  empire  on  the  morality  and  the  religion  of  Islam. 
In  his  Memoirs  we  are  told  that  he  was  inspired  to  wage  war 
against  idolaters  by  this  verse  of  the  Koran  :  "  O  Prophet, 
make  war  upon  infidels  and  unbelievers  and  treat  them  with 
severity."  Thus  the  wars  which  Timur  waged  were  not  mere 
wars  of  ambition  ;  they  were  in  the  nature  of  crusades  carried 
on  for  the  purpose  of  spreading  the  religion  of  Islam. 

But  it  is  the  relation  of  the  Mongol  eruption  to  the  history 
of  the  West  that  chiefly  concerns  us  at  present.  This  revolu- 
tion had  significance  for  European  history,  as  we  have  already 
intimated,  almost   solely  on  account  of  the  Mongols  having 

4M.  Abel-Remusat,  Melanges  asiatiqnes,  tome  i,  sec.  8,  pp.  I2c)-i45,  "  Dis- 
cours  sur  I'origine  de  la  Hierarchie  lamaique," 


2/6  MedicBval  History 

laid  the  yoke  of  their  power  for  a  long  time  —  for  about  three 
centuries  —  upon  the  Eastern  Slavs.  This  was  some  such 
calamity  for  Russia  as  the  later  conquests  of  the  Ottoman 
Turks  were  for  the  lands  of  Southeastern  Europe.  This 
Tartar  domination,  as  we  shall  learn,  left  deep  and  perma- 
nent traces  upon  the  Russian  character  and  upon  Russian 
history. 

But  there  was  some  good  issuing  out  of  so  much  evil.  As 
a  consequence  of  the  estabHshment  of  the  extended  empire 
of  the  Mongols  there  was  better  communication  on  the  land 
side  between  Europe  and  Eastern  Asia  than  had  ever  existed 
before  or  was  destined  to  exist  again  until  the  construction  in 
our  own  day  of  the  Trans-Siberian  Railroad.  The  way  was 
long  and  wearisome  but  comparatively  safe,  and  consequently 
it  was  traversed  back  and  forth  by  embassies  between  the 
European  courts  and  the  Mongol  potentates,  and  by  mis- 
sionary monks,  artisans,  merchants,  and  explorers.  These 
missions  and  these  expeditions  of  trade  and  adventure  "  pro- 
longed, extended,  and  multiplied  the  relations  which  the  Cru- 
sades had  created  between  the  East  and  the  West."  ^  Marco 
Polo  is  the  type  and  symbol  of  it  all  (par.  228).  Through 
this  means  there  were  brought  into  Europe  from  the  Far  East 
various  arts,  ideas,  and  inventions  which  undoubtedly  con- 
tributed to  the  revival  of  culture  in  the  West  and  to  the 
inauguration  of  a  new  age  for  the  European  peoples. 

M.  Remusat  ventures  the  opinion  that  the  progress  of 
Western  civilization  would  have  been  delayed  several  centu- 
ries had  the  European  peoples  been  left  to  develop  without 
aid  all  the  arts  and  industrial  processes  which  they  received 
from  the  East  during  the  sixty  years  of  Mongol  ascendency. 
"Thus,"  to  use  the  words  of  this  eminent  scholar,  "  the  ambi- 
tion of  the  conqueror  serves,  although  independently  of  his 
will,  to  awaken   new  life  in   the   lands  to  which  he  has  not 

5M.  Abel-Remusat,  Melanges  asiatiques,  tome  i,  sec.  24,  "  Sur  les  relations 
politiques  des  Rois  de  France  avec  les  Empereurs  mongols." 


The  Beginnings  of  the  Ottoman  Empire         277 

been  able  to  extend  his  ravages,  and  thus  we  see  civilization 
aided  in  its  progress  by  the  very  scourges  which  seemed  des- 
tined to  annihilate  it." 


II.  The  Ottoman  Turks. 

244.  The  Beginnings  of  the  Ottoman  Empire.  —  The  latest, 
most  permanent,  and  most  important  historically  of  all  the 
Turanian  sovereignties  was  that  established  by  the  Ottoman 
Turks.  The  first  appearance  of  this  folk  upon  the  arena  of 
history  was  dramatic,  and  prophetic  of  their  conquering  career. 
About  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century  a  chieftain,  accom- 
panied by  a  band  of  several  hundred  horsemen,  was  riding 
over  the  hills  of  Anatolia  in  the  neighborhood  of  Angora. 
Unexpectedly  the  wanderers  came  upon  a  battle  in  full  prog- 
ress—  battles  were  to  be  found  almost  anywhere  in  those 
days  in  those  parts.  The  cavaliers,  through  sheer  love  of  a 
fight,  for  they  were  totally  ignorant  alike  of  who  the  com- 
batants were  and  why  they  thus  fought  together,  dashed  into 
the  thickest  of  the  battle,  chivalrously  taking  the  part  of  the 
weaker  and  yielding  side,  and  quickly  turning  the  fight  in 
its  favor.  It  developed  that  the  "  beneficiaries  of  their  chival- 
rous act "  were  Seljuk  Turks  forming  the  army  of  the  sultan 
of  Iconium.  The  grateful  sultan  invited  the  strangers  to  abide 
among  his  people  and  offered  them  lands  for  their  flocks. 
They  accepted  the  invitation,  and  the  settlement  thus  formed 
became  the  nucleus  of  the  great  Ottoman  Empire.'^ 

The  name  of  the  hero  of  this  story  was  Ertogrul.  The 
empire,  the  germ  of  which  he  planted,  bears  however  not  his 
name  but  that  of  his  son  Othman,''  for  the  reason  that  he  was 
the  first  to  assume  in  the  new  land  the  rank  and  bearing  of  an 
independent  ruler. 

6  Creasy,  History  of  the  Ottoman  Turks,  chap.  i. 

7  0thman  I  (1288-1326),  or  Osman,  whence  not  only  "Ottoman,"  but 
-'  OsmanUs,"  the  favorite  name  which  the  Turks  apply  to  themselves. 


2/8  MedicBval  History 

Gradually  the  Ottoman  princes  subjected  to  their  rule  the 
various  surrounding  tribes  which  the  Mongolian  conquests  had 
crowded  westward  into  Asia  Minor,  and  at  the  same  time 
seized  upon  province  after  province  of  the  Asiatic  possessions 
of  the  Byzantine  emperors.  During  the  reign  of  Murad,  or 
Amurath,  I  (i 360-1 389)  a  large  part  of  the  regions  that  came 
to  be  known  as  Turkey  in  Europe  fell  into  their  hands. 

245.  The  Janizaries. — The  conquests  of  the  Turks  were 
greatly  aided  by  a  remarkably  efficient  body  of  soldiers  known 
as  the  Janizaries,  which  was  organized  early  in  the  fourteenth 
century.  This  select  corps  was  composed  at  first  of  the 
fairest  children  of  Christian  captives.  When  war  ceased  to 
furnish  recruits,  the  sultans  levied  a  tribute  of  children  on 
their  Christian  subjects.  At  one  time  this  tribute  amounted 
to  two  thousand  boys  yearly.  This  method  of  recruiting  the 
corps  was  maintained  for  about  three  hundred  years.  The 
boys,  who  were  generally  received  at  the  age  of  about  eight, 
were  brought  up  in  the  Mohammedan  faith  and  carefully 
trained  in  military  service.  These  "  infant  proselytes  of  war  " 
formed  a  military  body  that  was  one  of  the  chief  instruments 
in  the  creation  of  the  Ottoman  Empire.' 

246.  Christian  and  Turk ;  Turk  and  Mongol.  —  Murad  I 
was  followed  by  Bayezid,  or  Bajazet,  I  (i 347-1 403),  the  rapid 
advance  of  whose  conquests  spread  the  greatest  alarm  through- 
out Central  and  Western  Europe.  The  old  crusading  spirit 
was  again  awakened.  The  warriors  of  Hungary,  Poland,  and 
France  collected  to  arrest  the  menacing  progress  of  the  bar- 
barians ;  but  the  allied  army,  numbering  a  hundred  thousand 
men,  was  cut  to  pieces  by  the  sabers  of  the  Turks  on  the 
fatal  field  of  NicopoHs,  in  Bulgaria  (1396).  Thousands  of  the 
knights  and  common  soldiers  who  were  made  prisoners  were 
barbarously  and  deliberately  massacred  by  their  captors. 

The  unfortunate  issue  of  this  terrible  battle  threw  all  the 
West  into  a  perfect  panic  of  terror.  Bayezid  vowed  that  his 
horse  "  should  eat  oats  on  the  high  altar  of  Saint  Peter's  in 


The  Fall  of  Constantinople  279 

Rome,"  and  there  seemed  no  power  in  Christendom  to  pre- 
vent the  sacrilege. 

Before  proceeding  to  fulfill  his  threat,  Bayezid  turned  back 
to  capture  Constantinople,  which  he  believed  in  the  present 
despondent  state  of  its  inhabitants  would  make  little  or  no  resist- 
ance. The  city  was  invested  by  the  Turkish  hosts,  and  the  fate 
of  the  capital  appeared  to  be  sealed.  In  vain  did  the  Greeks 
call  upon  the  Latin  warriors  for  aid  ;  Christendom  was  weak  from 
the  losses  at  Nicopolis,  and  besides  was  paralyzed  with  fear. 
But  though  no  succor  came  from  the  Christian  West,  aid  did 
come,  strangely  enough,  from  the  Mohammedan  East. 

Just  at  this  time  Tamerlane  was  leading  his  hordes  on  their 
career  of  conquest.  He  directed  them  against  the  Turks  in 
Asia  Minor,  and  Bayezid  was  forced  to  raise  the  siege  of 
Constantinople  and  hasten  across  the  Bosporus  to  check  the 
advance  in  his  dominions  of  these  new  enemies.  The  Turks 
and  Mongols  met  upon  the  plains  of  Angora,  where  the  former 
suffered  a  disastrous  defeat  (1402).  Bayezid  himself  was  taken 
prisoner  and  died  soon  after  in  captivity. 

This  disastrous  defeat  at  Angora  checked  for  a  time  the 
conquests  of  the  Ottomans  and  saved  Constantinople  to  the 
Christian  world  for  another  period  of  fifty  years. 

247.  The  Fall  of  Constantinople  (1453). — The  Ottomans, 
however,  gradually  recovered  from  the  blow  given  them  by  the 
Mongols.  By  the  year  142 1  they  were  strong  enough  to 
make  another  attempt  upon  Constantinople.  The  city  was 
this  time  saved  by  the  strength  of  its  defenses.  Another 
quarter  of  a  century  passed.  Then  finally,  in  the  year  1453, 
Mohammed  II  the  Great  (1451-1480)  laid  siege  to  the 
capital  with  a  vast  army  and  fleet.  The  walls  of  the  city 
were  manned  by  a  mere  handful  of  men.  After  a  short  invest- 
ment the  place  was  taken  by  storm.  The  heroic  emperor, 
Constantine  Palaeologus,  refusing  to  live  "  an  Emperor  without 
an  Empire,"  fell  sword  in  hand.  Of  the  hundred  thousand 
inhabitants  of  the  capital  forty  thousand  are  said  to  have  been 


28o 


Medi(Bval  History 


slain  and  fifty  thousand  made  slaves.  The  Cross,  which  since 
the  time  of  Constantine  the  Great  had  surmounted  the  dome 
of  Saint  Sophia,  was  replaced  by  the  Crescent. 

Thus  fell  New  Rome  into  the  hands  of  the  barbarians  of 
the  East  almost  an  exact  millennium  after  Old  Rome  had 
passed  into  the  possession  of  the  barbarians  of  the  West.  Its 
fall  was  one  of  the  most  harrowing  and  fate-laden  events  in 
history.  As  Mohammed,  Hke  Scipio  at  Carthage,  gazed  upon 
the  ruined  city  and  the  empty  palace  of  Constantine,  he  is 


The  Empire  of  the  Ottoman  Turks  about  1464 

said,  impressed  by  the  mutability  of  fortune,  to  have  repeated 
musingly  the  lines  of  the  Persian  poet  Firdusi :  "  The  spider's 
web  is  the  curtain  in  Caesar's  palace ;  the  owl  is  the  sentinel 
on  the  watch-tower  of  Afrasiab."  ^ 

248.  The  Ottomans  checked  by  the  Hungarians  and  the 
Knights  of  Rhodes.  —  The  consternation  which  the  fall  of 
New  Rome    created   throughout   Christendom    was    like    the 


8  Afrasiab  is  the  name  of  a  personage  who  figures  in  the  historical  legends  of 
Persia. 


The  Otto7na7is  cJiecked  by  the  Hungarians        28 1 

dismay  which  filled  the  world  upon  the  downfall  of  Old  Rome 
in  the  fifth  century.  All  Europe  now  lay  open  to  the  Moslem 
barbarians,  and  there  seemed  nothing  to  prevent  their  placing 
the  Crescent  upon  the  dome  of  Saint  Peter's. 

Various  efforts  were  made  through  councils  and  diets  to 
effect  a  union  among  the  different  Christian  powers  for  the 
recovery  of  Constantinople  and  the  expulsion  of  the  Turks 
from  Europe.  But  times  had  changed  since  Peter  the  Hermit 
and  Saint  Bernard  preached  the  Crusades  for  the  recovery  of 
the  holy  places  of  Palestine,  and  the  West  could  not  be  roused 
for  a  united  effort  against  the  infidel  intruders.  So  long  as 
the  crown  of  a  prince  was  not  in  immediate  danger,  he  cared 
but  little  whether  Christian  Greeks  or  Mohammedan  Turks 
knelt  in  Saint  Sophia.  Moreover,  the  disastrous  effects  upon 
faith  of  the  Great  Schism  in  the  papacy  were  yet  felt,  and  the 
voice  of  the  pope  had  lost  its  earlier  power  as  well  of  persua- 
sion as  of  command. 

But  though  no  plan  for  united  action  could  be  concerted 
among  the  Christian  states,  the  warriors  of  Hungary  made  a 
valiant  stand  against  the  Ottomans  and  succeeded  in  checking 
their  advance  upon  the  Continent,  while  the  Knights  of  Saint 
John,  now  established  in  the  island  of  Rhodes,  held  them  in 
restraint  in  the  Mediterranean.  Mohammed  H  did  succeed, 
however,  in  planting  the  Crescent  upon  the  shores  of  Italy  — 
capturing  and  holding  for  a  year  the  city  of  Otranto  in  Cala- 
bria (1480).  Before  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century  the 
conquering  energy  of  the  Ottomans  had  spent  itself,  and  their 
empire  had  attained  its  greatest  extent. 

The  Turks  have  ever  remained  quite  insensible  to  the  influ- 
ences of  European  civilization,  and  their  rule,  since  the  loss 
of  the  energy  and  capacity  which  characterized  the  earlier 
sultans,  has  been  a  perfect  blight  and  curse  to  the  Christian 
races  subjected  to  their  authority.  They  have  always  been 
looked  upon  as  intruders  in  Europe,  and  their  presence  there 
has  led  to  several  of  the   most  sanguinary  wars  of  modern 


282  Medicsval  History 

times.  Gradually  they  are  being  pushed  out  from  their  Euro- 
pean possessions,  and  the  time  is  probably  not  remote  when 
they  will  be  driven  back  across  the  Bosporus,  just  as  the 
Moslem  Moors  were  expelled  long  ago  from  the  opposite 
corner  of  the  Continent  by  the  Christian  chivalry  of  Spain. 

Sources  and  Source  Material. —  The  Life  of  /enghis  Khan  (trans, 
from  the  Chinese  by  Robert  K.  Douglas:  London,  1877).  We  have 
here  from  Chinese  records  three  narratives,  dealing  chiefly  with  Jen- 
ghiz's  conquests  in  China,  woven  into  a  single  account.  The  four 7iey  of 
Williatn  of  Rubruck  to  the  Eastern  Parts  of  the  World,  12^3-55  (trans, 
by  William  W.  Rockhill ;  printed  for  the  Hakluyt  Society:  London, 
1900).  William  of  Rubruck,  or  Rubruquis  as  he  is  more  commonly 
designated,  was  a  Franciscan  friar  sent  by  Saint  Louis  of  France  on  a 
secret  embassy  to  the  camp  of  the  Mongol  emperor  Mangu  Khan  at 
Caracarum  in  Mongolia.  For  the  internal  history  of  the  Mongol  empire 
his  remarkable  narrative  is  next  in  importance  to  that  of  Marco 
Polo.  The  Book  of  Ser  Marco  Polo  (see  p.  255).  Marco  Polo  resided 
seventeen  years  at  the  court  of  Kublai  Khan  at  Cambulu,  the  modern 
Peking.  He  saw  the  Mongol  court  at  the  time  of  its  greatest  brilliancy 
and  gave  Europe  a  vivid  description  of  what  he  observed  and  heard  in 
an  account  which  our  growing  knowledge  of  the  Farther  East  is  giving 
a  constantly  higher  reputation  for  accuracy  and  honesty.  Na^-rative  of 
the  Embassy  of  Ruy  Gonzalez  de  Clavijo  to  the  Court  of  Tiniour  at  Saniar- 
cand,  A.D.  1403-6  (trans,  by  Clements  R.  Markham ;  issued  by  the 
Hakluyt  Society:  London,  1859).  The  author  of  this  valuable  record 
was  sent  on  his  mission  by  Henry  IH,  king  of  Castile  and  Leon.  Insti- 
tutes, Political  and  Military,  written  originally  in  the  Mogul  Language 
by  the  Great  Timour  (trans,  into  English  from  a  Persian  version  by 
Major  Davy:  London,  1783).  The  genuineness  of  this  work  is  called 
in  question  by  many  Oriental  scholars.  It  is,  however,  a  remarkable 
book  and  should  not  be  overlooked  by  the  student.  The  purpose  of 
the  Institutes  is  thus  stated  by  the  (alleged)  imperial  author :  "  Having 
established  laws  and  regulations  for  the  well-governing  of  my  domin- 
ions, I  have  collected  these  regulations  and  laws  as  a  model  for  others." 
Respecting  his  government  Timur  says :  "  I  carried  on  the  business  of 
my  empire  by  generosity,  and  by  patience,  and  by  policy ;  and  I  acted 
with  courteousness  towards  my  friends  and  towards  my  enemies." 
Viewed  merely  as  an  ideal,  considering  the  environment  out  of  which  it 
arose,  this  is  remarkable.  The  Mulfuzdt  Timury,  or  Autobiographical 
Memoirs  of  the  Moghul  Emperor  Timur  (trans,  from  a  Persian  version 


The  Ottomans  checked  by  the  Hungarians        283 

by  Major  Charles  Stewart :  London,  1S30).  The  authenticity  of  this 
work  is  also  doubtful.  Extracts  from  it,  bearing  on  Indian  history,  are 
to  be  found  in  Elliott's  History  of  Ittdia  as  told  by  its  own  Historians, 
vol.  iii,  pp.  389-477.  Cathay  and  the  loay  thither  (Hakluyt  Society 
publications),  2  vols.,  contains,  along  with  much  other  matter,  several 
mediaeval  accounts  of  the  Mongols'  relations  with  China,  translated  by 
Henry  Yule. 

Secondary  or  Modern  Works.  —  Howorth  (H.  H.),  **History  of 
the  Mongols  frotn  the  A'inth  to  the  A-ineteenth  Century,  \vo\s.  The  best 
and  most  comprehensive  work  on  the  subject.  Creasy  (E.  S.),  *His- 
tory  of  the  Ottoman  Turks  (various  editions),  chaps,  i-vi.  Finlay  (G.), 
History  of  Greece  (ed.  by  Tozer),  vol.  iii,  bk.  iv,  chap.  ii.  Gibbon  (E.), 
Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  chaps.  Ixiv-lxviii.  Mijato- 
VICH  (C),  **Constantine,  the  Last  Emperor  of  the  Greeks  ;  or  the  Con- 
quest of  Constantinople  by  the  Turks  {A.D.  i4S3)-  The  best  account  in 
English  of  its  subject.  Poole  (S.  L.),  The  Story  of  Turkey  (Story  of 
the  Nations),  chaps,  i-vii.  Oman  (C),  The  Story  of  the  Byzantine 
Empire  (Story  of  the  Nations),  chaps,  xxv  and  xxvi.  On  the  rise  of 
the  Ottoman  Turks  and  the  Fall  of  Constantinople.  Freeman  (E.  A.), 
The  Ottoman  Power  in  Europe,  chaps,  i-iv. 


CHAPTER   XVI 
THE   GROWTH   OF   THE   TOWNS 

249.  The    Barbarians    and    the    Roman    Cities. — The   old 

Roman  towns,  as  points  of  attack  and  defense,  suffered  much 
during  the  period  of  the  barbarian  invasions.  When  the  storm 
had  passed  many  of  the  once  strong-walled  towns  lay  "  rings 
of  ruins "  on  the  wasted  plains.  Rome  itself,  as  we  have 
seen,  was  for  a  time  without  a  living  soul  within  its  walls 
(par.  62).  In  Britain  a  considerable  part  of  the  Roman 
towns  seem  to  have  been  virtually  wiped  out  of  existence  by 
the  Anglo-Saxon  invaders.  In  Southern  France,  in  Italy,  and 
in  Spain  the  cities  on  the  whole  suffered  less ;  yet  in  none  of 
the  countries  where  they  had  sprung  up  and  flourished  under 
the  shelter  of  the  Roman  rule  did  they  wholly  escape  hurt 
and  harm. 

But  it  was  not  alone  the  violence  of  the  destroyers  of  the 
empire  that  brought  so  many  cities  to  ruin.  What  chiefly 
caused  their  depopulation  and  decay  was  the  preference 
of  the  barbarians  for  the  open  country  to  the  city.  As  we 
have  already  learned,  they  had  no  liking  for  life  within  city 
walls.  Hence  it  was  inevitable  that  under  the  influence  of 
the  invasion,  city  life,  speaking  generally,  should  give  place  to 
country  life.  Up  to  the  eleventh  century  the  population  of 
Europe  was  essentially  a  rural  population  Hke  that  of  Russia 
to-day.  FeudaHsm,  which  had  its  first  development  during 
this  period,  was  an  economic  and  social  system  characteristic 
of  a  rural  and  not  of  an  urban  society. 

250.  Revival  of  the  Old  Towns  and  Founding  of  New  Ones. 
—  But  just  as  soon  as   the   invaders  had  settled  down  and 


Rapid  Development  of  the  Cities  285 

civilization  had  begun  to  revive,  the  old  Roman  towns  began 
gradually  to  assume  somewhat  of  their  former  importance,  and 
new  ones  to  spring  up  in  those  provinces  where  they  had  been 
swept  away,  and  in  the  countries  outside  of  the  limits  of  the 
ancient  empire. 

The  location  of  the  new  towns  was  determined  by  different 
circumstances.  The  necessities  of  trade  and  commerce  pointed 
out  the  sites  of  many  of  them,  and  formed  the  basis  of  their 
growth  and  prosperity.  Favorable  locations  on  the  sea-coasts, 
upon  the  great  rivers,  or  along  the  overland  routes  of  travel, 
as,  for  instance,  that  between  Venice  and  the  Netherlands, 
were  naturally  chosen  as  stations  for  exchanging,  distributing, 
and  forwarding  the  wares  and  products  of  the  times.  On 
such  spots  grew  up  rich  and  populous  cities.  Many,  particu- 
larly in  Germany,  sprang  up  around  castles,  frontier  fortresses, 
and  military  strongholds,  as  their  present  names  (Marienburg, 
Konigsberg,  etc.)  indicate.  Still  others  had  for  their  starting- 
point  monasteries  or  shrines.  All  the  forces  of  an  age  of 
expansion  and  progress  were  once  more  calling  into  existence 
cities  and  towns,  the  growth  and  the  decay  of  which  may 
perhaps  be  taken  as  the  best  register  of  the  growth  and  the 
decay  of  civilization. 

251.  Rapid  Development  of  the  Cities  in  the  Tenth  and 
Eleventh  Centuries.  —  During  the  tenth  century  Western 
Europe,  it  will  be  recalled,  was  terribly  troubled  by  the 
Northmen,  the  Hungarians,  and  the  Saracens  (par.  150). 
There  being  no  strong  central  government,  the  cities,  thrown 
upon  their  own  resources  for  defense,  sometimes  with  and 
sometimes  without  royal  or  imperial  sanction,  armed  their 
mihtia,  perfected  their  municipal  organization,  and  above  all 
else  surrounded  themselves  with  walls.  Strong  walls  were 
the  only  sure  protection  in  those  evil  times.  Thus  Europe 
became  thickset  with  strong-walled  cities,  the  counterpart  of 
the  castles  of  the  feudal  lords,  which  were  the  defense  of  the 
country-side. 


286  MedicEval  History 

252.  The  Towns  enter  the  Feudal  System ;  their  Revolt.  — 
When  feudalism  took  possession  of  Europe,  the  cities  became 
a  part  of  the  system.  They  became  vassals  and  suzerains. 
As  vassals,  they  were  of  course  subjected  to  all  the  incidents 
of  feudal  ownership.^  They  owed  allegiance  to  their  suzerain, 
were  he  baron,  prince,  prelate,  king,  or  emperor,  and  must  pay 
him  feudal  tribute  and  aid  him  in  his  war  enterprises. 

As  the  cities,  through  their  manufactures  and  trade,  were 
the  most  wealthy  members  of  the  feudal  system,  the  lords 
naturally  looked  to  them  for  money  when  in  need.  Their 
demands  and  exactions  at  last  became  unendurable,  and  a 
long  struggle  broke  out  between  them  and  the  burghers,  which 
resulted  in  what  is  known  as  the  enfranchisement  of  the 
towns. 

It  was  in  the  eleventh  century  that  this  revolt  of  the  cities 
against  the  feudal  lords  became  general.  The  burghers  by 
this  time  had  made  their  walls  strong,  and  had  learned  to 
fight  —  if  indeed  they  had  ever  forgotten  that  art.  They 
became  bold  enough  to  defy  their  lord  —  to  shut  their  gates 
in  the  face  of  his  tax-gatherer,  and  even  in  the  face  of  the 
lord  himself,  even  though  he  were  king  or  emperor,  when  he 
came  to  parley  with  them.  The  contest  lasted  two  centuries 
and  more. 

The  advantage  in  the  end  rested  with  the  burghers.  In 
process  of  time  the  greater  number  of  the  towns  of  the  coun- 
tries of  Western  Europe  either  bought  with  money,  which  was 
the  usual  mode  of  enfranchisement  of  English  and  German 
cities,  or  wrested  by  force  of  arms  charters  from  their  lords  or 
suzerains.  Many  lords,  however,  of  their  own  free  will  gave 
charters  to  the  towns  within  their  fiefs,  granting  them  various 
exemptions  and  privileges,  for  the  reason   that  this  fostered 

1  At  first  each  householder  in  a  town  was  a  tenant  of  the  lord  of  the  fief,  and 
was  individually  liable  to  him  for  rents  or  military  service,  but  later  many  of  the 
towns  as  towns,  that  is,  as  corporate  bodies,  became  responsible  for  the  rents 
and  services  due  the  lord.  It  was  not  until  the  towns  came  to  act  in  their  cor- 
porate capacity  that  they  became  an  important  factor  in  the  political  systeni. 


TJie  Status  of  tJie  Chartered  Towns  287 

their  growth  and  prosperity  and  made  them  more  profitable 
vassals  and  tenants.  Similar  motives  led  many  lords  to  estab- 
lish new  towns,  and  to  draw  settlers  to  them  by  conferring 
upon  the  places  market  privileges  and  various  immunities, 
including  certain  rights  of  local  self-government. 

253.  The  Status  of  the  Chartered  Towns.  —  In  many  cases 
the  charters  simply  defined  the  ancient  customs  and  privileges 
of  the  favored  towns  and  guaranteed  them  against  unreason- 
able and  arbitrary  demands  on  the  part  of  their  lord.  Even 
this,  however,  was  a  great  gain ;  and  as,  under  the  protection 
of  their  charters,  the  cities  grew  in  wealth  and  population, 
many  of  them  in  some  countries  became  at  last  strong  enough 
to  cast  off  all  actual  dependence  upon  lord,  or  suzerain,  became 
in  effect  independent  states  —  little  commonwealths.  Espe- 
cially was  this  true  in  the  case  of  the  Italian  cities,  and  in  a 
less  marked  degree  in  the  case  of  some  of  the  German  towns. 
Respecting  the  fortunes  of  the  cities  in  these  two  countries, 
we  shall  speak  with  some  detail  in  later  paragraphs. 

In  other  countries,  however,  particularly  in  France,  the  towns 
retained  only  for  a  short  time  the  partial  freedom  they  had  won. 
In  that  country  by  the  end  of  the  Middle  x^ges  their  franchises 
and  their  privileges  of  self-government  had  been  in  a  great 
measure  taken  from  them  and  they  had  become  subject  to  the 
will  of  the  king,  and  their  affairs  were  in  general  under  the 
superintendence  of  officers  appointed  by  the  crown. 

254.  The  Industrial  Life  of  the  Towns;  the  Gilds. — The 
towns  were  the  workshops  of  the  later  Middle  Ages.  The  most 
noteworthy  characteristics  of  their  industrial  life  are  con- 
nected with  certain  corporations  or  fraternities  known  as 
gilds.  There  were  two  chief  classes  of  these,  the  gild  mer- 
chant and  the  craft  gilds.  The  gild  merchant  appears  in  the 
towns  as  soon  as  their  commercial  life  becomes  in  any  way 
active,  that  is  to  say,  about  the  eleventh  century.  The  mem- 
bers of  the  fraternity,  speaking  generally,  were  the  chief  land- 
owners and  traders  of  the  place. 


288  MedicBval  History 

The  primary  object  of  the  association  was  the  promotion  of 
the  business  interests  of  its  members,  but  it  had,  Hke  all  other 
gilds,  a  social,  a  religious,  and  a  political  side.  Indeed,  it  was 
its  political  activity  that  gave  it  a  large  part  of  its  historical 
importance.  In  many  towns  it  formed  practically  what  might 
be  called  the  industrial  and  trade  department  of  the  city 
government ;  in  some  places,  particularly  in  England,  the 
entire  management  of  municipal  affairs  was  for  a  time  virtually 
in  the  hands  of  its  members. 

Later,  as  trade  developed,  the  craftsmen,  who  in  many 
cases  at  least  had  been  admitted  to  membership  in  the  gild 
merchant,  began  to  form  separate  fellowships  on  the  model  of 
the  earlier  society.  Gilds  of  this  kind  appear  both  in  the 
English  towns  and  in  those  on  the  Continent  during  the  course 
of  the  twelfth  century.  We  hear  of  unions  of  the  shoemakers, 
the  bakers,  the  weavers,  the  spinners,  the  dyers,  the  millers, 
and  so  on  to  the  end.  In  some  cities  there  were  upwards  of 
fifty  of  these  associations. 

No  sooner  had  these  plebeian  societies  grown  strong  than, 
in  many  of  the  Continental  cities,  they  entered  into  a  bitter 
struggle  with  the  patrician  gild  merchant  for  a  share  in  the 
municipal  government  or  for  participation  in  its  trade  monop- 
oly. This  conflict,  in  some  of  its  features,  reminds  us  of  that 
between  patrician  and  plebeian  in  ancient  Rome.  It  lasted 
for  two  centuries  and  more,  —  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth 
centuries  mark  the  height  of  the  struggle  on  the  Continent,  — 
and  during  all  this  time  filled  the  towns  with  strenuous  con- 
fusion. The  outcome,  speaking  in  general  terms,  was  the 
triumph  of  the  craftsmen.  The  gild  merchant  was  reduced 
to  a  subordinate  position  in  the  town  government  or  was 
absorbed  by  the  craft  gilds. 

The  internal  history  of  the  towns  during  the  fourteenth 
and  fifteenth  centuries  is  very  largely  the  story  of  the  gilds 
in  their  manifold  activities.  This  story,  however,  it  is  im- 
possible to  give    even   in  outline   in  our  short  space.     We 


The  Hanseatic  League  289 

must  content  ourselves  with  having  merely  indicated  the  place 
of  these  interesting  fraternities  in  the  hfe  of  the  mediaeval 
towns. 

255.  The  Hanseatic  League. — When,  in  the  eleventh  and 
twelfth  centuries,  the  towns  of  Northern  Europe  began  to 
extend  their  commercial  connections,  the  greatest  drawback 
to  their  trade  was  the  general  insecurity  and  disorder  that 
everywhere  prevailed.  The  trader  who  intrusted  his  goods 
designed  for  the  Italian  market  to  the  overland  routes  was  in 
danger  of  losing  them  at  the  hands  of  the  robber  nobles,  who 
watched  all  the  lines  of  travel,  and  either  robbed  the  merchant 
outright  or  levied  an  iniquitous  toll  upon  his  goods.  The 
plebeian  tradesman,  in  the  eyes  of  these  thieving  barons,  had 
no  rights  which  they  were  bound  to  respect.  Nor  was  the 
way  to  Italy  by  the  Baltic  and  the  North  Sea  beset  with  less 
peril.  Piratical  crafts  scoured  those  waters  and  made  booty 
of  any  luckless  merchantman  they  might  overpower  or  lure  to 
wreck  upon  the  dangerous  shores. 

Finally,  about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  some 
of  the  German  cities,  among  which  Liibeck  and  Hamburg 
were  prominent,  began  to  form  temporary  alliances  for  pro- 
tecting their  merchants  against  pirates  and  robbers.  These 
transient  leagues  finally  led  to  the  formation  of  the  celebrated 
Hanseatic'-^  League,  whose  firm  organization  as  a  poHtical 
power  dates  from  near  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury. The  confederation  came  to  embrace  eighty  or  more  — 
the  number  is  uncertain  —  of  the  principal  towns  of  North 
Germany. 

The  league  organized  armies,  equipped  navies,  and  exer- 
cised all  the  powers  of  sovereignty.  It  was  "  mediaeval 
Germany  on  the  sea."  It  carried  on  successful  war  against 
the  kings  of  Denmark,  and  with  the  threat  of  war  forced  from 
Edward  IV  of  England  important  concessions  in  favor  of  its 
merchants. 

2  From  the  old  German  hansa,  a  "  confederation,"  or  "  union." 


290 


Mediceval  History 


In  order  to  facilitate  the  trading  operations  of  its  members, 
the  league  maintained  in  different  foreign  cities  factories, 
magazines,  inns,  and  chapels,  which  were  in  charge  of  persons 
vowed  hke  monks  to  lives  of  celibacy.  These  stations  were 
somewhat  Hke  the  settlements  estabhshed  to-day  by  Europeans 
in  the  countries  of  the  Far  East.  The  most  noted  centers  of 
the  foreign  trade  of  the  confederation  were  the  cities  of  Bruges, 
London,  Bergen,  Wisby,  and  Novgorod.  The  Flemish  city 
Bruges  was  the  great  intermediate  station  between  Italy  and 


The  Hansa  Towns  and  their  Chief  Foreign  Settlements 

the  north  of  Europe.  The  estabUshment  of  the  league  at 
London  controlled  a  considerable  share  of  the  traffic  of  the 
British  Isles,  much  to  the  detriment  finally  of  the  English 
merchants.  Bergen  was  the  center  of  the  trade  with  Norway 
and  Iceland  ;  Wisby,  of  that  Avith  Sweden  and  Finland  ;  while 
at  Novgorod,  in  Russia,  were  gathered  for  distribution  through- 
out the  West  the  products  of  Russia  and  the  countries  beyond. 
The  league  thus  became  a  vast  monopoly,  which  endeavored 
to  control  in  the  interests  of  its  own  members  the  entire  com- 
merce of  Northern  Europe. 


Causes  of  the  Dissolution  of  t lie  League         291 

256.  Causes  of  the  Dissolution  of  the  League.  —  Numerous 
causes  concurred  to  undermine  the  prosperity  of  the  Hansa 
towns  and  to  bring  about  the  dissolution  of  the  league.  Most 
prominent  among  these  was  the  development  of  the  manufac- 
tures and  trade  of  the  peoples  whom  the  German  merchants  had 
for  a  time  commercially  subjected.  The  native  traders  now 
naturally  became  jealous  of  these  foreigners,  and  the  sovereigns 
of  the  land  in  which  they  had  been  allowed  to  establish  settle- 
ments found  it  to  their  interest  to  annul  the  privileges  formerly 
granted  them  and  to  encourage  home  industry  and  trade. 

Another  circumstance  which  caused  the  decline  of  the  influ- 
ence of  the  league  was  the  general  advance  in  civilization  of 
the  European  peoples  and  the  growth  of  strong  national 
governments  able  to  repress  brigandage  on  the  land  and  piracy 
on  the  sea,  and  to  maintain  armies  and  war  navies  superior  to 
those  of  the  league. 

Among  other  agencies  of  disruption  may  be  mentioned  the 
revolution  in  the  herring  fisheries,  an  important  industry  of 
the  North  German  cities.  In  the  earlier  days  of  the  league 
the  fish  on  which  this  industry  depended  frequented  the 
waters  of  the  Baltic  controlled  by  the  Hansa  towns,  but  in 
the  fifteenth  century  they  deserted  these  haunts  for  the  waters 
off  the  Netherlands.  In  this  way  a  lucrative  industry  of  the 
German  cities  was  virtually  taken  from  them  and  thrown  into 
the  hands  of  their  rivals. 

Coincident  with  this  revolution  in  the  herring  fisheries  came 
the  great  maritime  discoveries  of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth 
centuries,  which  transferred  the  centers  of  commercial  activity 
as  well  from  the  Baltic  as  from  the  Mediterranean  ports  to  the 
harbors  on  the  Atlantic  seaboard.  Finally,  the  Reformation 
and  the  accompanying  religious  wars  in  Germany,  which 
brought  many  of  the  Hansa  towns  to  utter  ruin,  completed 
the  dissolution  of  the  league. 

257.  Causes  of  the  Early  Growth  of  the  Italian  Cities.  — 
But  it  was  in  Italy  that  the  mediaeval  municipaUties  had  their 


292  MedicBval  History 

most  remarkable  development  and  acquired  the  greatest  power 
and  influence.  A  variety  of  circumstances  and  causes  con- 
curred in  promoting  their  early  and  rapid  growth. 

First,  these  cities  were  the  heirs  of  the  great  Roman  past 
in  a  truer  sense  than  were  any  of  the  towns  outside  of  Italy.. 
If  in  most  of  them  no  part  of  the  actual  machinery  of  the 
ancient  municipal  government  was  any  longer  in  existence,  still 
the  inspiring  memories  and  traditions  of  old-time  liberties  had 
not  yet  been  forgotten,  nor  were  destined  ever  to  be  forgotten. 

Second,  their  political  development  was  favored  by  the 
destruction  of  the  unity  of  the  peninsula  by  the  Lombards. 
There  being  no  strong  central  authority,  the  cities  came  natu- 
rally to  assume  large  governmental  responsibilities  and  to 
stand  to  one  another  in  the  relation  of  independent  states. 

Third,  the  weak  development  of  feudalism  in  the  peninsula,  as 
a  consequence  of  the  comparatively  small  number  of  the  barba- 
rian intruders,  favored  the  development  of  the  municipahties. 
In  the  struggle  here  between  the  cities  and  the  feudal  lords 
the  cities  triumphed.  Instead  of  being  brought  in  vassalage 
to  the  barons,  as  happened  almost  everywhere  else,  the  cities 
brought  them  into  subjection.  The  lords,  either  through 
choice  or  by  compulsion,  became  citizens  of  the  towns.  This 
absorption  of  the  feudal  nobility  into  the  citizenship  of  the 
towns  greatly  strengthened  them  and  contributed  largely  to 
the  development  of  that  diversity  of  life  and  that  extraordinary 
energy  of  character  which  distinguished  the  inhabitants  of 
these  city-republics. 

Fourth,  the  long  struggle  between  the  papacy  and  the 
empire  tended  greatly  to  enhance  the  liberties  of  the  Italian 
cities.  The  pope  and  emperor  were  constantly  bidding 
against  each  other  for  the  help  of  the  cities,  —  a  situation 
which  they  took  advantage  of  to  make  themselves  practically 
independent  of  all  superior  control. 

But  the  main  direct  cause  of  the  material  prosperity  and 
indirectly  of  the  poHtical  power  of  the  most  important  of  the 


TJie  Lombard  League  293 

Italian  coast  cities  was  their  trade  with  the  East,  and  the 
enormous  impulse  it  received  from  the  Crusades,  Venice, 
Genoa,  and  Pisa  became  immensely  rich  through  the  vast 
transport  business  thrown  into  the  hands  of  their  merchants 
by  the  crusading  movement.  And  after  the  Crusades  had 
ceased,  the  trade  to  which  they  had  given  birth  still  continued. 
The  returning  crusaders,  bringing  back  with  them  a  taste  for 
Oriental  customs  and  notions,  created  a  great  demand  for 
articles  of  refinement  and  luxury,  which  could  be  supplied 
only  by  the  Italian  traders  through  their  Eastern  connections. 
The  political  history  of  these  Italian  cities  is  very  intricate 
and  uninteresting ;  but  their  social,  artistic,  and  commercial 
records  form  the  most  brilliant  pages  of  the  annals  of  the 
Middle  Ages.  There  are,  however,  three  important  matters 
which  may  be  considered  as  belonging  to  their  general  polit- 
ical   history :    (i)    the    formation    of    the    Lombard    League, 

(2)  the  dissensions  of  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  and 

(3)  the  rise  of  despots  in  the  cities.  We  shall  speak  of  each 
of  these  matters  under  a  separate  head,  and  then  shall  proceed 
to  notice  some  of  the  more  interesting  and  instructive  circum- 
stances in  the  separate  commercial  or  intellectual  life  of  the 
representative  states  of  Venice,  Genoa,  and  Florence. 

258.  The  Lombard  League.  — As  we  have  previously  noticed, 
a  great  crisis  in  the  history  of  the  Italian  cities  was  reached 
when  Frederick  Barbarossa  became  emperor  (par.  230). 
Frederick  held  very  lofty  views  of  the  empire  and  its  provi- 
dential place  in  the  government  of  the  world,  so  that  not 
merely  a  very  natural  ambition  but  conceptions  of  duty 
caused  him  to  uphold  unyieldingly  the  imperial  prerogatives. 
He  was  influenced  doubtless  by  the  civil  lawyers  who  just  now 
were  engaging  with  great  enthusiasm  in  the  study  of  the  old 
Roman  law.  Now  this  law  had  made  the  authority  of  the 
emperor  over  the  cities  of  the  empire  virtually  absolute.  It 
was  ver\^  natural  then  that  Frederick,  under  the  influence  of 
the  jurists,   should   have    persuaded  himself  that  the  Italian 


294  Mediceval  History 

cities  had  been  making  encroachments  upon  the  imperial 
authority,  and  that  it  would  be  right  for  him  to  resume  the 
power  which  his  immediate  predecessors  had  allowed  to  slip 
out  of  their  hands.  He  would  rule  as  had  Justinian,  Charles 
the  Great,  and  Otto  I. 

With  Frederick  entertaining  such  conceptions  of  the  impe- 
rial prerogatives,  a  struggle  between  him  and  the  Italian 
cities  was  inevitable.  To  them,  his  claims  meant  tyranny  ;  to 
him,  theirs  meant  Hcense  and  anarchy.  Consequently,  when 
Frederick  attempted  to  place  his  own  judges  in  the  towns,  to 
take  away  from  them  the  right  of  waging  private  war,  and  to 
place  other  restrictions  upon  them,  there  came  an  armed  con- 
flict, which  lasted  for  thirty  years.  We  may  say  of  this  war 
between  the  emperor  and  his  city  vassals,  as  has  been  said  of 
our  late  Civil  War,  that  it  was  fought  to  get  a  definition  of  a 
constitution  —  the  unwritten  constitution  of  the  Holy  Roman 
Empire. 

Frederick  repeatedly  descended  into  Italy  with  an  army  to 
enforce  his  authority.  He  captured  and  burned  several  of  the 
cities  of  Lombardy.  At  last  the  powerful  city  of  Milan,  which 
had  heroically  withstood  his  arms,  fell  into  his  hands.  He 
scattered  its  inhabitants  in  villages,  after  the  old  Greek  fashion 
of  destroying  a  city,  and  razed  to  the  ground  its  walls  and 
buildings  (1162). 

A  confederation  known  as  the  Lombard  League  was  now 
formed  by  the  exiled  Milanese  and  a  large  number  of  the 
cities  of  Northern  Italy,  for  the  purpose  of  avenging  the 
wrongs  of  Milan  and  resisting  the  emperor's  pretensions.  The 
banded  cities  stood  firm  for  their  cherished  liberties.  Finally,  on 
the  field  of  Legnano,  in  1176,  as  we  have  already  related,  the 
Milanese  and  their  allies,  rallying  around  the  sacred  carroccio,^ 
inflicted  upon  the  imperial  army  an  overwhelming  defeat. 

3  In  the  eleventh  century  Heribert,  archbishop  of  Milan,  invented  for  that 
city  an  ensign  consisting  of  a  pole  bearing  the  crucifix  and  raised  on  a  chariot  — 
hence  called  the  carroccio.     The  car  was  drawn  by  four  yokes  of  oxen  and  was, 


Dissejisions  among  the  Italiaji  Cities  295 

The  battle  of  Legnano  is  noted  in  the  annals  of  liberty. 
"It  was  one  of  those  few  fields,"  writes  the  historian  Gallenga, 
"in  which  human  blood  flowed  sacred  and  holy."  A  truce  of 
six  years  was  the  prelude  to  the  Peace  of  Constance  (1183). 
By  this  agreement  the  emperor's  authority  over  the  cities  was 
reduced  virtually  to  a  titular  and  idle  suzerainty,*  while  their 
right  to  manage  their  own  internal  affairs  and  to  wage  private 
war  was  acknowledged. 

259.  Dissensions  among  the  Italian  Cities ;  the  Age  of 
Liberty.  —  The  cities  had  preserved  or  rather  recovered  their 
liberties.  They  had  secured  at  Constance  confirmation  par- 
ticularly of  the  cherished  right  of  private  war.  This  was  a 
fatal  privilege.  They  misused  it,  and  brought  upon  them- 
selves no  end  of  trouble  and  suffering.  For  a  century  and 
more  they  waged  ever-renewed,  bitter,  and  sanguinary  wars 
upon  one  another. 

The  causes  of  dissension  were  many  and  near  at  hand. 
"The  cities  fought,"  says  Symonds,  "for  command  of  sea- 
ports, passes,  rivers,  roads,  and  all  the  avenues  of  wealth  and 
plenty."  But  besides  the  numerous  causes  of  strife  between 
the  different  republics,  there  were  elements  of  discord  within 
the  walls  of  each  individual  city.  The  struggle  between  the 
papacy  and  the  empire,  in  which  the  Italians  perforce  took  part, 
divided  the  population  of  each  town  into  two  parties,  —  the 
GhibeUines,  who  adhered  to  the  emperor,  and  the  Guelphs,^ 

like  the  ancient  Ark  of  the  Israelites,  of  which  it  was  a  sort  of  imitation,  the  rally- 
ing point  of  the  army  on  the  battlefield.  Many  of  the  other  cities  followed  the 
example  of  Milan,  and  under  these  curious  standards,  "  the  sign  and  symbol  of 
all  they  held  dear,"  the  Italian  cities  marched  in  their  short  but  brilliant  career 
of  freedom. 

4  The  emperor  retained  the  right  to  place  representatives  in  the  cities  and  to 
receive  food,  forage,  and  lodging  for  his  army  when  he  might  chance  to  visit  Italy. 

5  These  names,  which  were  of  German  origin,  became  at  last  mere  party 
shibboleths.  Speaking  in  a  very  general  way,  it  may  be  said  that  the  Ghibel- 
lines  represented  the  intrusive  Teutonic  element  and  favored  a  feudal,  aristo- 
cratic organization  of  society,  while  the  Guelphs  represented  the  old  Roman 
population  and  were  supporters  of  liberal  democratic  institutions. 


296  Mediceval  History 

who  espoused  the  cause  of  his  enemy  the  pope.  The  history 
of  civil  dissensions  might  be  searched  in  vain  for  a  parallel 
to  the  bitterness  and  vindictiveness  with  which  the  struggle 
between  these  parties  was  carried  on  for  centuries. 

Still  another  very  fruitful  source  of  disorder  and  violence 
in  the  cities  was  the  presence  there  of  the  feudal  lords.  In 
other  lands  these  quarrelsome  folk  fought  out  their  feuds 
in  the  open  country ;  in  Italy,  in  the  streets  of  the  cities. 

Nevertheless,  though  fraught  with  so  many  evils,  "  Liberty," 
as  declares  Herodotus  in  speaking  of  Athens  and  the  achieve- 
ments of  her  free  citizens,  "  Liberty  is  a  brave  thing,"  The 
strenuous  freedom  of  the  Italian  cities  fostered  great  talents 
and  virtues  in  their  citizens.  Guicciardini  attributes  the  pros- 
perity, splendor,  and  brilliant  culture  of  the  Italian  cities 
during  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  to  the  local 
independence  they  then  enjoyed. 

260.  The  Rise  of  Despots.  —  The  constant  wars  of  the 
Italian  cities  with  each  other  and  the  incessant  strife  of  parties 
within  each  community  led  to  the  same  issue  as  that  to  which 
tended  the  endless  contentions  and  divisions  of  the  Greek 
cities  in  ancient  times.  Their  democratic  institutions  were 
overthrown,  internecine  war  and  strife  having  resulted  in 
anarchy,  and  anarchy  having  led,  as  always,  to  tyranny. 

By  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century  almost  all  the  repub- 
lics of  Northern  and  Central  Italy  down  to  the  papal  states, 
save  Venice,  Genoa,  and  the  cities  of  Tuscany,  had  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  domestic  tyrants,  many  of  whom  by  their  crimes 
and  their  intolerable  tyranny  rendered  themselves  as  odious  as 
the  worst  of  the  tyrants  who  usurped  supreme  power  in  the 
free  cities  of  ancient  Hellas.  They  possessed,  many  of  them, 
a  remarkable  "  energy  for  crime."  Their  strenuous  wicked- 
ness filled  the  land  with  violence  and  terror. 

One  thing  which  enabled  these  usurpers  to  seize  the  supreme 
power  in  the  cities  was  the  decay  of  the  military  spirit  in  their 
inhabitants.     The  burghers  became  immersed  in  business  and 


Venice  297 

delegated  the  defense  of  their  cities  to  mercenaries.  The 
captains  of  these  hireHngs  were  known  as  condottieri.  Some  of 
them  were  foreign  adventurers ;  all  were  soldiers  of  fortune. 
They  found  it  easy  to  overthrow  the  liberties  of  the  cities 
which  they  had  been  hired  to  defend.  Machiavelli  declares 
that  "  the  ruin  of  Italy  proceeded  from  no  other  cause  than 
that  for  years  together  it  reposed  itself  upon  mercenary  arms." 

We  shall  now  relate  some  circumstances,  for  the  most  part 
of  a  commercial  or  social  character,  which  concern  some  of 
the  most  renowned  of  the  Italian  city-states. 

261.  Venice.  — Venice,  the  most  famous  of  the  Italian  cities, 
had  its  beginnings  in  the  fifth  century  in  the  rude  huts  of  some 
refugees  who  fled  out  into  the  marshes  of  the  Adriatic  to 
escape  the  fury  of  the  Huns  of  Attila.  Here,  secure  from 
the  pursuit  of  the  barbarians,  who  were  unprovided  with  boats, 
they  gradually  built  up,  on  some  low  islets,  a  number  of  little 
villages,  which  finally,  towards  the  close  of  the  seventh  cen- 
tury, coalesced  to  form  a  single  city,  at  whose  head  was  placed 
a  ruler  bearing  the  title  of  Duke,  or  Doge,  a  name  destined  to 
acquire  a  wide  renown. 

Throughout  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries  the  galleys  of  the 
little  republic  were  defending  her  commerce  in  the  Adriatic 
against  the  Norman  and  Saracen  corsairs,  or  repulsing  formi- 
dable attacks  upon  her  island  home  by  the  barbarian  Slavonians 
and  Hungarians.  For  the  sake  of  protection,  some  Greek 
cities  upon  the  opposite  shore  of  the  Adriatic  put  themselves 
under  her  government.  Conquests  and  negotiations  gradually 
extended  her  possessions  century  after  century,  until  she 
finally  came  to  control  the  coast  and  waters  of  the  Eastern 
Mediterranean  in  much  the  same  way  that  Carthage  had 
mastery  of  the  Western  Mediterranean  at  the  time  of  the  First 
Punic  War. 

Even  before  the  Crusades  her  trade  with  the  East  was  very 
extensive,  and  by  those  expeditions  was  expanded  into  enor- 
mous dimensions.     The  sea  between  Italy  and  the  ports  of 


298  MedicBval  Histofj 

Egypt  and  Syria  was  whitened  with  the  sails  of  her  transports 
and  war-galleys.  It  will  be  recalled  that  she  took  part  in  the 
Fourth  Crusade,  which  resulted  in  the  capture  of  Constanti- 
nople by  the  Latin  Christians,  and  that  she  received,  as  her 
share  of  the  divided  lands  of  the  Eastern  emperor,  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus and  most  of  the  Greek  islands  and  shore  lands,  —  a 
goodly  empire  of  the  sea. 

One  of  the  most  important  matters  connected  with  the 
internal  history  of  Venice  is  what  is  known  as  the  closing  of 
the  Great  Council  just  at  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century. 
At  this  time  the  affairs  of  the  republic  were  practically  in  the 
hands  of  this  body,  which  was  a  legislative  and  executive 
assembly  consisting  of  members  representing  the  different 
wards  of  the  city.  It  was  an  elective  body  and  was  renewed 
each  year.  Every  citizen,  whether  plebeian  or  patrician,  was 
eligible  to  membership.  Between  the  years  1297  and  13 17  by 
a  series  of  resolutions  and  decrees  this  assembly  consummated 
a  measure  whereby  the  privilege  of  sitting  in  the  council  was 
confined  to  the  families  then  represented  in  it.  By  this  pro- 
ceeding the  hitherto  at  least  nominally  democratic  government 
of  Venice  was  changed  into  an  exclusive  oligarchy,  which 
character  it  maintained  until  the  fall  of  the  Venetian  state  five 
hundred  years  later. 

At  the  same  time  that  the  Great  Council  was  thus  closed 
against  the  commoners,  there  was  created  (in  1 3 1 1)  the  so-called 
Council  of  Ten.  This  was  a  sort  of  Committee  of  Public  Safety, 
with  very  large  powers  of  arrest  and  imprisonment.  One  of 
its  duties  was  to  safeguard  the  repubHc  against  conspiracies. 
A  certain  mystery  and  secrecy  enveloped  its  acts,  many  of  which 
were  cruel  and  arbitrary,  so  that  its  name  has,  though  perhaps 
with  some  degree  of  injustice,  come  to  be  associated  with  that 
of  the  decemvirs  at  Rome  and  that  of  the  dread  Committee 
of  Public  Safety  of  the  French  Revolution. 

Venice  was  at  the  height  of  her  power  during  the  thirteenth, 
fourteenth,  and   fifteenth  centuries.     Her  supremacy  on  the 


Venice  299 

Mediterranean  Sea,  which  was  as  complete  as  is  England's  on 
the  ocean  to-day,  was  celebrated  each  year  by  the  unique  cere- 
mony of  "Wedding  the  Adriatic"  by  the  dropping  of  a  ring 
into  the  sea.  The  origin  of  this  custom  was  as  follows.  In 
the  year  1177  Pope  Alexander  III,  out  of  gratitude  to  the 
Venetians  for  services  rendered  him  in  his  quarrel  with  the 
emperor  Frederick  Barbarossa,  gave  a  ring  to  the  Doge  with 
these  words  :  "  Take  this  as  a  token  of  dominion  over  the  sea, 
and  wed  her  every  year,  you  and  your  successors  forever,  in 
order  that  all  may  know  that  the  sea  belongs  to  Venice,  and 
is  subject  to  her  as  a  bride  is  subject  to  her  husband."  The 
annual  celebration  of  this  ceremony  was  one  of  the  most  bril- 
liant spectacles  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

The  maritime  power  and  ascendency  of  Venice  was 
embodied  in  her  famous  Arsenal.  This  consisted  of  a  series 
of  wharves,  dockyards,  and  vast  magazines  filled  with  marine 
war-engines  and  military  stores  of  every  kind.  In  the  city's 
palmiest  day  sixteen  thousand  shipbuilders,  workmen,  and 
guards  were  employed  here.  The  capacity  of  the  shipbuild- 
ing yards  is  shown  by  the  story  that  upon  the  occasion  of  a 
visit  by  the  king  of  France  a  galley  was  constructed,  equipped, 
and  launched  in  two  hours.  The  Arsenal,  as  the  above  tale 
illustrates,  was  one  of  the  sights  of  Europe  and  is  still  an 
object  of  interest  to  the  curious  traveler.  Dante  introduced 
in  his  Ijiferno  ^  a  celebrated  description  of  the  place,  doubt- 
less from  personal  knowledge  of  it. 

The  decline  of  Venice  dates  from  the  fifteenth  century.  The 
conquests  of  the  Ottoman  Turks  during  this  century  deprived 
her  of  much  of  the  territory  she  held  east  of  the  Adriatic, 
and  finally  the  discovery  of  the  New  World  by  Columbus  and 
of  an  unbroken  water  route  to  India  by  Vasco  da  Gama  gave 
a  death-blow  to  her  commerce.  From  this  time  on  the  trade 
with  the  East  was  to  be  conducted  from  the  Atlantic  ports 
instead  of  from  those  in  the  Mediterranean. 

6  Canto  xxi,  7-19. 


300  Mediceval  History 

262.  Genoa.  —  Genoa,  on  the  old  Ligurian  coast,  was  after 
Venice  the  most  powerful  of  the  Italian  maritime  cities.  She 
early  crushed  her  near  competitor  Pisa,''  and  then  entered  into 
a  fierce  competition  with  Venice  for  the  control  of  the  trade 
of  the  Orient. 

Like  Venice,  Genoa  reaped  a  rich  harvest  during  the 
Crusades.  The  period  of  her  greatest  prosperity  dates  from 
the  recapture  of  Constantinople  from  the  Latins  by  the  Greeks 
in  1 261.  Through  jealousy  of  the  Venetians,  the  Genoese 
assisted  the  Greeks  in  the  recovery  of  Constantinople  and  in 
return  were  given  various  commercial  privileges  in  places 
along  the  Bosporus.  Very  soon  they  established  stations  upon 
the  shores  of  the  Euxine,  and  began  to  carry  on  a  lucrative 
trade  with  Eastern  Asia  by  way  of  the  Black  Sea  and  the 
Caspian. 

The  jealousy  with  which  the  Venetians  regarded  the  pros- 
perity of  the  Genoese  led  to  oft-renewed  war  between  the  two 
rival  republics.  For  nearly  two  centuries  their  hostile  fleets 
contended,  as  did  the  navies  of  Rome  and  Carthage,  for  the 
supremacy  of  the  sea.  In  the  year  1380  Venice  inflicted  upon 
her  rival  a  terrible  naval  defeat  which  crippled  her  permanently. 

The  final  blow  to  her  prosperity,  however,  was  given  by  the 
irruption  into  Europe  of  the  Mongols  and  the  Ottoman  Turks, 
and  the  capture  of  Constantinople  by  the  latter  in  1453.  The 
Genoese  traders  were  now  driven  from  the  Black  Sea,  and 
their  traffic  with  Eastern  Asia  was  completely  broken  up ;  for 
the  A^enetians  had  control  of  the  ports  of  Egypt  and  Syria  and 
the  southern  routes  to  India  and  the  countries  beyond  —  that 
is,  the  routes  by  way  of  the  Euphrates  and  the  Red  Sea. 

"  Pisa  is  located  a  little  to  the  south  of  Genoa,  on  the  same  coast.  The  first 
battle  between  the  navies  of  the  two  republics  was  fought  in  1070.  Thence- 
forward for  two  centuries  the  rival  cities  were  engaged  in  an  almost  continuous 
war,  which  finally  resulted  in  the  complete  destruction  of  the  power  of  Pisa. 
Like  Genoa,  Pisa  contains  at  the  present  time  many  architectural  monuments, 
among  them  the  famous  Leaning  Tower,  dating  from  the  period  of  her  commercial 
prosperity. 


Florence  301 

Genoa  still  contains  many  architectural  monuments,  espe- 
cially superb  palaces,  which  bear  abundant  evidence  of  the 
genius  of  her  artists  and  the  wealth  and  munificence  of  her 
merchant  princes  during  that  splendid  period  when  the  renown 
of  the  city-republic  was  spread  throughout  the  world. 

263.  Florence.  —  Florence,  ''  the  most  illustrious  and  fortu- 
nate of  Italian  Republics,"  although  from  her  inland  location 
upon  the  Arno  shut  out  from  engaging  in  those  naval  enter- 
prises that  conferred  wealth  and  importance  upon  the  coast 
cities  of  Venice,  Genoa,  and  Pisa,  became,  notwithstanding, 
through  the  skill,  industry,  enterprise,  and  genius  of  her 
citizens,  the  great  manufacturing,  financial,  literary,  and  art 
center  of  the  later  mediceval  centuries. 

The  woolen  and  silk  products  of  her  looms  and  the  fine 
work  of  her  jewelers  were  famous  in  all  the  markets  of  the 
world.  Through  her  banking  institutions  she  became  the 
money  center  of  Europe.  The  list  of  her  illustrious  citizens, 
of  her  poets,  statesmen,  historians,  architects,  sculptors,  and 
painters,  is  more  extended  than  that  of  any  other  city  of 
mediaeval  times ;  and  indeed,  as  respects  the  number  of  her 
great  men,  Florence  is  perhaps  unrivaled  by  any  city  of  the 
ancient  or  modern  world  save  Athens.  In  her  long  roll  of 
fame  we  find  the  names  of  Dante,  Petrarch,  Boccaccio, 
Machiavelli,  Michael  Angelo,  Leonardo  da  Vinci,  Galileo, 
Amerigo  Vespucci,  and  the  Medici. 

In  no  other  of  the  Italian  cities  were  the  contentions 
between  Guelphs  and  GhibelHnes  more  constant,  bitter,  and 
bloody  than  within  the  walls  of  Florence.  The  triumph  of 
one  party  was  usually  marked  by  the  massacre  or  banishment 
of  the  leading  members  of  the  opposing  one.  Thus  it 
happened  that  through  the  changes  of  fortune  many  of  the 
most  renowned  citizens  of  Florence  were,  at  one  period 
or  another  of  their  career,  sent  into  exile,  just  as  in  demo- 
cratic Athens  ostracism  was  a  common  fate  of  defeated  party 
leaders. 


302  Mediceval  History 

Yet,  notwithstanding  the  incessant  discord  within  her  walls, 
Florence  during  all  these  troublous  times  continued  to  grow  in 
wealth,  influence,  and  fame ;  and  probably  we  should  not  be 
wrong  in  thinking  that  many  of  the  illustrious  men  to  whom 
the  city  gave  birth  during  this  period  of  strife  and  turmoil 
owed  their  greatness  to  the  seemingly  adverse  circumstances 
amidst  which  their  lives  were  cast.  Certainly  the  Divitie 
Co7nedy  owes  much  to  the  fact  that  Dante  had  tasted  the 
bitterness  of  misfortune,  defeat,  and  exile. 

About  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century  Florence  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  celebrated  Medici,^  a  Florentine  family 
that  had  grown  rich  and  powerful  through  mercantile  enter- 
prises. Their  despotism  was  maintained,  as  was  that  of  the 
first  Caesars  at  Rome,  under  the  forms  of  the  earlier  demo- 
cratic institutions.  These  usurpers  of  liberty  were  fortunately 
enlightened  despots  and  made  their  rule  generally  acceptable 
to  the  Florentines  through  a  munificent  patronage  extended 
to  artists  and  scholars,  an  unstinted  liberaUty  in  the  prosecu- 
tion of  magnificent  public  works,  and  the  glory  they  shed 
upon  Florence  by  the  maintenance  of  a  brilliant  court. 

264.  Services  to  Civilization  of  the  Mediaeval  Towns.  — 
Modern  civilization  inherited  much  from  each  of  the  three 
great  centers  of  mediaeval  life,  —  the  monastery,  the  castle, 
and  the  town.  We  have  noticed  what  came  out  of  cloister 
and  of  baronial  hall,  what  the  monk  and  what  the  baron  con- 
tributed to  civilization.^  We  must  now  see  what  came  out  of 
the  town,  what  contribution  the  burgher  made  to  European 
life  and  culture. 

In  the  first  place,  the  mediaeval  cities  bequeathed  to  modern 
times  certain  valuable  economic  ideals  and  principles.  It  was  in 
the  heart  of  these  communities,  as  within  the  early  Benedictine 

8  The  two  most  distinguished  names  of  the  house  are  those  of  Cosimo  de' 
Medici  (1389-1464),  who  was  called  the  "Friend  of  the  People  and  the  Father 
of  his  Country,"  and  Lorenzo  his  grandson  (1448-1492),  who  had  bestowed  upon 
him  the  title  of  *'  The  Magnificent." 

9  See  pars.  48  and  155. 


Civilization  of  the  MedicBval  Towns  303 

monasteries,  that  labor,  almost  for  the  first  time  in  history, 
if  we  except  the  teachings  and  practices  of  the  Hebrews,  was 
emancipated  and  the  stigma  put  upon  it  by  slavery  and  serfdom 
removed.^*'  In  the  cities  of  ancient  Greece  and  Italy,  speaking 
generally,  trading,  save  in  a  large  way,  and  all  manual  employ- 
ments were  relegated  to  servile  hands ;  a  citizen  engaging  in 
business  was  in  some  cases  punished  by  being  deprived  of  his 
citizenship,  since  he  was  regarded  as  having  dishonored  him- 
self, or,  in  the  words  of  Plato,  as  having  "  thrown  dirt  on  his 
father's  house."  ^^  In  the  mediaeval  towns,  on  the  contrary, 
it  was  a  very  general  rule  that  only  the  members  of  the  mer- 
chant and  craft  gilds  could  have  lot  and  part  in  the  municipal 
government.  This  meant  that  here  labor  had  ceased  to  be 
servile  and  was  coming  to  be  looked  upon,  at  least  by  the 
laborers  themselves,  as  honorable.  The  industrialism  of  the 
towns  was  based  on  this  new  feeling  regarding  labor.  This 
industrial  system,  resting  on  free  honorable  labor,  the  towns 
transmitted  to  the  Modern  Age.  This,  if  w^e  except  their 
political  gift,  was  their  great  bequest.-^^ 

In  the  second  place,  the  towns  were  the  cradle  of  modem 
commerce,  that  is  of  trade  on  a  large  scale  between  widely 
separated  cities  and  lands.  It  was  through  the  activity  and 
enterprise  of  the  mediaeval  merchant  and  trader  that  was  laid 

1*^  Serfdom  was  early  extinguished  in  the  to\ATis,  which  became  one  of  the 
most  powerful  agencies,  both  through  direct  action  and  indirect  influence,  in 
the  abolition  of  rural  serfdom. 

11  "  He  who  in  any  way  shares  in  the  illiberality  of  retail  trades  may  be 
indicted  by  any  one  who  likes  for  dishonoring  his  race,  before  those  who  are 
judged  to  be  first  in  virtue ;  and  if  he  appear  to  throw  dirt  upon  his  father's 
house  by  an  unworthy  occupation,  let  him  be  imprisoned  for  a  year  and  abstain 
from  that  sort  of  thing."  —  Laws,  xi,  919  (Jowett's  trans.).  So  also  Aristotle. 
Speaking  of  the  state  which  is  best  governed,  he  says:  "  The  citizens  .  .  .  must 
not  lead  the  life  of  mechanics  or  tradesmen,  for  such  life  is  ignoble  and  inimical 
to  virtue."  —  Politics,  vii,  9  (Jowett's  trans.). 

12  Modern  industrialism  is  as  distinctly  a  product  of  the  medicTcval  town  as 
modern  European  aristocracy  is  a  product  of  the  mediEeval  feudal  castle.  Both 
of  course  have  been  profoundly  modified  by  the  forces  of  the  Renaissance,  the 
Reformation,  and  the  Revolution. 


304  MedicBval  History 

the  basis  of  that  vast  system  of  international  exchange  and 
traffic  which  forms  so  characteristic  a  feature  of  modern  Euro- 
pean civiUzation. 

In  the  third  place,  the  mediaeval  corporate  cities,  along  with 
the  monasteries,  were  the  foster  home  of  architecture,  sculp- 
ture, and  painting.  These  things,  as  has  been  well  said,  are 
"  the  beautiful  flowers  of  free  city  life."  The  old  picturesque 
high-gabled  houses,  the  sculptured  gild-halls,  the  artistic  gate- 
ways, the  superb  palaces,  and  the  imposing  cathedrals  found 
in  so  many  of  the  cities  of  Europe  to-day,  bear  witness  to  the 
important  place  which  the  mediaeval  towns  hold  in  the  history 
of  architecture  and  art. 

In  the  fourth  place,  the  towns  were  the  birthplace  of 
modern  political  liberty.  They  became  such  through  giving 
society  a  new  order  at  a  time  when  political  society  was  made 
up  of  orders.  In  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  there 
were  only  two  classes,  or  orders,  in  the  state  which  had  partici- 
pation in  the  government,  —  the  nobihty  and  the  clergy.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  towns  grew  into  a  new  order  destined  to  a 
great  political  future,  the  so-called  Third  Estate,  or  Commons}^ 
During  the  course  of  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries, 
under  circumstances  which  we  shall  explain  in  a  succeeding 
chapter,  the  representatives  of  the  towns  came  to  sit  along 
with  the  nobles  and  the  clergy  in  the  national  diets  or  parlia- 
ments of  the  different  countries.^'*  What  this  meant  for  the 
development  of  modern  parliamentary  government  we  shall 
learn  later. 

13  In  England  the  men  of  the  rural  districts,  that  is  of  the  counties,  formed 
from  the  first,  or  almost  from  the  first,  a  part  of  tliis  order.  In  other  European 
countries,  however,  it  was  not  until  a  later  time  that  the  agricultural  class  came 
to  reinforce  the  new  estate. 

1-1  In  England  the  towns  were  first  asked  to  send  representatives  to  Parlia- 
ment in  1265  (par.  315) ;  in  France  the  delegates  of  the  third  estate  sat  with  the 
lords  and  clergy  for  the  first  time  in  1302  (par.  342) ;  in  Aragon  and  Castile  the 
representatives  of  the  cities  were  admitted  to  the  Cortes  in  1133  and  1162 
respectively ;  in  Germany  the  deputies  of  the  free  imperial  cities  acquired  mem- 
bership in  the  Diet  during  the  reign  of  Henry  VII  (1308-1313). 


Services  of  the  Mediceval  Towns  3,o5- 

In  the  fifth  place,  it  was  the  most  typical  of  the  free  cities, 
those  of  Italy,  which  gave  to  the  world  the  Renaissance.  The 
extended  commercial  relations  of  the  Italian  trader  brought 
him  into  communication  direct  or  indirect  with  Greek  and 
Moor  and  Tartar,  with  Moslem  and  heretic  and  pagan,  with 
precisely  the  same  consequences  for  his  mental  life  that  wide 
travel  and  contact  with  different  peoples  and  civilizations  had 
for  the  mental  life  of  the  ignorant  and  intolerant  crusader. 
Furthermore,  in  these  Italian  city-republics  the  participation 
of  the  citizen  in  large  public  affairs  quickened  his  faculties  and 
widened  his  intellectual  sympathies.  Thus  it  came  about  that 
the  commercial  spirit  which  dominated  these  cities,  and  their 
free,  active,  varied,  and  strenuous  political  life  contributed 
powerfully  to  that  great  essentially  intellectual  movement  known 
as  the  Renaissance,  which  marked  the  latter  part  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  —  a  movement  which  next  claims  our  attention. 

Sources  and  Source  Material.  —  Lee's  Source-Book  of  English 
History,  §  56,  "Charter  of  the  City  of  London  (from  Henry  I)." 
Colby's  Selectio?ts  from  the  Sources  of  English  History,  p.  70,  "A  Town 
Charter."  Translations  and  Reprints  (Univ.  of  Penn.),  vol.  ii,  No.  i, 
"English  Towns  and  Gilds."  European  History  Studies  (Univ.  of 
Nebraska),  vol.  ii,  Nos.  8  and  9,  "  The  Rise  of  Cities  "  and  "  The  Trades 
of  Paris."  Toulmin  Smith's  Ejiglish  Gilds :  the  Original  Ordinances 
of  more  than  one  hundred  Early  English  Gilds.  A  great  part  of  this 
material  is  in  modern  English,  many  of  the  French  and  Latin  docu- 
ments having  been  translated.  The  form  of  most  of  the  others  will 
present  no  difficulties  to  the  reader  of  Chaucer's  English.  Machia- 
VELLI  (N.),  The  History  of  Florence  (trans,  from  the  Italian  ;  ed.  by 
Henry  Morley).  This  is  one  of  the  classics  of  historical  literature.  It 
is  only  in  part  a  contemporaneous  narrative  :  Machiavelli  was  born  in 
1469;  he  brings  his  history  down  to  the  year  1492. 

Secondary  or  Modern  Works.  — Guizot  (F.  P.  G.),  History  of  Civili- 
zation in  Europe,  lect.  vii,**  "  Rise  of  the  Free  Cities."  Green  (Mrs.  J. 
R.),  **r^w«  Life  in  the  Fifteenth  Century,  2  vols.  Gross  (C),  **The 
Gild  Merchant,  2  vols.  The  best  authority  on  the  subject  it  covers. 
Brentano's  essay  is  in  many  respects  misleading.  Ashley  (W.  J.),  An 
Introduction  to  English  Economic  Plistory  and  Theory,  vol.  i,  chap,  ii, 
"  Merchant  and   Craft   Gilds " ;    and  vol.  ii,   chaps,  i  and   ii,   entitled 


3o6  MedicBval  History 

respectively  "  Supremacy  of  the  Towns "  and  "  Crafts."  Also  the 
same  author's  The  Beginnings  of  Town  Life  in  the  Middle  Ages. 
ZiMMERN  (H.),  The  Hansa  Towns  (Story  of  the  Nations).  Symonds 
(J.  A.),  Age  of  the  Despots  (new  ed.,  London,  1897),  chaps,  iii  and  iv. 
This  volume  forms  an  introduction  to  the  author's  Renaissance  in 
Italy.  Hazlitt  (W.  C),  **  The  Venetian  Republic  (revised  ed., 
London,  1900),  2  vols.  The  standard  authority  in  English.  Weil 
(A.),  Venice  (Story  of  the  Nations),  chaps,  i-xii.  Duffy  (B.),  The 
Tuscan  Republics  {^Florence,  Siena,  Pisa,  and  Lucca)  with  Genoa  (Story 
of  the  Nations).  Emerton  (E.),  MedicBval  Europe,  chap,  xv  (last 
part).  Adams  (G.  B.),  Civilization  dw-iiig  the  Middle  Ages,  chap,  xii, 
"The  Growth  of  Commerce  and  its  Results."  Cheyney  (E.  P.),  An 
Introduction  to  the  Industrial  and  Social  History  of  Ejigland,  chap,  iii, 
**  "  Town  Life  and  Organization  "  ;  and  chap,  iv,  **  "  Mediaeval  Trade 
and  Commerce."  Cunningham  (W.),  Growth  of  English  Industry 
and  Commerce  (second  ed.,  1890-92),  vol.  i;  and  Western  Civilization 
in  its  Economic  Aspects  (Mediaeval  and  Modern  Times),  bk.  iv,  selected 
sections.  Villari  (P.),  The  Two  First  Centuries  of  Flo  cniine  History 
(trans,  by  Linda  Villari;  New  York,  1901),  2  vols.  A  work  by  one  of 
the  most  celebrated  of  living  Italian  historians.  Mrs.  Oliphant, 
Makers  of  Venice.  In  the  "  Mediaeval  Towns  "  series  there  are  separate 
volumes  on  Florence,  Nuremberg,  Bruges,  etc.,  which  contain  chapters 
of  interest. 


CHAPTER   XVII 
THE   UNIVERSITIES   AND   THE   SCHOOLMEN 

265.  Introductory. — "History's  true  object  of  study," 
says  Fustel  de  Coulanges,  *'  is  the  human  mind  :  it  should 
aspire  to  know  what  this  mind  has  beHeved,  thought,  and  felt 
in  the  different  ages  of  the  life  of  the  human  race." 

What  we  have  narrated  in  preceding  chapters  respecting 
mediaeval  institutions  and  enterprises  will  have  revealed  to  the 
thoughtful  reader  something  at  least  of  both  the  mind  and 
the  heart  of  the  men  of  the  Middle  Ages.  Nothing,  however, 
mirrors  more  perfectly  the  purely  intellectual  life  of  those  cen- 
turies than  the  universities  which  the  age-spirit  called  into 
existence.  For  this  reason  we  propose  in  the  present  chapter 
to  say  something  of  these  institutions  and  of  what  was  taught 
in  them. 

266.  The  Rise  and  Early  Growth  of  the  Universities.  —  It 
will  be  recalled  that  a  significant  feature  of  the  work  of 
Charles  the  Great  was  the  estabhshment  of  schools  in  connec- 
tion with  the  cathedrals  and  monasteries  of  his  realm.  From 
the  opening  of  the  ninth  till  well  on  into  the  eleventh  century 
the  lamp  of  learning  was  fed  in  these  episcopal  and  monastic 
schools,  although  throughout  the  tenth  century  the  flame 
burned  very  low.  Closely  associated  with  these  church  semi- 
naries we  find  the  names  of  many  of  the  most  influential  men 
of  the  earlier  mediaeval  centuries. 

But  towards  the  close  of  the  eleventh  and  the  opening  of 
the  twelfth  century  a  new  intellectual  movement,  which  was 
destined  to  affect  profoundly  these  schools,  began  to  stir  West- 
ern Christendom.     This  mental  revival  was  caused  by  many 

3°7 


3o8  MedicBval  History 

agencies,  —  by  the  expanding  secular  life  of  the  towns ;  by 
the  growing  demand  for  trained  professional  service  in  Church 
and  State  ;  and  particularly  by  the  quickening  influence  of  the 
Graeco-Arabian  culture  in  Spain  and  the  Orient,  with  which 
the  Christian  West  was  just  now  being  brought  into  closer 
contact  through  the  Crusades. 

As  a  consequence  of  this  newly  awakened  intellectual  life 
there  arose  a  demand  for  more  advanced  and  specialized 
instruction  than  that  given  in  the  cloister  schools,  and  espe- 
cially for  a  freer  and  more  secular  system  of  education,  one  that 
should  prepare  a  person  for  entering  upon  a  professional  career 
as  a  physician,  lawyer,  or  statesman.^ 

It  was  in  response  to  these  new  demands  that  the  universi- 
ties came  into  existence.  Their  early  history  is  very  obscure 
for  the  reason  that  the  most  ancient  ones,  as  Laurie  says, 
"  grew  and  were  not  founded."  Some  of  these  were  mere 
expansions  of  cathedral  or  monastery  schools ;  others  devel- 
oped out  of  lay  schools  which  had  grown  up  in  commercial 
towns,  especially  in  the  Italian  cities,  and  in  which  the  instruc- 
tion given  was  almost  wholly  secular  in  character  and  practical 
in  aim ;  and  still  others  were  new  creations  which  sprang  up 
alongside  the  existing  episcopal  and  monastic  schools  and 
gradually  overshadowed  them. 

The  popes  patronized  the  rising  schools,  "  believing  that 
all  learning  tended  to  the  glory  of  God  and  the  good  of  the 
Church  "  ;  emperors  and  kings  granted  them  charters  confirm- 
ing their  already  acquired  privileges,  or  granting  them  fresh 

1  This  specialization  of  instruction  was  a  matter  of  great  significance  in  the 
history  of  education.  "  The  honor  of  having  begun  the  movement  to  divide  the 
branches  of  human  knowledge,"  says  Compayre,  "  and  thus  prepare  the  way  for 
modern  science  belongs  to  the  men  of  the  Middle  Ages."  The  number  of  facul- 
ties in  the  mediaeval  university  was  not  fixed.  A  usual  number  was  four,  —  the 
Faculty  of  Theology,  the  Faculty  of  Medicine,  the  Faculty  of  Law,  and  the 
Faculty  of  Arts  (or  Philosophy).  The  course  in  arts  embraced  what  is  to-day 
covered  by  the  courses  in  letters  and  science,  and  served  as  a  preparation  for 
entrance  upon  one  of  the  three  specialized  professional  courses,  though  most  of 
the  students  never  went  beyond  it. 


University  Organization  309 

immunities,  in  the  expectation  that  they  would  prove  a  bulwark 
of  the  imperial  or  royal  authority ;  cities  fostered  their  growth 
for  the  sake  of  the  distinction  they  conferred  and  the  residents 
and  trade  they  attracted.^ 

It  was  about  the  end  of  the  twelfth  and  the  opening  of  the 
thirteenth  century  when  the  earliest  universities  were  formally 
recognized  by  royal  and  papal  charters.  Three  of  the  most 
ancient  universities  were  the  University  of  Salerno,^  noted  for 
its  teachers  in  medicine  ;  the  University  of  Bologna,  frequented 
for  its  instruction  in  law ;  and  the  University  of  Paris,  revered 
for  the  authority  of  its  doctors  in  theology.*  Bologna  and 
Paris  served  as  models  in  organization  and  government  for  the 
most  of  the  later  universities.  The  University  of  Paris  gave 
constitution  and  rules  to  so  many  as  to  earn  the  designation  of 
"  the  Mother  of  Universities  and  the  Sinai  of  the  Middle  Ages." 

267.  University  Organization:  the  "Nations,"  or  Gilds. — 
Many  features  of  the  mediaeval  university  can  be  understood 
only  in  the  light  of  the  fact  that  in  the  mediaeval  town  the 
alien  was  almost  as  wholly  without  rights,  both  poHtical  and 
civil,  as  was  the  alien  in  a  city  of  ancient  Greece,  and  that  in 
case  of  most  of  the  universities,  not  only  the  students,  but  the 

2  Thus  in  the  year  1229  the  University  of  Toulouse  was  established  by  papal 
authority  as  a  weapon  for  combating  the  Albigensian  heresy;  in  1 158,  Frederick 
Barbarossa  granted  to  students  in  general,  and  especially  to  "  professors  of  divine 
and  sacred  laws,"  various  privileges,  influenced  doubtless  by  the  conviction  that 
the  jurists  could  be  depended  upon  to  uphold  the  imperial  claims ;  and  in  1349 
Florence,  after  the  ravages  of  the  great  plague,  founded  a  university  with  the  aim 
of  filling  up  the  gaps  in  her  population. 

3  Some  authorities  deny  to  the  school  at  Salerno  the  title  of  university,  but 
it  was  practically  such.  It  did  not,  however,  long  maintain  an  independent 
existence ;  after  the  establishment  of  the  University  of  Naples  it  became  in  effect 
the  medical  department  of  that  institution  (in  1231). 

4  The  impulse  which,  in  each  of  at  least  two  of  these  cases,  contributed  vastly 
to  develop  the  existing  school  into  a  real  university  was  given  by  a  powerful 
personality:  Irnerius  (1070-1138),  a  learned  jurist,  gave  Bologna  its  earliest 
renown;  and  Abelard  (d.  1142),  the  great  philosopher,  imparted  the  impulse 
which  later  brought  into  existence  the  University  of  Paris.  Constantine,  the 
African  (d.  1087),  whose  name  is  connected  with  the  early  history  of  the  school 
at  Salerno,  is  a  somewhat  legendary  character. 


3  lo  Mediceval  History 

masters  as  well,  were  almost  all  non-citizens  of  the  towns  in 
which  they  gathered.^ 

Consequently,  for  the  sake  of  comradeship,  for  mutual 
assistance  and  "  the  avenging  of  injuries,"  the  students,  either 
alone  or  in  connection  with  their  teachers,  organized  them- 
selves, according  to  the  countries  whence  they  came,  into  asso- 
ciations, which  came  to  be  known  as  "Nations."  At  Paris 
there  were  four  of  these  groups,  at  Bologna  thirty-six.^ 

These  associations  were,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  gilds 
and  reproduced  in  many  features  the  merchant  and  trade  gilds 
and  the  brotherhood  of  knights,  which,  just  at  the  time  of  the 
beginning  of  the  university  movement,  were  everywhere  spring- 
ing into  existence.  It  was  these  gilds  which  exercised  or 
enjoyed  the  special  rights  and  privileges  to  which  we  referred 
in  the  preceding  paragraph.  These  privileges  very  generally 
included  exemption  from  taxation,  from  mihtary  service,  and 
freedom  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  ordinary  courts.  The 
early  universities  thus  became  in  a  large  measure  self-governed 
and  self-judged  communities,  in  a  word,  "  hterary  republics," 
holding  some  such  relation  to  the  civil  authorities  of  the  cities 
in  which  they  were  situated  as  many  of  these  cities  themselves, 
in  the  age  of  independent  city  life,  held  to  the  state. 

268.  Students  and  Student  Life.  - — The  number  of  students 
in  attendance  at  the  mediaeval  universities  was  large.  Con- 
temporaries tell  of  crowds  of  fifteen,  twenty,  and  even  thirty 
thousand  at  the  most  popular  institutions.      These  numbers 

5  Rashdall,  The  Universities  of  Europe  in  the  Middle  Ages,  vol.  i,  p.  153, 

6  There  was  a  wide  difference  between  at  least  many  of  the  university  groups 
of  the  South  and  those  of  the  North,  Thus  at  Bologna  the  masters,  or  profes- 
sors, were  excluded  from  the  associations,  while  at  Paris  the  teaching  bodies  con- 
stituted their  governing  members.  Thus  there  arose  two  classes  of  universities,  — 
the  so-called  universities  of  students,  where  the  control  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
student  body,  and  the  universities  of  doctors,  in  which  the  faculties  constituted 
the  government.  It  may  here  Ise  pointed  out  that  originally  the  term  "  uni- 
versity" {utiiversitas)  meant  only  a  corporation  of  any  sort  and  was  used  as 
freely  of  the  gild  of  merchants  or  of  artisans  as  of  the  gild  of  teachers  or  of 
students. 


Students  and  Student  Life  311 

have  been  called  into  question,  and  it  will  be  safe  to  consider 
them,  like  other  medieval  figures,  merely  as  "  metaphors  for 
immensity."  But  that  the  attendance  was  numerous  is  cer- 
tain, for  in  those  times  all  who  were  eager  to  acquire  knowl- 
edge — ^and  the  intellectual  ferment  was  general  —  must  needs 
seek  some  seat  of  learning,  since  the  scarcity  and  great  cost 
of  manuscript  books  put  home  study  out  of  the  question. 
Then,  again,  many  of  the  pupils  attending  the  non-professional 
courses  were  mere  boys  of  twelve  or  thereabouts,  —  the  high- 
school  pupils  of  to-day  ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  student 
body  embraced  many  mature  men,  among  whom  were  to  be 
counted  canons,  deans,  archdeacons,  and  other  dignitaries. 
Furthermore,  the  numbers  transmitted  to  us  include  many  per- 
sons who  were  neither  students  nor  masters,  but  who  were 
connected  by  service  in  various  ways  with  the  university  and 
shared  the  immunities  of  its  members. 

Student  life  in  the  earlier  university  period,  before  the 
dormitory  and  college  system  was  introduced,  was  unregu- 
lated and  shamefully  disorderly.  The  age  was  rough  and 
lawless,  and  the  student  class  were  no  better  than  their  age ; 
indeed,  in  some  respects  they  seem  to  have  been  worse.  For 
the  student  body  included  many  rich  young  profligates  who 
found  the  universities  the  most  agreeable  places  for  idhng 
away  their  time,  as  well  as  many  wild  and  reckless  characters 
who  were  constantly  engaging  in  tavern  brawls,  terrorizing  the 
townsmen  at  night,  even  waylaying  travelers  on  the  public  roads, 
and  committing  "  many  other  enormities  hateful  to  God." 

Between  the  students  composing  the  different  "  Nations  " 
there  existed  much  race  prejudice  and- animosity,  which  some- 
times broke  out  in  unseemly  riots  in  the  lecture  room.  The  most 
serious  feuds,  however,  arose  between  the  students  and  the 
townsmeti.  -'Town  and  gown  "  disagreements  and  fights  were 
common,  and  not  unfrequently  resulted  in  the  migration  to 
another  city  of  the  whole,  or  practically  the  whole,  body  of 
students  and  masters. 


3 1 2  Mediceval  History 

269.    Branches  of  Study  and  Method  of  Instruction. — The 

advanced  studies  given  greatest  prominence  in  the  universi- 
ties were  the  three  professional  branches  of  theology,  medicine, 
and  law.  Respecting  theology,  which  as  it  was  taught  came 
to  include  philosophy  proper  and  much  else,  we  shall  say  some- 
thing a  little  farther  on."  The  science  of  medicine  was  in  the 
main  the  science  bequeathed  by  the  Greeks  and  added  to  by 
Arabian  and  Jewish  scholars.  The  science  of  law  included  both 
civil  law  and  canon  law.  The  natural  sciences  can  hardly 
be  said  to  have  existed,  although  in  alchemy  lay  hidden  the 
germ  of  chemistry  and  in  astrology  that  of  astronomy.  The 
Ptolemaic  theory,  w^hich  made  the  earth  the  stationary  center 
of  the  revolving  celestial  spheres,  gave  color  and  form  to  all 
conceptions  of  the  structure  of  the  universe. 

The  method  of  instruction  in  all  the  university  departments 
was  the  same.  It  was  a  servile  study  of  texts,  which  were 
regarded  with  a  veneration  bordering  on  superstition  and 
were  minutely  analyzed,  paraphrased,  annotated,  and  com- 
mented upon.  Thus  in  theology  it  was  a  study  of  the  Bible 
and  particularly  of  the  writings  of  the  Church  Fathers  and  doc- 
tors ;  in  medicine,  an  explanation  of  the  works  of  Hippocrates 
and  Galen  with  their  Arabian  commentators  Avicenna  and 
Averroes ;  in  natural  science,  a  study  of  the  physics  of  Aris- 
totle ;  in  civil  law,  a  commentary  on  the  works  of  the  Co?'pus 
Juris  of  Justinian,  and  in  canon  law,  on  the  decisions  and  edicts 
of  popes  and  councils.  Not  even  in  the  physical  sciences  was 
there  any  serious  appeal  to  experience,  to  observation,  to 
experiment.  In  anatomy,  discussions  took  the  place  of  dis- 
sections.'' Books  were  considered  better  authority  than  nature 
herself.  "  Aristotle,"  says  Ueberweg,  "  was  regarded  as  the 
founders  of  rehgions  are  wont  to  be  considered."  One  ven- 
turing to  criticise  this  "  Master  of  those  who  know  "  was  looked 
upon  as  presumptuous  and  irreverent. 

7  At  Bologna,  where  anatomical  study  was  most  advanced,  each  student 
witnessed  only  one  dissection  during  the  year. 


Scholasticism  3  1 3 

This  mode  of  study  resulted  in  part  from  an  imitation  of  the 
method  followed  in  theology,  which  was  perforce  a  study  of 
texts  held  as  authoritative  and  infallible  ;  and  in  part  from  the 
lack  of  books,  which  made  dictation  by  the  teacher  and  note- 
taking  and  memorizing  by  the  student  the  only  practicable 
mode  of  carrying  on  the  work  of  the  lecture  room. 

The  ordinary  classes  met  in  private  rooms  or  hired  apart- 
ments. Mass  meetings  of  the  "  Nations  "  and  other  large  assem- 
blages were  held  in  some  convenient  cathedral  or  convent 
church  borrowed  for  the  occasion.  The  university  itself  had 
at  first  neither  dormitories  nor  halls. ^  The  modern  method  of 
creating  a  university  was  reversed.  As  Dr.  Jessopp  says,  "  the 
men  came  first ;   the  bricks  and  mortar  followed  long  after." 

270.  Scholasticism;  the  Province  of  the  Schoolmen. — 
Springing  up  within  the  early  ecclesiastical  schools  and 
developed  within  the  later  universities,  there  came  into  exist- 
ence a  method  of  philosophizing  which,  from  the  place  of  its 
origin,  was  called  Scholasticism,  while  its  representatives  were 
called  Schoolmen,  or  Scholastics. 

The  chief  task  of  the  Schoolmen  was  the  reducing  of  Chris- 
tian doctrines  to  scientific  form,  the  harmonizing  of  revelation 
and  reason,  of  faith  and  science.  The  instrument  employed 
by  them  in  their  work  was  logic,  the  logic  of  Aristotle,  that  is, 
formal,  syllogistic  reasoning.  By  the  use  of  this  instrument  it 
was  thought  possible  to  build  up  a  science  of  theology  which, 
like  the  science  of  geometr}%  should  consist  of  indisputable 
theorems  and  corollaries  resting  upon  a  foundation  of  axioms 
and  exact  definitions.  Every  Christian  doctrine  was  thus  to 
receive  a  logical,  scientific  demonstration,  a  demonstration  so 
complete  and  absolute  as  to  compel  the  belief  of  everybody,  — 
skeptics,  pagans,  and  Saracens. 

8  It  was  this  poverty  of  the  university  which  rendered  so  easy  those  migra- 
tions or  secessions  of  dissatisfied  students  and  masters  of  which  we  hear  so  fre- 
quently. Nothing  prevented  them,  if  they  felt  themselves  wTonged  by  the  local 
authorities,  from  fleeing  from  one  city  to  another.  Several  of  the  younger 
universities  originated  in  such  movements. 


3 1 4  MedicEval  History 

We  should  note  that  the  typical  Schoolmen  did  not  ques- 
tion the  truth  or  soundness  of  the  theology  of  the  Church  ; 
they  accepted  all  the  writings  of  the  Fathers,  the  canons  and 
decrees  of  popes  and  councils,  as  unquestionably  true.  They 
did  not  ask,  Are  these  things  so  ?  but  simply,  How  and  why  are 
they  so  ?  Thus  they  did  not  doubt  that  the  bread  and  wine  in 
the  eucharist  are  changed  into  real  flesh  and  blood,  but  they 
sought  to  know  the  necessity  and  manner  of  the  change  ;  they 
did  not  doubt  the  existence  of  angels,  but  they  reasoned  about 
the  different  angelic  orders  and  the  mode  of  their  existence ; 
they  did  not  doubt  that  man  is  redeemed  by  the  sufferings  and 
death  of  Christ,  but  they  asked  about  the  necessity  of  the 
atonement  and  the  mode  of  substitution.  Surely  there  must 
be  a  reason  for  everything,  they  insisted,  and  God  has  given 
us  our  reasoning  faculty  that  we  might  search  out  final  causes. 
And  so,  with  no  instrument  save  the  logic  of  Aristotle,  they 
fell  to  work  upon  the  stupendous  mass  of  church  doctrines 
with  the  purpose  of  reducing  all  to  rational  order  and  system. 
Organizing,  explaining,  justifying,  harmonizing,  putting  in 
categories  and  syllogisms,  —  such  was  the  work  of  the 
Schoolmen. 

The  Schoolmen,  however,  soon  came  to  realize  that  there 
are  some  matters  of  revelation  —  as,  for  instance,  the  doctrines 
of  the  Trinity,  the  Incarnation,  and  the  Resurrection  —  which 
cannot  be  demonstrated.  Therefore  these  and  similar  teach- 
ings of  the  Church  were,  by  the  later  Scholastics,  taken  out 
of  the  arena  of  debate  and  set  aside  as  "  mysteries  of  revela- 
tion," which  were  to  be  received  by  faith  alone. 

271.  The  Earlier  Schoolmen ;  Abelard.  —  John  Scotus 
Erigena,  an  Irish  teacher  and  philosopher,  whom  Charles 
the  Bald,  grandson  of  Charles  the  Great,  invited  to  France 
to  take  charge  of  the  court  school,  is  sometimes  called  the 
first  of  the  Schoolmen ;  but  more  generally  this  place  is 
given  to  Saint  Anselm  (1033-1109),  abbot  of  the  monastery 
of  Bee  in  Normandy  and  later  archbishop  of  Canterbury  in 


TJie  Earlie7'  ScJioohnen  3  1 5 

England.^  The  maxim  of  this  typical  Schoolman  was:  "I 
believe  in  order  that  I  may  understand  "  i^credo  ut  mte/ligam). 
His  mental  viewpoint  is  still  further  revealed  by  his  declara- 
tion that  "  true  philosophy  is  true  religion,  and  true  religion 
is  true  philosophy," 

But  by  far  the  most  eminent  of  the  early  Schoolmen  was 
Peter  Abelard  (1079-1142).  His  masters  at  Paris  were  the 
celebrated  Scholastic  theologians  Roscelin  and  William  of 
Champeaux.  To  the  last  named,  the  presumptuous  and  pre- 
cocious pupil  brought  mortifying  discomfiture  in  argument  in 
his  own  lecture  room,  and  then  soon  afterwards  set  up  for 
himself  as  a  lecturer  on  the  most  abstruse  metaphysical  and 
theological  subjects.  He  was  "an  incomparable  seducer  of 
minds  and  hearts."  Such  a  teacher  the  world  had  probably 
not  produced  since  Socrates  enchained  the  youth  of  Athens. 
At  Paris  over  five  thousand  pupils  are  said  to  have  thronged 
his  lecture  room.  Driven  by  the  shame  of  a  public  scandal 
and  by  persecution  to  seek  retirement,  he  hid  himself  first  in 
a  monastery  and  later  in  a  solitude  near  the  city  of  Troyes. 
But  his  admirers  followed  him  into  the  wilds  in  such  multi- 
tudes that  a  veritable  university  sprang  up  around  him  in  his 
desert  retreat. 

Abelard  carried  to  an  extreme  the  tendency  of  the  Scholastics 
to  rationalize  everything.  "  A  doctrine  is  believed,"  he  taught, 
"  not  because  God  has  said  it,  but  because  we  are  convinced 
by  reason  that  it  is  so."  He  declared  doubt  to  be  the  starting- 
point  in  the  quest  of  knowledge,  and,  apparently  with  the  object 
of  producing  this  desirable  state  of  mind  in  his  disciples,  wrote 
a  book  entitled  Sic  et  Noti  ("So  and  Not  So"),  which  was  a 
collection  of  mutually  contradictory  opinions  of  the  Church 
Fathers  on  every  conceivable  theological  question. 

9  With  Saint  Anselm  begins  practically  the  great  Scholastic  controversy  of 
the  Nominalists  and  Realists,  which  never  wholly  ceased  in  the  mediaeval  schools. 
This  debate  was  a  renewal,  in  a  somewhat  changed  form,  of  that  begun  in  ancient 
Greece  by  Aristotle's  criticism  of  Plato's  doctrine  of  ideas.  For  an  account  of 
this  prolonged  discussion  the  student  must  have  recourse  to  works  on  philosophy. 


3i6  MedicEval  History 

The  church  conservatives  became  frightened  at  this  ratian- 
aUzing  philosophy.  Bernard  of  Clairvaux,  preacher  of  the 
Second  Crusade,  entered  the  lists  against  the  presumptuous 
champion  of  the  human  reason.  Bernard's  principle  was  that 
man  acquires  a  knowledge  of  divine  things  by  way  of  the  heart 
and  not  by  way  of  the  intellect.  "  God  is  known,"  he  finely  said, 
"  in  proportion  as  he  is  loved."  He  charged  Abelard  with  pride 
of  intellect  :  "  There  is  nothing  in  heaven  or  on  earth,"  he  said, 
"  that  he  does  not  claim  to  know."  He  complained  that  no 
place  was  left  for  faith  ;  the  human  reason  usurped  everything. 

In  the  opposing  maxims  and  viewpoints  of  Abelard  and 
Bernard  is  admirably  revealed  the  irreconcilable  opposition 
between  the  emotional  rehgion  known  as  Mysticism  and  the 
rationaUsm  of  such  Schoolmen  as  Abelard. 

The  temper  of  the  times  was  against  Abelard.  Certain  of 
his  opinions  were  condemned  by  two  church  councils,  and  he 
was  forced  to  burn  part  of  his  writings.  This  was  one  of  the 
most  noteworthy  collisions  between  ecclesiastical  authority  and 
freedom  of  thought  during  the  Middle  Ages. 

Abelard's  brilliant  reputation  as  a  philosopher  was  tarnished 
by  grave  faults  of  character.  Intrusted  with  the  education  of 
a  fascinating  and  mentally  gifted  maiden,  Heloise  by  name, 
Abelard  betrayed  the  confidence  reposed  in  him.  A  secret 
marriage  bound  in  a  tragic  fate  the  lives  of  teacher  and  pupil. 
The  "  tale  of  Abelard  and  He'loise  "  forms  one  of  the  most 
romantic  yet  saddest  traditions  of  the  twelfth  century. 

272.  Scholasticism  in  the  Thirteenth  Century;  Albert  the 
Great  and  Thomas  Aquinas.  — The  thirteenth  century  witnessed 
a  fresh  development  of  Scholasticism.  The  impulse  to  this 
renewed  intellectual  activity  came  to  the  Christian  West,  like 
many  similar  incitements,  from  ancient  Greece.  It  came 
at  this  time  through  various  channels,  —  through  the  Arabian 
schools  in  Spain ;  through  the  south  ItaHan  land,  where  the 
Grseco-Arabic  learning  had  found  an  imperial  patron  in 
Frederick    II ;    and    through    the    close  relations    established 


Scholasticism  in  tJie  Thirtee7ith  Ce7itiiry          317 

between  the  Latin  West  and  the  Greek  East  by  the  conquest 
of  Constantinople  by  the  crusaders. 

Before  the  end  of  the  first  quarter  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
through  these  various  channels  and  agencies,  all  the  works  of 
Aristotle  were  for  the  first  time  brought  to  the  knowledge  of 
the  Schoolmen.  Before  this  it  was  chiefly  his  logic  which  was 
known  to  them ;  but  now  all  his  other  works  were  translated 
into  Latin,  at  first  from  Arabic  or  Hebrew  versions,  and  then 
later  directly  from  the  Greek  text.  Along  with  the  works  of 
Aristotle  the  Schoolmen  came  into  possession  of  the  writings 
of  his  Arabic  and  Jewish  commentators.^" 

It  would  be  difficult  to  exaggerate  the  stimulating  influence 
of  these  fresh  philosophical  and  scientific  acquisitions  upon 
the  Christian  thinkers  of  the  West."  The  great  age  of  Scholas- 
ticism now  opened.  The  universities  of  Paris  and  Oxford 
were  the  chief  centers  of  the  new  movement ;  the  Mendicant 
Orders  furnished  its  most  illustrious  representatives. 

From  the  Dominican  Order  came  Albertus  Magnus,  or 
"Albert  the  Great"  (i  193-1280),  who  wascalled  "the  second 
Aristotle,"  and  Thomas  Aquinas  (1225  or  1227-1274),  known 
as  "  the  Angelic  Doctor."  ^^  Thomas  was  the  beloved  pupil 
of  Albert.  As  philosophers  these  Schoolmen  stand  to  each 
other  in  some  such  relation  as  did  Plato  and  Aristotle,  nor 
are  their  names  unworthy  of  being  linked  with  the  names  of 
those  great  thinkers  of  ancient  Greece. 

The  reputation  of  Aquinas  as  the  greatest  Scholastic  and 
theologian  of  the  Middle  Ages  rests  largely  upon  his  prodigious 

10  The  names  of  greatest  renown  here  are  those  of  the  Arabian  philosophers 
and  physicians,  Avicenna  (980-1038)  of  the  East,  and  Averroes  (d.  1198)  of  the 
West,  he  who,  in  Dante's  phrase,  "  the  great  comment  made  "  {Inferno^  canto  iv)  ; 
and  that  of  the  Jewish  scholar  and  philosopher,  Moses  Maimonides  (i  135-1204). 

11  The  first  Schoolman  who  seems  to  have  had  before  him  all  the  works  of 
Aristotle  was  Alexander  of  Hales  (d.  1245). 

12  Another  name  second  in  renown  only  to  those  of  these  great  Schoolmen 
is  that  of  Bonaventura  (1221-1274),  who  received  the  title  of  "the  Seraphic 
Doctor."  He  was  a  Franciscan  monk  and  was  rather  a  Mystic  than  a 
Scholastic. 


3 1 8  MedicEval  History 

work  entitled  Swiima  TheologicE,  or  "  Sum  of  Theology."  In 
its  ponderous  folios  all  revealed  truth,  all  the  doctrines  of  the 
Church,  and  all  related  knowledge  are  systematically  arranged 
and  welded  by  irrefragable  logic  into  an  all-comprehending 
and  absolute  science. ^^ 

The  work  is  regarded  as  the  standard  of  orthodoxy  in  the 
Catholic  Church.     Pope  Leo  XIII  (1878-  ),  in  an  encyc- 

lical letter,  prescribes  it  as  "  the  best  Hght  of  all  places  of 
learning  "  and  exhorts  all  teachers  "  to  instill  the  doctrines  of 
Thomas  Aquinas  into  the  minds  of  their  hearers." 

In  connection  with  Thomas  Aquinas  must  be  mentioned 
Duns  Scotus  (d.  1308),  a  British  Franciscan  monk,  whose  keen 
analytical  intellect  caused  him  to  be  called  "  the  Subtle  Doc- 
tor." '*The  mind  of  Duns  Scotus,"  says  Dean  Milman, 
"  might  seem  a  wonderful  reasoning  machine  ;  whatever  was 
thrown  into  it  came  out  in  syllogisms."  The  amount  of  this 
kind  of  mental  product  turned  out  by  Duns  the  same  histo- 
rian declares  to  be  "  the  most  wonderful  fact  in  the  intellectual 
history  of  our  race." 

Duns  Scotus  combated  certain  of  the  speculative  opinions 
of  Thomas  Aquinas  and  became  the  head  of  a  rival  school  of 
philosophy,  the  adherents  of  which  were  known  as  Scotists, 
while  the  followers  of  his  opponent  bore  the  name  of  Thomists. 

273.  The  Scientific  Side  of  Scholasticism  ;  Roger  Bacon.  — 
The  typical  Schoolman  was  a  logician,  and  speculative  subjects 
connected  with  theology  were  his  supreme  interest ;  yet  there 
were  some  Schoolmen  who  devoted  themselves  largely  to 
physical  science,  and  sought  to  gain  a  knowledge  of  nature, 
not  alone  through  books,  but  by  direct  personal  observation 

13  This  was  not  the  first  attempt  of  the  kind.  In  the  twelfth  century  Peter 
of  Lombard  (d.  1164)  wrote  his  famous  Four  Books  of  Sentences^  which  earned 
for  him  the  title  of  "the  Master  of  Sentences."  This  work,  which  served  in 
some  sort  as  a  basis  for  the  Summa  by  Aquinas,  consisted  mainly  of  a  collection 
of  short  quotations  from  the  writings  of  the  Church  Fathers  and  doctors.  It 
was  one  of  the  most  popular  text-books  ever  written.  It  held  its  place  in  the 
schools  as  a  manual  of  theology  for  more  than  three  hundred  years. 


The  Scientific  Side  of  ScJiolasticisni  3 1 9 

and  study  of  nature  herself.  The  mipulse  to  this  study  of  the 
natural  sciences  was  communicated  to  Christian  scholars  mainly 
through  their  contact  with  Greek  and  Arabian  learning.  Thus 
Gerbert,  who  in  the  year  999  became  pope  under  the  name  of 
Sylvester  II,  is  said  to  have  studied  in  Spain  and  to  have 
brought  into  Christian  Europe  valuable  scientific  knowledge 
gained  in  the  Arabian  schools. 

At  a  later  period,  after  that  fresh  contact  to  which  we  have 
just  referred  of  Western  Europe  with  Graeco-Arabic  culture, 
Albert  the  Great  blended  in  a  strange  way  Aristotelian  philos- 
ophy with  Arabian  science.  He  made  valuable  discoveries  in 
chemistry  and  was  beHeved  by  his  superstitious  age  to  employ 
unseen  and  spirit  agencies  in  his  laboratory. 

But  the  most  noteworthy  representative  of  the  scientific 
activity  of  the  Scholastic  age  was  the  English  Franciscan  friar, 
Roger  Bacon  (d:  1294),  called  "the  Wonderful  Doctor,"  on 
account  of  his  marvelous  knowledge  of  mechanics,  optics, 
chemistry,  and  other  sciences.  He  understood  the  composi- 
tion of  gunpowder,  or  a  similar  explosive.  In  one  of  his  works 
he  says  that  "  wagons  and  ships  could  be  built  which  would 
propel  themselves  with  the  swiftness  of  an  arrow,  without 
horses  and  without  sails."  ^*  His  contemporaries  believed  him 
to  be  in  league  with  the  devil.  He  certainly  was  in  league 
with  the  Arabian  scholars,  whose  works  he  studied.  He 
suffered  persecution  and  was  imprisoned  for  fourteen  years. 

Roger  Bacon's  greatest  bequest  to  posterity  was  a  book 
called  Opus  Majus,  in  which  is  anticipated  in  a  wonderful 
way  those  principles  of  modern  inductive  science  laid  down 
by  Francis  Bacon  in  the  seventeenth  century.  "  The  advance 
of  sound  historical  judgment,"  says  Andrew  D.  White,  "  seems 
likely  to  bring  the  fame  of  the  two  who  bear  the  name  of 
Bacon  nearly  to  equaUty."  ^^  It  is  with  justice  that  the  earher 
Bacon  has  been  called  "  the  pioneer  of  modern  science." 

14  Quoted  by  Erdmann,  History  of  Philosophy^  vol.  i,  §  212,  9. 

15  A  History  of  the  Warfare  of  Science  with  Theology,  vol.  i,  p.  386. 


320  Mediceval  History 

274.  The  Last  of  the  Schoolmen. — The  fourteenth  and 
fifteenth  centuries  witnessed  the  decline  of  Scholasticism.  The 
EngHshman  William  Occam  (d.  1347)  is  generally  regarded 
as  the  last  distinguished  Schoolman. ^*^  Scholastic  debate  in  the 
hands  of  unworthy  successors  of  the  great  philosophers  of  the 
thirteenth  century  fell  away,  for  the  most  part,  into  barren,  frivo- 
lous disputations  over  idle  and  impossible  questions.  The  repre- 
sentatives of  this  degenerate  Scholasticism  became  the  objects 
of  the  unmeasured  scorn  and  ridicule  of  the  men  of  the  New 
Learning  brought  in  by  that  revival  of  classical  culture  which 
marked  the  later  mediaeval  age.  The  low  estimation  in  which 
the  Schoolmen  of  this  period  came  to  be  held  is  disclosed 
in  the  history  of  our  word  dimce.  Originally  applied  as  an 
appellation  of  honor  to  a  disciple  of  the  great  Duns  or  to  any 
learned  person,  the  term  at  this  time,  being  ironically  applied 
to  the  stupid  Scholastic  opposed  to  classical  studies,  came 
to  acquire  its  present  meaning  of  a  preposterous  dolt. 

275.  Criticism  of  the  Schoolmen. — The  Schoolmen  have 
had  much  reproach  heaped  upon  them.  This  censure,  as  we 
have  already  intimated,  is  merited  only  when  applied  to  the 
ignorant  Scholastics  of  the  waning  age  of  Scholasticism.  When 
appHed  to  the  Schoolmen  as  a  whole,  nothing  could  be  more 
unjust. 

Thus  the  Scholastics  are  reproached  for  having  adopted 
logic,  instead  of  the  modern  scientific  method  of  observation 
and  experiment,  as  the  instrument  for  testing  and  discovering 
truth,  and  thereby  having  condemned  the  mediaeval  intellect 
for  centuries  to  weary  and  profitless  toil  in  a  mental  treadmill. 

It  is  true  that  it  is  difficult  for  us  to  understand  the  School- 
men's passion  for  logic  ;  and  it  is  equally  true  that  by  this 
path  men  could  make  no  real  advance  in  knowledge.  But  the 
true  student  of  history  who  has  learned  in  what  degree  the 
mental  and  spiritual  activities  of  any  given  age  are  determined 

16  The  appellation  "  the  last  of  the  Schoolmen  "  is,  however,  by  some  given  to 
the  German  philosopher  Gabriel  Biel  (d.  1495). 


Services  of  the  ScJiooIinen  321 

by  the  fixed  environment  of  that  age,  will  no  more  think  of 
blaming  the  Schoolmen  for  these  things  than  of  chiding  them 
for  having  been  born  in  the  mediaeval  instead  of  in  the 
modern  age. 

Again,  the  Schoolmen  are  reproached  for  having  fostered 
the  mental  habit  of  servile  submission  to  authority.  This 
fault  —  if  fault  it  be  —  was  merely  an  exaggeration  of  what  is 
still  among  ourselves  accounted  a  virtue  ;  for  many  of  the  great- 
est scholars  and  thinkers  of  to-day,  in  all  religious  matters,  bow 
to  authority,  —  to  the  authority  either  of  the  Scriptures  or  of 
the  Church,  or  of  both,  and  in  so  far  are  Schoolmen.  Some 
scientists  even  feel  it  incumbent  upon  them  to  show  that  their 
conclusions  in  the  natural-science  studies  are  not  in  conflict 
with  the  teachings  of  the  Bible.  In  all  such  attempts  to  rec- 
oncile science  and  theology,  these  modern  scholars  are  merely 
continuing  in  part  the  work  of  the  mediaeval  philosophers.  In 
the  case  of  the  Schoolmen,  this  submission  to  authority  is  a 
more  obtrusive  fact  than  in  the  case  of  modern  scholars, 
because  theology  was  then  practically  the  sum  total  of  all  the 
sciences,  and  consequently  embraced  almost  all  subjects  upon 
which  the  mediaeval  mind  could  exercise  itself. 

276.  The  Services  of  the  Schoolmen  to  Intellectual  Progress. 
—  The  Schoolmen  fill  a  large  place  in  the  history  of  the  intel- 
lectual development  of  the  race.  They  rendered  in  this 
relation  two  distinct  and  important  services. 

In  the  first  place,  by  their  ceaseless  debates  and  argumenta- 
tion they  stimulated  to  activity  the  mediaeval  intellect  and  dis- 
ciplined it  in  the  processes  of  exact  reasoning.  They  made 
the  universities  of  the  time  real  mental  gymnasia  in  which  the 
European  mind  received  incomparable  formal  training  and 
indispensable  preparation  for  its  later  and,  happily,  more 
fruitful  work.  Their  system  produced  intellectual  athletes.  In 
penetration  of  intellect,  in  subtlety  of  analysis,  in  precision  of 
definition,  in  skill  in  dialectics,  the  greatest  of  the  Schoolmen 
have  never  been  surpassed. 


322  Mediceval  History 

In  the  second  place,  the  Schoohnen  rendered  a  great  service 
to  the  cause  of  intellectual  freedom.  This  assertion  at  first 
blush  may  appear  paradoxical,  when  one  recalls  that  the  sub- 
mission of  the  reason  to  church  authority  was  one  of  the  fun- 
damental maxims  of  the  orthodox  Schoolmen.  But  the  place 
they  gave  the  human  reason  and  the  constant  appeal  they 
made  to  it  was  preparing  the  way  for  the  full  and  plain  asser- 
tion of  the  principle  of  the  freedom  of  thought.  "  Scholasti- 
cism as  a  whole,"  says  Professor  Seth,  "  may  be  justly  regarded 
as  the  history  of  the  growth  and  gradual  emancipation  of 
reason  which  was  completed  in  the  movements  of  the 
Renaissance  and  the  Reformation." 

Sources  and  Source  Material. —  Translations  and  Reprints  (Univ. 
of  Penn.),  vol.  ii,  No.  3,  "The  Mediaeval  Student."  This  contains  val- 
\iable  material  on  "  Privileges  of  the  Students,"  "  The  Courses  of 
Study,"  "  Condemnation  of  Errors,"  and  "Life  of  the  Students."  Hen- 
derson's Select  Historical  Documents  of  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  262-266, 
"  The  Foundation  of  the  University  of  Heidelberg,  a.d.  1386."  Dante, 
Divina  Cojnmedia  (trans,  by  Longfellow).  There  is  much  of  the  spirit, 
the  form,  and  the  substance  of  Scholasticism  in  this  great  mediaeval 
poem,  for,  after  Aristotle,  the  Schoolmen  Albertus  Magnus  and  Thomas 
Aquinas  were  Dante's  masters  in  philosophy  and  science.  An  admira- 
ble bit  of  Scholastic  reasoning  and  exposition  will  be  found  in  canto  vii 
of  the  Paradiso,  where  Beatrice  discourses  on  "the  Incarnation,  the 
Immortality  of  the  soul,  and  the  Resurrection  of  the  body." 

Secondary  or  Modern  Works.  —  Rashdall  (H.),  ^^The  Universities 
of  Europe  in  the  Middle  Ages,  2  vols.  Laurie  (S.  S.),  **  The  Rise 
atid  Early  Constitution  of  Universities  {lntern2Ltionsd  Education  Series). 
Compayre  (G.),  **  Abelard,  and  the  Origin  and  Early  History  of  Uni- 
versities (The  Great  Educators).  Jessopp  (A.),  The  Coining  of  the 
Friars,  chap,  vi,  "The  Building  up  of  a  University."  Poole  (R.  L.), 
Illustrations  of  the  History  of  Mediizval  Thought.  CHURCH  (R.  W.), 
Saint  Anselm.  Allen  (J.  H.),  Christian  History  in  its  Three  Great 
Periods,  chap,  viii,  "Scholastic  Theology."  Ueberweg  (F.),  iY/j-^^ry 
of  Philosophy  (from  the  German),  vol.  i,  pp.  355-467.  Townsend 
(W.  J.),  The  Great  Schoolmen  of  the  Middle  Ages.  Vaughan  (R.  B.), 
The  Life  and  Labours  of  S.  Thomas  of  Aquin,  2  vols.  The  abridged 
edition  published  in  1875  will  best  serve  the  ends  of  the  ordi- 
nary  reader.      Hampden  (R.  D.),    The  Life  of  Thotfias  Aquinas:    A 


Services  of  the  Schoolmen  323 

Dissertation  on  the  Scholastic  Philosophy  of  the  Middle  Ages  (1848).  A 
little  book  well  adapted  to  the  use  of  elementary  classes.  Trench 
(R.  C),  Lectures  on  Mediceval  Church  History,  lects.  xiv  and  xviii. 
Hurst  (J.  F.),  History  of  the  Christian  Church,  vol.  i,  pp.  867-888. 
MiLMAN  (H.  H.),  History  of  Latin  Christianity,  vol.  iv,  bk.  viii,  chap,  v  ; 
vol.  viii,  bk.  xiv,  chap.  iii.  Alzog  (J.),  Utiiversal  Church  History 
(from  the  German),  vol.  ii,  pp.  728-784.  Fisher  (G.  P.),  History  of  the 
Christian  Church,  pp.  208-226.  Stille  (C.  J.),  Studies  in  Mediceval 
History,  chap,  xiii,  *'  Scholastic  Philosophy  —  The  Schoolmen  — 
Universities."  MoRisoN  (J.  C),  The  Life  and  Times  of  Saint  Bernard, 
and  Storrs  (R.  S.),  Bernard  of  Clairvaux.  In  each  of  these  works 
will  be  found  an  interesting  account  of  Bernard's  controversy  with 
Abelard.  In  Epochs  of  Church  History:  Mullinger  (J.  B.),  A  His- 
tory of  the  University  of  Cambridge,  chaps,  i-iii ;  and  BrodRICK  (G.  C.), 
A  History  of  the  University  of  Oxford,  chaps,  i-vi.  Whewell  (W.), 
History  of  the  Inductive  Sciences,  2  vols.  For  Roger  Bacon  and  the 
science  of  the  Middle  Ages.  Consult  also  articles  on  "  Universities  " 
and  "  Scholasticism  "  in  the  Encyc.  Brit.,  and  for  the  Scholastic  The- 
ology, the  various  histories  of  Philosophy. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 
THE   RENAISSANCE 

I.    The  Renaissance  before  the  Renaissance 

277.  The  Renaissance  defined.  —  By  the  term  *'  Renaissance," 
used  in  its  narrower  sense,  is  meant  that  new  enthusiasm  for 
classical  literature,  learning,  and  art  which  sprang  up  in  Italy 
towards  the  close  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  which  during  the 
course  of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  gave  a  new 
culture  to  Europe.^ 

Used  in  a  broader  sense  the  word  designates  the  transition 
from  the  mediaeval  to  the  modern  age.  Symonds  employs  it 
to  characterize  "  the  movement  by  which  the  nations  of  West- 
ern Europe  passed  from  the  mediaeval  to  modern  modes  of 
thought  and  Hfe." 

Michelet's  famous  definition  of  the  Renaissance  as  "  the 
discovery  of  the  world  and  of  man  "  is  essentially  the  same 
as  Symonds's ;  nor  is  Pater's  conception  different  when  he 
declares  the  fruit  of  the  revival  to  have  been  "  a  new  love  of 
the  things  of  the  intellect  and  the  imagination." 

The  movement  again  may  be  viewed  as  an  intellectual  revolt, 
like  the  religious  revolt  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  then 
defined  as  a  protest  against  mediceval  asceticism  and  mediaeval 
restraints.     It  is  well  indeed  to  view  it  from  this  standpoint, 

1  By  many  writers  the  term  is  employed  in  a  still  narrower  sense  than  this, 
being  used  to  designate  merely  the  revival  of  classical  art ;  but  this  is  to  depreciate 
the  most  important  phase  of  a  many-sided  development.  The  Renaissance  was 
essentially  an  intellectual  movement.  It  is  this  intellectual  quality  which  gives 
it  so  large  a  place  in  universal  history  —  in  the  religious,  political,  and  social 
development  of  the  race. 

324 


Presages  of  the  Renaissance  325 

since  then  we  see  it  in  its  proper  and  causal  relation  to  those 
other  two  great  revolutionary  movements  of  modern  history 
which  we  call  the  Reformation  and  the  Political  Revolution.^ 

Ail  these  definitions  and  characterizations  may  be  sugges- 
tively summarized  in  this  way :  The  Renaissance  was  the 
rebirth  into  the  world  of  that  secular,  inquiring,  self-reliant 
spirit  which  characterized  the  hfe  and  culture  of  classical 
antiquity.  This  is  simply  to  say  that  under  the  influence  of 
the  intellectual  revival  the  men  of  Western  Europe  came  to 
think  and  feel,  to  look  upon  life  and  the  outer  world,  as  did 
the  men  of  ancient  Greece  and  Rome.  It  was  this  similarity 
in  mental  viewpoint  that  caused  the  men  of  the  Renaissance  to 
recognize  kindred  spirits  in  the  men  of  Graeco-Roman  times, 
which  awakened  in  them  such  an  unbounded  admiration  for 
everything  relating  to  classical  antiquity,  and  which  made  the 
revival  movement  in  Italy,  the  country  of  its  birth,  to  consist 
almost  exclusively  in  a  passionate  effort  to  recover  all  that 
could  then  be  recovered  of  the  long-lost  heritage  of  classical 
civilization. 

278.  Presages  of  the  Renaissance. — Just  as  the  mediaeval 
age  was  full  of  presages  of  the  Reformation,  so  was  it  full  of 
presages  of  the  Renaissance.  All  along  through  the  centuries 
before  the  fourteenth  there  were  constantly  appearing  signs 
and  omens,  in  mental  unrest,  longings,  and  stirrings,  which 
plainly  foreshadowed  the  coming  change  and  revolution  in 
the  intellectual  world.  Sometimes  the  new  spirit  awoke  in  a 
single  individual,  who  seemed  thereby  set  apart  from  his  gen- 
eration, misunderstood  and  distrusted  by  his  contemporaries,  a 
man  born  into  the  world  out  of  time ;  and  then  again  the  new 
spirit  passed  as  a  breath  over  a  land  or  over  a  generation  and 
stirred  the  universal  soul. 

In  some  of  these  awakenings  of  the  soul  of  mediaeval  human- 
ity the  movement  seems  to  have  been  —  so  obscure  and  deeply 
hidden  are  the  inciting  causes  —  simply  an  outbreak  of  the 

2  Compare  pars.  2  and  276. 


326  MedicEval  History 

native  energies  of  the  growing  and  maturing  soul  of  the  new 
races ;  but  ahuost  always  when  we  can  trace  the  influences 
at  work  the  intellectual  ferment  is  seen  to  be  caused  by  the 
direct  or  indirect  contact  of  the  mediaeval  mind  with  the 
thought  and  learning  and  culture  of  classical  antiquity  —  so 
true  is  it  that  life  can  come  only  from  preexistent  life. 

279.  The  Carolingian  Revival  of  the  Ninth  Century. — To 
the  most  noteworthy  of  these  intellectual  movements  precur- 
sory of  the  Renaissance  our  attention  has  already  been  drawn 
in  the  course  of  the  preceding  narrative.  We  have  noticed 
the  Carolingian  revival  of  the  ninth  century,  w^hich  had  its 
point  of  departure  in  the  Hfe  and  work  of  the  great  Charles. 
In  this  early  Renaissance  the  elements  and  forces  of  the 
Grseco-Roman  civilization  were  actively  at  work ;  but  the 
movement  was  premature.  The  time  had  not  yet  come  for 
the  mediaeval  men  to  enter  into  the  inheritance  of  the  ancient 
world  of  culture.  The  descent  of  the  great  Charles  into  the 
tomb  was  like  the  sinking  of  the  sun.  Darkness  again  settled 
over  Europe.  Yet  the  light  of  that  premature  dawn  never 
wholly  faded  out  of  the  sky  of  the  mediaeval  world. 

280.  The  Crusades  in  their  Relation  to  the  Renaissance.  — 
It  was  the  Crusades,  as  we  pointed  out  in  summarizing  the 
effects  of  those  expeditions,^  that  contributed  essentially  to 
relieve  the  darkness  that  followed  the  eclipse  of  the  Carohn- 
gian  revival,  to  break  the  mental  lethargy  that  had  fallen  upon 
the  European  mind,  and  to  aw^aken  in  the  nations  of  Western 
Europe  the  spirit  of  a  new  Hfe.  We  need  not  here  repeat 
what  was  said  in  that  connection,  save  merely  to  recall  how 
those  enterprises  of  Christendom  —  largely  through  bringing 
the  Christian  West  into  touch  with  the  Graeco-Arabian  schools 
of  Alexandria,  Cairo,  and  Bagdad,  and  with  the  more  distant 
centers  of  science,  Balkh,  Ispahan,  and  Samarcand  —  initiated 
or  fostered  social  and  intellectual  movements  of  vast  and  far- 
reaching  consequences.     Before  the  Crusades  closed,  the  way 

3  Compare  pars.  225-228. 


The  Development  of  Vernaciila?'  LiteratiLves       327 

of  the  Renaissance  was  already  prepared.  In  every  territory 
of  human  activity  the  paths  along  which  advances  were  to  be 
made  by  the  men  of  coming  generations  had  been  marked 
out,  and  in  many  directions  trodden  by  the  eager  feet  of  the 
pioneers  of  the  new  life  and  culture. 

281.  The  Development  of  Vernacular  Literatures  as  an 
Expression  of  the  New  Spirit.  —  The  awakening  of  this  new 
spirit  in  the  Western  nations  is  especially  observable  in  the 
growth  and  development  of  their  vernacular  hteratures.  It 
was,  speaking  broadly,  during  and  just  after  the  crusading 
centuries  that  the  native  tongues  of  Europe  found  a  voice  — 
began  to  form  literatures  of  their  own.  We  ha\'e  in  another 
place  spoken  of  the  formation  and  gradual  growth  of  some  of 
the  most  important  of  these  languages.*  As  soon  as  their 
forms  became  somewhat  settled,  then  literature  was  possible, 
and  all  these  speeches  bud  and  blossom  into  song  and  romance. 
In  Spain  the  epic  poem  of  the  Cid^  a  reflection  of  CastiHan 
chivalry,  forms  the  beginning  of  Spanish  literature ;  in  the 
south  of  France,  the  Troubadours  fill  the  land  wdth  the  melody 
of  their  love-songs  ;  in  the  north,  the  Trouveurs  recite  the 
stirring  romances  of  Charlemagne  and  his  paladins,  of  King 
Arthur  and  the  Holy  Grail ;  in  Germany,  the  harsh  strains  of 
the  Nibehmgen  Lied  are  followed  by  the  softer  notes  of  the 
Minnesingers ;  in  Italy,  Dante  sings  his  Divine  Comedy  in  the 
pure  mellifluous  tongue  of  Tuscany,  and  creates  a  language 
for  the  Italian  race ;  in  England,  Chaucer  writes  his  Canter- 
bury Tales,  and  completes  the  fusion  of  Saxon  and  Norman 
into  the  English  tongue. 

This  formation  of  the  modern  European  languages  and  the 
growth  of  native  literatures  foreshadowed  the  approaching 
Renaissance ;  for  there  was  in  these  literatures  a  note  of 
freedom,  a  note  of  protest  against  mediaeval  asceticism  and 
ecclesiastical  restraint.  And  at  the  same  time  that  this  liter- 
ary development  heralded  the  coming  intellectual  revival  it 

*  Compare  pars.  53  and  54. 


328  Mediceval  History 

hastened  its  advance  ;  for  the  Hght  songs,  tales,  and  romances 
of  these  vernacular  literatures,  unlike  the  learned  productions 
of  the  Schoolmen,  which  were  in  Latin  and  addressed  only  to 
a  limited  class,  appealed  to  the  masses  and  thus  stirred  the 
universal  mind  and  heart  of  Europe. 

282.  The  Albigensian  Revolt.  —  Most  plainly  does  the  free, 
secular,  protesting  spirit  that  inspired  these  native  literatures 
reveal  itself  in  the  Provencal  or  Albigensian  movement  of  the 
twelfth  and  the  early  part  of  the  thirteenth  century  (par.  221). 
This  was  in  reality  not  so  much  a  religious  movement  as  an 
intellectual,  social,  and  literary  development.  There  were  at 
work  in  it  foreign  influences,  Oriental  and  classical,  yet  in  the 
main  the  Provencal  innovators  and  poets  drew  their  inspira- 
tion directly  from  nature.  The  movement  was  essentially  a 
spontaneous  outbreak  of  genuine  and  irrepressible  human 
instincts  and  impulses. 

It  seems  as  though  this  Provengal  development  should  have 
constituted  the  formal  and  definite  beginnings  of  the  Renais- 
sance—  as  though  Provence,  instead  of  Italy,  should  have 
been  the  hearth  and  propagating  center  of  the  great  intellec- 
tual revival.  But  the  appearance  of  this  self-assertive,  secular, 
modern  spirit  awakened  the  apprehensions  of  the  Church  and 
stirred  it  to  the  use  of  stern  measures  of  repression.  The  cruel 
crusades  which  drowned  in  blood  the  Albigensian  heresy  also 
quenched  the  light  of  the  new  culture. 

283.  The  Sicilian  Revival  under  Frederick  II.  —  Another 
pre-Renaissance  movement,  one  less  popular  and  spontaneous 
in  its  character,  however,  than  the  movement  having  Provence 
as  its  center,  is  that  associated  with  the  name  of  Emperor 
Frederick  II  (12 12-1250),  of  whom  we  have  already  spoken 
in  connection  with  the  struggle  between  the  empire  and  the 
papacy  (par.  234).  Frederick  possessed  that  many-sidedness 
of  nature,  that  freedom  from  religious  narrowness  and  bigotry, 
that  spirit  of  mental  independence  and  self-reliance  which 
characterized  the  men  of  the  Renaissance.     In  a  word,  he  was 


Town  Life  and  Lay  Culture  329 

a  modern  man.  That  he  lived  so  many  centuries  in  advance 
of  his  contemporaries  is  attributable  not  only  to  the  fresh 
native  vigor  of  an  intellect  perhaps  the  most  forceful  of  the 
mediaeval  time,  but  also  to  the  subtle  influences  of  an  environ- 
ment electric  from  the  collision  of  Oriental  and  Occidental 
social  and  religious  systems,  and  saturated  with  the  elements 
of  the  life  and  thought  of  Grseco-Roman  antiquity. 

Frederick  played  the  role  of  a  Maecenas.  He  caused  the 
translation  into  Latin  of  certain  of  the  works  of  Aristotle 
and  Averroes,  founded  the  University  of  Naples,  and  made 
his  court  at  Palermo  a  refuge  for  the  exiled  minstrels  of 
the  Albigensian  persecution.  Thus,  under  his  patronage 
there  sprang  up  in  the  soft  SiciHan  lands  an  intellectual 
and  literary  development  like  that  which  gave  distinction  to 
the  court  of  many  an  Italian  despot  of  the  true  age  of  the 
Renaissance. 

But  this  intellectual  dawn  in  the  South,  like  that  in  the  North, 
was  foredoomed  to  a  premature  eclipse.  Whatever  of  promise 
there  may  have  been  in  the  movement  was  destroyed  by  the 
same  hand  that  accomplished  the  ruin  of  the  Provencal  culture. 
The  revival,  however,  left  some  traces  behind.  Those  gleams 
of  Graeco-Roman  and  Arabian  culture  which  illumined  Europe 
in  the  thirteenth  century  radiated  in  part  from  the  brilliant 
court  of  Frederick  II. 

284.  Town  Life  and  Lay  Culture. — The  spirit  of  the  new 
life  was  nourished  not  less  in  the  air  of  the  great  cities  than  in 
the  atmosphere  of  princely  courts.  In  speaking  of  mediaeval 
town  life  we  noticed  how  within  the  towns  there  was  early 
developed  a  life  Hke  that  of  modern  times.  The  atmosphere 
of  these  bustling,  trafficking  cities  called  into  existence  a  practi- 
cal commercial  spirit,  a  many-sided,  independent,  secular  Hfe 
which  in  many  respects  was  directly  opposed  to  mediaeval 
teachings  and  ideals. 

This  intellectual  and  social  movement  within  the  mediaeval 
towns,  especially  in  the  great  city-republics  of  Italy,  was  related 


3  30  MedicEval  History 

most  intimately,  as  we  shall  see  in  a  moment,  to  that  great 
revival  of  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  to  which  the 
term  "  Renaissance  "  is  distinctively  applied. 

285.  Scholasticism  and  the  Modern  Spirit.  — The  history  of 
Scholasticism,  a  short  outline  of  which  we  gave  in  the  chapter 
immediately  preceding  this,  constitutes  an  important  part  not 
only  of  the  history  of  Mediaevalism  but  also  of  the  history  of 
the  Renaissance.  For,  as  we  there  noticed,  there  were  at  work 
in  Scholasticism  two  mutually  opposing  principles  and  tenden- 
cies, two  spirits  striving  together,  the  mediaeval  and  the  mod- 
ern. Thus  Abelard  in  intellectual  bent  and  temper,  in  the 
originality  and  adventurousness  of  his  thought,  in  the  claims 
he  made  for  the  human  reason,  belongs  rather  to  the  modern 
than  to  the  mediaeval  world. 

Indeed,  thinking  of  Scholasticism  as  a  whole,  we  may  say 
that  there  lay  hidden  in  it  the  germ  of  the  principle  of  freedom 
of  thought,  —  a  characteristic  quality,  as  we  shall  learn,  of  the 
Renaissance. 

286.  Dante  as  a  Precursor  of  the  Renaissance.  —  We  have 
already  spoken  the  name  of  Dante,  but  the  great  place  he  holds 
in  the  intellectual  history  of  the  race  requires  that  we  should 
speak  with  some  detail  of  the  relation  which  he  sustained  to 
the  age  which,  just  as  he  appeared,  was  passing  away,  and  to 
the  new  age  which  was  then  approaching. 

Dante  Alighieri,  "the  fame  of  the  Tuscan  people,"  was  born 
at  Florence  in  1265.  He  was  exiled  by  the  Florentines  in 
1302,  and  at  the  courts  of  friends  learned  how  hard  a  thing  it 
is  "  to  cUn  b  the  stairway  of  a  patron."  He  died  at  Ravenna 
in  132 1,  and  his  tomb  there  is  a  place  of  pilgrimage  to-day. 

It  was  during  the  years  of  his  exile  that  Dante  wrote  his 
immortal  poem,  the  Commedia  as  named  by  himself,  because 
of  its  happy  ending ;  the  Divhia  Co7ii7nedia,  or  the  "  Divine 
Comedy,"  as  called  by  his  admirers,  —  a  work  which  well 
illustrates  these  words  of  Burckhardt  :  "  Banishment  has  this 
effect  above  all,  that  either  it  wears  the  exile  out  or  develops 


Stimulus  from  t/ie  Side  of  Classical  Antiquity     331 

whatever  is  greatest  in  him."  Of  his  labor  upon  the  poem 
Dante  himself  says  :   "For  many  years  it  has  made  me  lean." 

The  Divifie  Comedy  has  been  called  the  "Epic  of  Mediaeval- 
ism."  It  is  an  epitome  of  the  life  and  thought  of  the  Middle 
Ages.  Dante's  theology  is  the  theology  of  the  mediaeval 
Church ;  his  philosophy  is  the  philosophy  of  the  Schoolmen  ; 
his  science  is  the  science  of  his  time.  He  believes  with  his 
contemporaries  that  the  papacy  and  the  empire  were  divinely 
instituted,  the  one  to  rule  the  world  in  matters  spiritual,  the 
other  in  matters  temporal ;  he  shares  the  mediaeval  behef  in 
the  influence  of  the  stars  ;  he  has  the  mediaeval  fear  and 
hatred  of  heresy. 

But  although  Dante  viewed  the  world  from  a  standpoint 
which  was  essentially  that  of  the  medieval  age  which  was  pass- 
ing away,  still  he  was  in  a  profound  sense  a  prophet  of  the  new 
age  which  was  approaching,  —  a  forerunner  of  the  Renaissance. 
He  was  such  in  his  feeling  for  classical  antiquity.  When  he 
speaks  lovingly  of  Vergil  as  his  teacher  and  master,  the  one 
from  whom  he  took  the  beautiful  style  that  had  done  him 
honor,^  he  reveals  how  he  has  come  to  look  with  other  than 
mediaeval  eyes  upon  the  Augustan  poet.  His  modern  attitude 
towards  Graeco-Roman  culture  is  further  shown  in  his  free  use 
of  the  works  of  the  classical  writers ;  the  illustrative  material 
of  his  great  poem  is  drawn  almost  as  largely  from  classical  as 
from  Hebrew  and  Christian  sources.  Again,  in  his  self-rehant 
judgment,  in  his  critical  spirit,  in  his  intense  individuaUsm, 
Dante  exhibits  intellectual  traits  which  we  recognize  as 
belonging  rather  to  the  modern  than  to  the  mediaeval  man. 

287.  The  Fresh  Stimulus  from  the  Side  of  Classical  Antiquity. 
—  We  have  now  reached  the  opening  of  the  fourteenth  century. 
We  have  looked  through  the  mediaeval  centuries  for  evidences 
of  the  awakening  of  the  modern  spirit.  We  have  noted  the 
Carolingian  revival  of  the  ninth  century ;  we  have  witnessed 
how  the  narrow  circle  of  men's  thoughts  and  interests  were 

5  Inferno,  i,  85-87. 


332  MedicBval  His  to  ry 

widened  by  the  Crusades;  we  have  seen  the  modern  lan- 
guages, enriched  and  matured  by  the  fusion  of  races  and  the 
growth  of  centuries,  developing  their  rich  stores  of  myth  and 
legend  into  suggestive  and  promising  literatures;  we  have 
observed  the  quickening  influence  upon  the  European  mind 
of  its  first  contact  with  Grseco-Arabian  culture ;  we  have 
encountered  the  modern  spirit  within  the  trading,  commercial 
towns;  we  have  seen  the  European  mind  aroused  and  disci- 
plined by  the  debates  of  the  disputatious  Schoolmen ;  and  we 
have  traced  in  the  great  wide-horizoned  soul  of  Dante  indica- 
tions of  the  dawn  of  a  new  age. 

Having  acquainted  ourselves  with  these  mental  experiences 
of  the  men  of  the  mediaeval  time,  having  observed  the  prog- 
ress made  by  the  human  soul  during  the  mediaeval  centuries, 
we  might  easily  be  led  to  suppose  that  the  European  intellect 
would  now  be  able  to  make  an  uninterrupted  advance  by  virtue 
of  its  own  inherent  powers  and  native  resources,  without  any 
further  aids  or  incitements  from  the  past  than  such  as  had 
been  already  received.  But  however  this  may  be,  the  intellec- 
tual progress  of  Europe  received  just  at  this  time  a  tremendous 
impulse  from  the  more  perfect  recovery  of  the  inestimable 
treasures  of  the  civilization  of  Graeco-Roman  antiquity,  so  that 
we  can  only  conjecture  what  modern  history  and  culture  would 
be  like  had  the  mental  and  spiritual  development  now  well 
under  way  not  felt  the  fresh  impulse  imparted  to  it  through 
this  closer  and  more  vital  contact  with  the  literature  and  learn- 
ing and  art  of  the  great  past  of  the  classical  peoples. 

So  far-reaching  and  transforming  was  the  influence  of  the 
old  world  of  culture  upon  the  nations  of  Western  Europe  that 
the  Renaissance,  viewed  as  the  transition  from  the  mediaeval 
to  the  modern  age,  may  properly  be  regarded  as  beginning 
with  its  discovery,  or  rediscovery,  and  the  appropriation  of  its 
riches  by  the  Italian  scholars.  In  the  following  section  we 
shall  try  to  give  some  account  of  this  Renaissance  movement 
in  its  earUer  stages  and  as  it  manifested  itself  in  Italy. 


The  Renaissajice  in  Italy  333 

II.   The  Renaissance  in  Italy 

288.  Inciting  Causes  of  the  Movement.  —  Just  as  the  Refor- 
mation went  forth  from  Germany  and  the  PoUtical  Revolution 
from  France,  so  did  the  Renaissance  go  forth  from  Italy.  And 
this  was  not  an  accident.  The  Renaissance  had  its  beginnings 
in  Italy  for  the  reason  that  all  those  agencies  which  were  the 
inciting  causes  of  those  earlier  mental  awakenings  of  which  we 
have  spoken  were  here  more  energetic  and  effective  in  their 
workings  than  elsewhere. 

Foremost  among  these  causes  must  be  placed  the  influence 
of  the  Italian  cities.  We  have  already  seen  how  city  life  was 
more  perfectly  developed  in  Italy  than  in  the  other  countries 
of  Western  Europe.  In  the  air  of  the  great  Italian  city- 
republics  there  was  nourished  a  strong,  energetic,  self-reliant, 
secular,  many-sided  life.  It  was  a  political,  intellectual,  and 
artistic  life  like  that  of  the  cities  of  ancient  Greece.  Florence, 
for  example,  became  a  second  Athens,  and  in  the  eager  air  of 
that  city  individual  talent  and  faculty  were  developed  as  of  old 
in  the  atmosphere  of  the  Attic  capital.  "  In  Florence,"  says 
Symonds,  "  had  been  produced  such  glorious  human  beings  as 
the  world  has  rarely  seen.  .  .  .  The  whole  population  formed 
an  aristocracy  of  genius." 

In  a  word,  life  in  Italy  earlier  than  elsewhere  lost  its  medi- 
aeval characteristics  and  assumed  those  of  the  modern  type. 
We  may  truly  say  that  the  Renaissance  was  cradled  in  the 
cities  of  mediaeval  Italy.  The  Italians,  to  use  again  the  words 
of  Symonds,  w^ere  "  the  first-born  among  the  sons  of  modern 
Europe." 

A  second  circumstance  that  doubtless  contributed  to  make 
Italy  the  birthplace  of  the  modern  spirit  was  the  intrusion  into 
the  peninsula  of  so  many  different  races,  —  Goths,  Lombards, 
Franks,  Saracens,  Normans,  and  Cxermans.  Such  collisions  and 
interminglings  of  human  stocks  as  took  place  there,  such  con- 
tacts and  fusions  of  different  civilizations  —  Roman,  Byzantine, 


334  MedicEval  History 

Arabian  —  could  not  but  produce  a  mental  ferment  and  induce 
social  and  intellectual  movements  of  far-reaching  consequences. 

A  third  circumstance  that  helped  to  make  Italy  the  foster 
home  of  the  Renaissance  was  the  character  of  its  schools  and 
universities.  In  these  institutions  secular  and  practical  stud- 
ies, as  for  instance  Roman  law  and  medicine,  held  the  place 
which  was  given  the  Scholastic  theology  in  the  universities  of 
the  North.  This  emphasis  laid  upon  secular  learning  helped 
to  prepare  the  ground  in  Italy  for  receiving  the  seed  of  the 
new  lay  culture  of  the  Renaissance. 

A  fourth  circumstance  was  the  fact  that  in  Italy  the  break 
between  the  old  and  the  new  civilization  was  not  so  complete  as 
it  was  in  the  other  countries  of  Western  Europe.  The  Italians 
were  closer  in  language  and  in  blood  to  the  old  Romans  than 
were  the  other  new-forming  nations.  They  regarded  them- 
selves as  the  direct  descendants  and  heirs  of  the  old  conquer- 
ors of  the  world.  This  consciousness  of  kinship  with  the  men 
of  a  great  past  exerted  an  immense  influence  upon  the  imagina- 
tion of  the  Italians  and  tended  not  only  to  preserve  the  con- 
tinuity of  the  historical  development  in  the  peninsula,  but  also 
to  set  as  the  first  task  of  the  emancipated  Italian  genius  the 
recovery  and  appropriation  of  the  culture  of  antiquity. 

But  more  potent  than  all  other  agencies,  not  so  much  in 
awakening  the  Italian  intellect  as  in  determining  the  direction 
of  its  activities  after  they  were  once  aroused  by  other  inciting 
causes,  was  the  existence  in  the  peninsula  of  so  many  monu- 
ments of  the  civilization  and  the  grandeur  of  ancient  Rome. 
The  cities  themselves  were,  in  a  very  exact  sense,  fragments 
of  the  old  empire ;  and  everywhere  in  the  peninsula  the 
ground  was  covered  with  ruins  of  the  old  Roman  builders. 
The  influence  which  these  reminders  of  a  glorious  past  exerted 
upon  sensitive  souls  is  illustrated  by  the  biographies  of  such 
men  as  Arnold  of  Brescia,  Villani,  Rienzi,  and  Petrarch. 

There  is  need  here,  however,  of  caution.  For  while  it  is 
true  that  the  monuments  of  antiquity  helped  to  awaken  the 


Two  Phases  of  the  Italian  Re7iaissance  335 

new  spirit  of  the  Renaissance,  it  is  equally  true  that  it  was  the 
new  spirit  already  awakened  that  restored  life  to  antiquity. 
This  relation  of  the  genius  of  the  Renaissance  to  the  Graeco- 
Roman  past  is  finely  set  forth  by  the  words,  often  quoted, 
of  one  of  the  most  zealous  of  the  early  students  of  classical 
antiquities  :  "  I  go,"  he  said,  as  about  to  set  out  on  a  quest 
among  the  ancient  ruins,  "  I  go  to  awaken  the  dead."  It  was 
because  a  new  life  was  already  stirring  in  the  Italians  that  the 
memorials  of  ancient  Greece  and  Rome  cast  such  a  spell  upon 
them ;  for,  in  the  words  of  the  mystic,  "  to  a  stone,  the 
universe  is  a  stone." 

289.  The  Two  Phases  of  the  Italian  Renaissance.  —  It  was, 
as  we  have  already  intimated,  the  nearness  of  the  Italians  to 
the  classical  past  that  caused  the  Renaissance  in  Italy  to 
assume  essentially  the  character  of  a  classical  revival,  —  a 
recovery  and  appropriation  by  the  Italians  of  the  long- 
neglected  heritage  of  Grseco- Roman  civilization. 

The  movement  here  consisted  of  two  distinct  yet  closely 
related  phases  :  namely,  (i)  the  revival  of  classical  literature 
and  learning,  and  (2)  the  revival  of  classical  art.  It  is  with 
the  first  only,  the  intellectual  and  literary  phase  of  the  move- 
ment, that  we  shall  be  chiefly  concerned.  This  feature  of  the 
movement  is  called  distinctively  "  Humanism,"  and  the  pro- 
moters of  it  are  known  as  "  Humanists,"  because  of  their 
interest  in  the  study  of  the  classics,  the  litercn  humaniores, 
or  the  "more  human  letters,"  in  opposition  to  the  diviner 
letters,  that  is,  theology,  which  made  up  the  old  education. 

290.  Petrarch,*'  the  First  of  the  Humanists.  —  "  Not  only  in 
the  history  of  Italian  hterature,  but  in  that  of  the  civilized  world, 
and  not  only  in  this  but  in  the  history  of  the  human  mind  .  .  . 
Petrarch's  name  shines  as  a  star  of  the  first  magnitude."  " 

6  Francesco  Petrarca  (1304-1374).  Petrarch  is  best  known  to  most  as  the 
writer  of  Italian  sonnets,  but  his  significance  for  general  history  is  due  almost 
wholly  to  his  relation  to  the  revival  of  classical  learning  in  Italy,  and  conse- 
quently it  is  only  of  this  phase  of  his  activity  that  we  shall  speak. 

7  Voigt,  Die  WiederbelcMmg  des  classischen  AltertJucms^  3d  ed.,  vol.  i,  p.  22. 


336  Mediceval  History 

It  is  in  such  words  as  these  that  one  of  the  greatest  historians 
of  humanism  speaks  of  Petrarch  and  his  place  in  the  history 
of  the  intellectual  progress  of  the  race.  It  will  be  worth  our 
while  to  try  to  understand  what  Petrarch  was  in  himself  and 
what  he  did  which  justifies  such  an  appraisement  of  his  signifi- 
cance for  universal  history.  A  study  of  his  life  and  work  will 
be  found  to  be  a  study  of  the  essential  qualities  of  the  most 
important  intellectual  revolution  through  which  the  European 
peoples  have  ever  passed.  To  understand  Petrarch  is  to  under- 
stand the  Renaissance. 

Petrarch  was  the  first  and  greatest  representative  of  the 
humanistic  phase  of  the  Italian  Renaissance.  He  was  the 
first  scholar  of  the  mediaeval  time  who  fully  realized  and 
appreciated  the  supreme  excellence  and  beauty  of  the  clas- 
sical literature  and  its  value  as  a  means  of  culture.  His 
enthusiasm  for  the  ancient  writers  was  a  sort  of  worship.  At 
great  cost  of  time  and  labor  he  made  a  collection  of  about 
two  hundred  manuscript  volumes  of  the  classics.  Among  his 
choicest  Latin  treasures  were  some  of  Cicero's  letters,  which 
he  had  himself  discovered  in  an  old  library  at  Verona,  and 
reverently  copied  with  his  own  hand.  He  could  not  read 
Greek,  yet  he  gathered  Greek  as  well  as  Latin  manuscripts. 
He  had  sixteen  works  of  Plato  and  a  revered  copy  of  Homer 
sent  him  from  Constantinople ;  and  thus,  as  he  himself 
expressed  it,  the  first  of  poets  and  the  first  of  philosophers 
took  up  their  abode  with  him. 

This  last  sentiment  reveals  Petrarch's  feeling  for  his  books. 
The  spirits  of  their  authors  seemed  to  him  to  surround  him  in 
his  quiet  library,  and  he  was  never  so  happy  as  when  holding 
converse  with  these  choice  souls  of  the  past.  Often  he  wrote 
letters  to  the  old  worthies,  —  Homer,  Cicero,  Vergil,  Seneca, 
and  the  rest,  —  for  Petrarch  loved  thus  to  record  his  thoughts, 
and  spent  much  of  his  time  in  the  recreation  of  letter- writing ; 
for  recreation,  and  Hfe  itself,  letter-writing  was  to  him. 

Petrarch's    enthusiasm    for    the    classical    authors    became 


Petrarch  and  the  Schoolmen  337 

contagious.  Fathers  reproached  him  for  enticing  their  sons 
from  the  study  of  the  law  to  the  reading  of  the  classics  and  the 
writing  of  Latin  verses.  But  the  movement  started  by  Petrarch 
could  not  be  checked.  The  impulse  he  imparted  to  human- 
istic studies  is  still  felt  in  the  world  of  letters  and  learning. 

291 .  Petrarch  and  the  Schoolmen.  —  The  new  spirit  awakened 
in  Petrarch  made  him  perforce  the  uncompromising  critic  and 
opponent  of  almost  everything  mediaeval.  For  the  Schoolmen 
he  had  a  special  aversion.  He  scoffed  at  them  with  their 
tiresome  disputations,  likening  them  to  the  ancient  Sophists, 
men  who  played  with  words  and  forgot  that  their  use  is  to 
express  thought  and  to  promote  the  cause  of  truth.  The 
universities,  which  were  their  strongholds,  he  called  "  nests  of 
the  densest  ignorance."  The  immense  foHos  of  the  Scholastics 
he  characterized  as  piles  of  rubbish  with  no  grains  of  truth. 

In  order  to  confound  his  enemies  when  they  quoted  Aristotle 
against  him,  he  declared  that  there  were  many  things  which 
Aristotle  did  not  know,  that  he  was  only  a  man  and  hence 
liable  to  make  mistakes.  This  was  a  bold  word  to  utter  then. 
It  v/as  almost  as  heretical  as  a  denial  of  the  infallibility  of  the 
Bible.  "Such  a  word  in  the  history  of  science,"  says  Voigt, 
"  makes  an  epoch  such  as  a  Battle  of  the  Nations  makes  in  the 
history  of  states.  .  .  .  The  blow  struck  not  Aristotle  alone,  but 
also  the  Church  and  the  whole  mediaeval  system."  ^ 

292.  Petrarch's  Feeling  for  the  Ruins  of  Rome.^  —  Petrarch 
had  for  the  material  monuments  of  classical  antiquity  a  feeling 
akin  to  that  which  he  had  for  its  literary  memorials. 

The  men  of  the  real  mediaeval  time  had  no  intelligent  curi- 
osity or  feehng  respecting  the  monuments  and  ruins  of  the 

8  Die  Wicderbelebiing  des  classisc/ieii  Alterthtutis,  3d  ed.,  vol.  i,  p.  80. 

9  This  subject  may  at  first  thought  seem  out  of  place  here  in  connection  with 
the  humanistic  movement,  and  appear  to  belong  rather  to  the  artistic  revival ; 
but  it  has  really  a  less  close  relation  to  that  phase  of  the  Renaissance  than  to 
the  one  with  which  we  are  now  dealing,  for  the  reason  that  it  was  neither  the 
technical  nor  the  aesthetic  element  in  the  ancient  monuments  that  appealed  to 
Petrarch.     His  feeling  for  them  was  purely  historical  or  sentimental. 


338  Mediceval  Histojy 

ancient  world.  Their  attitude  towards  all  these  things  was 
exactly  the  same  as  that  of  the  modern  Arabs  and  Turks 
towards  the  remains  of  past  civiUzations  in  the  lands  of  the 
Orient.  To  these  degenerate  successors  of  masterful  races  the 
ruins  of  Nineveh  and  Babylon  are  convenient  and  rich  brick 
quarries,  and  nothing  more.  They  are  absolutely  indifferent 
respecting  all  that  great  past  to  which  these  vast  ruins  bear 
silent  and  melancholy  witness.  How  different  is  it  with  us, 
children  of  the  Renaissance,  as  we  dig  in  those  same  mounds, 
carefully  and  reverently  gathering  up  every  fragment  of  let- 
tered stone  or  brick  that  may  tell  us  something  of  the  thoughts 
and  feelings  and  deeds  of  those  men  of  the  early  time  ! 

All  this  illustrates  perfectly  the  difference  between  the 
mediaeval  man  and  the  man  of  the  Renaissance.  During  all 
the  mediaeval  centuries,  until  the  dawn  of  the  intellectual 
revival,  the  ruins  of  Rome  were  merely  a  quarry.  The  monu- 
ments of  the  Caesars  were  torn  down  for  building  material,  the 
sculptured  marbles  were  burned  into  hme  for  mortar.  What- 
ever memorials  of  the  past  exist  in  Rome  to-day  are  merely 
the  leavings  of  centuries  of  ignorant,  ruthless  spoliation. ^"^ 

Now  Petrarch  was  one  of  the  first  men  of  mediaeval  times 
who  had  for  the  ruins  of  Rome  the  modern  feeling.  "  He  tells 
us  how  often  with  Giovanni  Colonna  he  ascended  the  mighty 
vaults  of  the  Baths  of  Diocletian,  and  there  in  the  transparent 
air,  amid  the  wide  silence,  with  the  broad  panorama  stretching 
far    around    them,    they  spoke,   not  of  business,   or   political 

w  The  way  in  which  Brunelleschi  and  Donatello  were  regarded  when  at  the 
opening  of  the  fifteenth  century  tliey  visited  Rome  in  order  to  study  the  old 
monuments  is  a  good  illustration  of  the  entire  lack  of  feeling,  either  artistic  or 
sentimental,  in  the  Romans  of  that  day  for  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  city.  After 
telling  how  the  artists  enthusiastically  examined  and  measured  the  fragments  of 
antique  capitals,  cornices,  and  walls,  and  employed  laborers  to  lay  bare  the 
buried  foundations  of  old  buildings,  Vasari  adds  :  "  Reports  of  this  being  spread 
about  Rome,  the  artists  were  called  treasure-seekers,  .  .  .  the  people  believing 
them  to  be  men  who  studied  geomancy,  for  the  discovery  of  treasures."  That 
the  artists  could  have  any  other  object  among  the  ruins  was  wholly  inconceivable 
to  the  native  Romans. 


Boccaccio,  tJic  Disciple  of  Petrarch  339 

affairs,  but  of  the  history  which  the  ruins  beneath  their  feet 
suggested."  ^^ 

293.  Boccaccio,  the  Disciple  of  Petrarch.  —  Petrarch  called 
into  existence  a  school  of  ardent  young  humanists  who  looked 
up  to  him  as  their  master,  and  who  carried  on  with  unbounded 
enthusiasm  the  work  of  exploring  and  exploiting  the  new 
spiritual  hemisphere  which  he  had  discovered.  Most  distin- 
guished among  these  disciples  was  Giovanni  Boccaccio  (13 13- 
i375)>  whose  wide  fame  rests  chiefly  on  his  Decameron,  a 
collection  of  tales  written  in  Italian,  but  whose  work  as  a 
humanist  alone  has  interest  for  us  in  the  present  connection. 

Boccaccio  did  much  to  spread  and  to  deepen  the  enthusiasm 
for  antiquity  that  Petrarch  had  awakened.  He  industriously 
collected  and  copied  ancient  manuscripts  and  thus  greatly 
promoted  classical  scholarship  in  Italy.  Imitating  Petrarch, 
he  tried  to  learn  Greek,  but,  like  Petrarch,  made  very  little 
progress  towards  the  mastery  of  the  language  because  of  the 
incompetence  of  his  teacher  and  also  because  of  the  utter  lack 
of  text-books,  grammars,  and  dictionaries.  He  persuaded  his 
teacher,  however,  to  make  a  Latin  translation  of  the  Iliad  and 
the  Odyssey,  and  was  thus  instrumental  in  giving  to  the  world 
the  first  modern  translation  of  Homer.  It  was  a  wretched 
version,  yet  it  served  to  inspire  in  the  Italian  scholars  an 
intense  desire  to  know  at  first  hand  Greek  literature,  —  that 
literature  from  which  the  old  Roman  authors  had  admittedlv 
drawn  their  inspiration. 

U  Burckhardt,  The  Civilization  of  the  Rettaissattce  in  Italy,  p.  177.  Petrarch 
represents  still  other  phases  and  qualities  of  the  modern  spirit,  upon  which,  how- 
ever, it  is  impossible  for  us  to  dwell.  Regarding  his  feeling  for  nature  in  her  grand 
and  romantic  aspects,  we  must  nevertheless  say  a  single  word.  One  of  the  most 
remarkable  passages  in  his  writings  is  his  description  of  his  ascent  of  Mount 
\'entoux,  near  Avignon,  for  the  sake  of  the  view  from  the  top.  This  was  the 
beginning  of  the  mountain  climbing  of  modern  times,  — a  new  thing  in  the  world. 
There  was  very  little  of  it  in  antiquity,  and  during  the  Middle  Ages  apparently 
none  at  all.  Even  Dante  always  speaks  of  the  mountains  with  a  shudder. 
Nothing  distinguishes  the  modern  from  the  mediaeval  man  more  sharply  than 
this  new  feeling  for  nature  in  her  wilder  and  grander  moods. 


340  MedicBval  History 

294.  The  Italians  are  taught  Greek  by  Chrysoloras. — This 
desire  of  the  Italian  scholars  was  soon  gratified.  Just  at  the 
close  of  the  fourteenth  century  the  Eastern  emperor  sent  an 
embassy  to  Italy  to  beg  aid  against  the  Turks.  The  commis- 
sion was  headed  by  Manuel  Chrysoloras,  an  eminent  Greek 
scholar.  No  sooner  had  he  landed  at  Venice  than  the  Flor- 
entines sent  him  a  pressing  invitation  to  come  to  their  city. 
He  acceded  to  their  request,  was  received  by  them  with  such 
honor  as  they  might  have  shown  a  celestial  being,  and  was  given 
a  professor's  chair  in  their  university  (1396).  Young  and  old 
thronged  his  class  room.  Men  past  sixty  "  felt  the  blood  leap 
in  their  veins  "  at  the  thought  of  being  able  to  learn  Greek. 

The  appearance  of  Chrysoloras  as  a  teacher  at  Florence 
marks  the  revival,  after  seven  centuries  of  neglect,  of  the  study 
of  the  Greek  language  and  literature  in  the  schools  of  Western 
Europe.  This  meant  much  :  it  meant  the  revival  of  civilization, 
the  opening  of  the  modern  age ;  for,  of  all  the  agencies  con- 
cerned in  transforming  the  mediaeval  into  the  modern  world, 
one  of  the  most  potent  certainly  was  Greek  culture. ^^ 

295.  The  Search  for  Old  Manuscripts.  —  Having  now  spoken 
of  the  pioneers  of  Italian  humanism  in  the  fourteenth  century, 
we  can,  in  our  remaining  space,  touch  only  in  a  very  gen- 
eral way  upon  the  most  important  phases  of  the  humanistic 
movement  in  the  following  century. 

The  first  concern  of  the  Italian  scholars  was  to  rescue  from 
threatened  obHvion  what  yet  remained  of  the  ancient  classics. 
Just  as  the  antiquarians  of  to-day  dig  over  the  mounds  of 
Assyria  for  relics  of  the  ancient  civilization  of  the  East,  so  did 
the  humanists  ransack  the  libraries  of  the  monasteries  and 
cathedrals  and  search  through  all  the  out-of-the-way  places  of 
Europe  for  old  manuscripts  of  the  classic  writers. 

12  "  If  it  be  true  [as  has  been  asserted]  that  except  the  bUnd  forces  of  nature 
nothing  moves  in  this  world  which  is  not  Greek  in  its  origin,  we  are  justified  in 
regarding  the  point  of  contact  between  the  Greek  teacher  Chrysoloras  and  his 
Florentine  pupils  as  one  of  the  most  momentous  crises  in  the  history  of  civiliza- 
tion."—  Symonds,  T/ie  Revival  of  Learning,  t^.  113. 


The  SearcJi  fo7'  Old  Manuscripts  341 

Symonds  likens  these  enthusiasts  to  new  crusaders  :  "  As 
the  Franks,"  he  says,  "  deemed  themselves  thrice  blest  if  they 
returned  with  relics  from  Jerusalem,  so  these  new  Knights  of 
the  Holy  Ghost,  seeking  not  the  sepulcher  of  a  risen  Lord, 
but  the  tomb  wherein  the  genius  of  the  ancient  world  awaited 
resurrection,  felt  holy  transport  when  a  brown,  begrimed,  and 
crabbed  scrap  of  some  Greek  or  Latin  author  rewarded  their 
patient  search." 

The  precious  manuscripts  were  often  discovered  in  a  shame- 
ful state  of  neglect  and  in  advanced  stages  of  decay.  Some- 
times they  were  found  covered  with  mould  in  damp  cells  or 
loaded  with  dust  in  the  attics  of  monasteries.  Again  they 
were  discovered,  as  by  Boccaccio  in  the  manuscript-room  of 
the  Benedictine  monastery  of  Monte  Cassino,  mutilated  in 
various  ways,  some,  for  instance,  with  the  borders  of  the 
parchment  pared  away,  and  others  with  whole  leaves  lacking.-^^ 

Petrarch,  as  we  have  already  seen,  was  the  first  and  most 
enthusiastic  searcher  for  these  ancient  treasures.  After  him, 
Poggio  Bracciolini  (1380-1459),  one  of  the  most  noted  of  the 
scholars  of  the  Italian  Renaissance,  is  best  entitled  to  remem- 
brance. He  recovered  the  poem  of  Lucretius,  several  of  the 
orations  of  Cicero,  and  other  classics.  One  of  his  most  highly 
prized  finds  was  a  copy  of  the  Institutes  of  Quintilian,  which 
he  unearthed  in  the  library  of  the  monastery  of  Saint  Gall  in 
Switzerland.  For  this  happy  discovery  a  contemporary  declared 
him  worthy  to  be  called  the  "  Second  Founder  of  Rome." 

This  late  search  of  the  humanists  for  the  works  of  the  ancient 
authors  saved  to  the  world  many  precious  manuscripts  which, 
a  little  longer  neglected,  would  have  been  forever  lost. 

13  This  mutilation  was  due  chiefly  to  the  scarcity  of  writing  material,  which 
led  the  mediaeval  copyists  to  erase  the  original  text  of  old  parchments  that  they 
might  use  them  a  second  time.  In  this  way  many  works  of  the  classical  authors 
were  destroyed.  Sometimes,  however,  the  earlier  text  was  so  imperfectly  obliter- 
ated that  by  means  of  chemical  reagents  it  can  be  wholly  or  partially  restored. 
But  the  humanists  were  ignorant  of  the  value  of  these  palimpsests,  as  such  twice- 
written  manuscripts  are  called,  and  hence  made  no  search  for  them. 


342  MedicBval  History 

296.  Patrons  of  the  New  Learning ;  the  Founding  of  Libraries. 

—  This  gathering  and  copying  of  the  ancient  manuscripts  was 
costly  in  time  and  labor.  But  there  was  many  a  Maecenas  to 
encourage  and  further  the  work.  Merchant  princes,  despots, 
and  popes  became  generous  patrons  of  the  humanists.  Promi- 
nent among  these  promoters  of  the  New  Learning,  as  it  was 
called,  were  Cosimo  and  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  at  Florence. 
It  was  largely  due  to  their  genuine  and  enlightened  interest 
in  the  great  undertaking  of  recovering  for  culture  the  ancient 
classical  literatures  that  Florence  became  the  foster  home  of 
the  intellectual  and  literary  revival. 

Among  the  papal  promoters  of  the  movement  Pope  Nicho- 
las V  (144 7- 1 45  5)  was  one  of  the  most  noted.  He  sent 
out  explorers  to  all  parts  of  the  West  to  search  for  manu- 
scripts, and  kept  busy  at  Rome  a  multitude  of  copyists  and 
translators.  A  Kttle  later,  Pope  Julius  II  (1503-15 13)  and 
Pope  Leo  X  (15 13-152 1)  made  Rome  a  brilliant  center  of 
Renaissance  art  and  learning. 

Libraries  were  founded  where  the  new  treasures  might  be 
safely  stored  and  made  accessible  to  scholars.  In  this  move- 
ment some  of  the  largest  libraries  of  Italy  had  their  begin- 
nings. At  Florence  the  Medici  established  the  fine  existing 
Medicean  Library.  At  Rome  Pope  Nicholas  V  enriched  the 
original  papal  collection  of  books  by  the  addition,  it  is  said, 
of  fully  five  thousand  manuscripts,  and  thus  became  the  real 
founder  of  the  celebrated  Vatican  Library  of  the  present  day. 

297.  How  the  Fall  of  Constantinople  aided  the  Revival.  — 
The  humanistic  movement,  especially  in  so  far  as  it  concerned 
Greek  letters  and  learning,  was  given  a  great  impulse  by  the 
disasters  which  in  the  fifteenth  century  befell  the  Eastern 
empire.  Constantinople,  it  will  be  recalled,  was  captured  by 
the  Ottoman  Turks  in  1453.  But  for  a  half  century  before 
that  event  the  threatening  advance  of  the  barbarians  had 
caused  a  great  migration  of  Greek  scholars  to  the  West.  So 
many  of  the  exiles  sought  an  asylum  in  Italy  that  one  could 


Translation  and  Criticism  of  the  Classics       ,343 

say  :  "  Greece  has  not  fallen  :  she  has  migrated  to  Italy,  whith 
in  ancient  times  bore  the  name  of  Magna  Graecia." 

These  fugitives  brought  with  them  many  valuable  manu- 
scripts of  the  ancient  Greek  classics  still  unknown  to  Western 
scholars.  The  enthusiasm  of  the  Italians  for  everything  Greek 
led  to  the  appointment  of  many  of  the  exiles  as  teachers  and 
lecturers  in  their  schools  and  universities.  Thus,  there  was 
now  a  repetition  of  what  took  place  at  Rome  in  the  days  of 
the  later  republic  ;  Italy  was  conquered  a  second  time  by  the 
genius  of  Greece. 

298.  Translation  and  Criticism  of  the  Classics ;  the  Up- 
springing  of  Academies. — The  recovery  of  the  ancient  classics, 
their  multiplication  by  copyists,  and  their  preservation  in 
libraries  was  only  the  first  and  lightest  part  of  the  task  which 
the  Italian  humanists  set  themselves.  The  most  difficult  and 
significant  part  of  their  work  lay  in  the  comparison  and  cor- 
rection of  texts,  the  translation  into  Latin  of  the  Greek  manu- 
scripts, and  the  interpretation,  valuation,  and  criticism  of  the 
ancient  literatures  now  recovered. 

Among  the  Italian  scholars  who  devoted  themselves  to 
this  work  a  foremost  place  must  be  assigned  to  Angelo 
Poliziano,  or  Politian  (145 4-1 494),  a  man  of  remarkable 
genius  and  learning.  Erasmus,  the  celebrated  Dutch  human- 
ist, characterized  him  as  a  "  rare  miracle  of  nature."  As  a 
teacher  of  Greek  and  Latin  at  Florence  he  exerted  a  vast 
influence  in  the  diffusion  of  the  New  Learning.  Almost  all 
the  noted  humanists  in  Europe  of  his  own  and  the  following 
generation  seem  to  have  caught  their  inspiration  in  his  lecture 
room. 

Another  name  of  great  renown  connected  with  these 
fifteenth-century  labors  of  the  Italian  scholars  is  that  of  Pico 
della  Mirandola  (i 463-1 494),  a  man  of  extraordinary  gifts  of 
mind.  The  special  task  which  Pico  set  for  himself  was  the 
harmonizing  of  Christianity  and  the  New  Learning,  a  task  like 
that  of  those  scholars  of  the  present  time  who  seek  to  reconcile 


344'  Mediceval  History 

the  Bible  and  modern  science.  His  work  was  cut  short  by 
a  premature  death. ^^ 

A  word  will  here  be  in  place  respecting  the  academies  or 
associations  of  scholars  which,  during  the  fifteenth  century, 
were  formed  in  all  the  cities  of  Italy.  These  circles  included 
in  their  membership  all  the  most  eminent  men  of  letters  in 
the  peninsula.  They  may  be  regarded  as  the  prototypes  of 
the  learned  literary  and  scientific  societies  of  the  present 
time.  The  most  celebrated  was  the  Platonic  Academy  at 
Florence,  founded  and  fostered  by  the  Medici.  Plato  was 
the  patron  saint  of  these  Florentine  academicians.  His  birth- 
day was  religiously  celebrated,  his  bust  was  crowned  with 
laurel,  and  a  lamp  was  kept  burning  before  his  statue,  —  all 
of  which  reveals  better  than  words  the  ardor  of  the  passion 
for  the  ancient  culture  which  had  come  to  possess  the  Italian 
scholars. 

299.  The  Invention  of  Printing ;  the  Aldine  Press  at 
Venice.  —  During  the  latter  part  of  the  fifteenth  century 
the  work  of  the  Italian  humanists  was  greatly  furthered  by 
the  happy  and  timely  invention  of  the  art  of  printing  from 
movable  letters,  the  most  important  discovery,  in  the  esti- 
mation of  Hallam,  recorded  in  the  annals  of  mankind. 

The  making  of  impressions  by  means  of  engraved  seals 
or  blocks  seems  to  be  a  device  as  old  as  civilization.  The 
Chinese  have  practiced  this  form  of  printing  from  an  early 
time.  Chaldaean  seals  have  been  found  in  large  numbers,  and 
the  old  Babylonian  mounds  are  full  of  bricks  stamped  with 
the  name  and  title  of  their  ancient  builders. 

The  art  seems  to  have  sprung  up  anew  in  Europe  during 
the  later  mediaeval  period.  First,  devices  on  playing  cards 
were  formed  by  impressions  from  blocks  ;    then  manuscripts 

14  Still  another  Italian  scholar  who  gained  great  distinction  in  the  new  field 
of  literary  and  historical  criticism  was  Laurentius  Valla,  but  of  him  we 
shall  find  it  more  convenient  to  speak  a  little  farther  on  in  another  connection 
(par.  308). 


The  Invoitioii  of  Printuig  345 

were  stamped  with  portraits  and  pictures.  The  next  step  was 
to  cut  into  the  same  block  a  few  Hues  of  explanatory  text,  — 
and  we  can  readily  believe  that  some  of  the  first  efforts  at 
wood  carving  needed  explanation.  The  progress  of  the  art 
through  these  initial  stages  is  illustrated  by  old  manuscripts 
still  in  existence.  In  time  the  lines  increased  to  pages,  and 
during  the  first  half  of  the  fifteenth  century  many  entire  books 
were  produced  by  the  block-printing  method. 

But  printing  from  blocks  was  slow  and  costly.  The  art  was 
revolutionized  by  John  Gutenberg  (1400-1468),  a  native  of 
Mainz  in  Germany,  through  the  invention  of  the  movable 
letters  which  we  call  type.^^ 

The  oldest  book  known  to  have  been  printed  from  movable 
letters  was  a  Latin  copy  of  the  Bible  issued  from  the  press  of 
Gutenberg  and  Faust  at  Mainz  between  the  years  1454  and 

15  Some  Dutch  writers  claim  that  the  honor  of  the  invention  belongs  to  Coster 
of  Haarlem,  but  there  is  nothing  aside  from  unreliable  tradition  on  which  such 
a  claim  can  rest.  It  should  be  noted  that  the  essence  of  the  invention  consisted 
less  in  the  movableness  of  the  type  than  in  the  fact  that  they  were  cast  in  a 
mould,  and  thus  made  so  exactly  of  the  same  size  that  they  could  be  grouped 
and  regrouped  at  will  without  irregularity  or  falling  apart. 

The  account  given  by  Dr.  Martin  in  his  recent  work  on  The  Lore  of  Cathay 
(p.  27)  of  the  invention  of  printing  by  the  Chinese  possesses  such  a  special 
interest  that  we  reproduce  it  here  in  full :  "  For  seven  hundred  years  [before 
Gutenberg's  invention]  the  art  had  been  practiced  in  China,  not  in  secret  as 
he  and  Faustus  practiced  it,  but  as  a  great  popular  industry.  Its  origin  is 
remarkable.  A  tyrant,  determined  to  uproot  the  principles  of  Confucius,  burned 
the  books  of  the  Sage.  They  were  restored  partly  from  memory,  partly  from 
imp3rfect  copies  found  hidden  in  the  wall  of  a  house.  The  Emperor  Tai  Tsung 
(a.d.  627),  resolved  that  the  sacred  inheritance  should  never  again  be  exposed 
to  destruction  by  fire,  caused  the  books  to  be  engraved  on  stone.  That  stone 
library  is  still  extant.  A  hundred  and  seventy  slabs  of  granite  bearing  on  their 
faces  the  text  of  the  thirteen  classics  may  still  be  seen  at  Hsi  An  Fu,  and  a 
modern  imitation  of  it  stands  in  the  old  Confucian  University  at  Peking.  No 
sooner  was  that  Imperial  edition  completed  than  the  idea  occurred  of  making  it 
accessible  to  scholars  in  all  parts  of  the  country  by  means  of  rubbings.  That 
was  printing.  Nor  in  China  has  the  form  of  that  art  greatly  changed  in  the 
lapse  of  a  thousand  years.  .  .  .  From  the  invention  of  block  printing  it  was 
not  long  until  attempts  were  made  to  print  with  divisible  type,  but  they  failed  to 
supersede  the  primitive  method,  the  Chinese  not  having  hit  on  that  happy  alloy 
known  as  '  printers'  metal.'  " 


346  Mediccval  History 

1456.  The  art  spread  rapidly,  its  dissemination  having  been 
aided  by  the  sack  of  Mainz  in  1462,  which  scattered  abroad 
the  printers  of  the  city,  and  before  the  close  of  the  fifteenth 
century  presses  were  busy  in  every  country  of  Europe  —  in  the 
city  of  Venice  alone  there  were  two  hundred  —  multiplying 
books  with  a  rapidity  undreamed  of  by  the  patient  copyists 
of  the  cloister. 

But  it  is  merely  the  introduction  of  the  new  art  into  Italy 
that  especially  concerns  us  now.  The  little  that  our  brief 
space  will  permit  us  to  say  on  this  subject  gathers  about  the 
name  of  Aldus  Manutius  (1450-15 15),  who  established  at 
Venice  a  celebrated  printing-house,  known  as  the  Aldine  Press, 
the  story  of  which  forms  one  of  the  earliest  and  most  interest- 
ing chapters  in  the  history  of  the  new  art  in  its  relation  to 
humanism. 

The  aim  of  Aldus  was  to  make  accessible  to  all  scholars  the 
texts  of  the  ancient  classics,  especially  those  of  the  Greek 
authors.  He  was  aided  and  encouraged  in  his  work  by  Greek 
scholars  in  all  parts  of  Europe.  Erasmus  worked  for  some 
time  in  his  household  as  editor  of  Greek  texts.  The  scholars 
whom  Aldus  thus  gathered  about  him  in  his  work  formed  a 
coterie  known  as  the  Aldine  Academy  of  Hellenists,  to  which 
no  one  was  admitted  who  could  not  speak  Greek. 

In  the  course  of  a  few  years  Aldus  had  given  to  the  appre- 
ciative scholars  of  Europe  an  almost  complete  series  of  the 
Greek  authors.  Besides  these  Greek  editions  he  issued  both 
Latin  and  Hebrew  texts.  Altogether  he  printed  over  a  hundred 
works.  In  quality  of  paper  and  in  clearness  and  beauty  of 
type  his  editions  have  never  been  surpassed. 

The  work  of  the  Aldine  Press  at  Venice,  in  connection  of 
course  with  what  was  done  by  presses  of  less  note  in  other 
places,  made  complete  the  recovery  of  the  classical  literatures, 
and  by  scattering  broadcast  throughout  Europe  the  works  of 
the  ancient  authors  rendered  it  impossible  that  any  part  of 
them  should  ever  again  become  lost  to  the  world. 


Hnma7iisni  crosses  the  Alps  347 

300.  Humanism  crosses  the  Alps.  —  Just  at  the  close  of 
the  mediaeval  and  the  opening  of  the  modern  period  Italy 
became  the  object  of  French  and  Spanish  royal  ambitions, 
and  was  desolated  by  contentions  and  wars  which  proved 
very  disastrous  there  to  the  cause  of  the  humanists,  already 
showing  signs  of  decHne.  During  the  sixteenth  century, 
under  other  blighting  influences  which  we  shall  notice  when 
we  come  to  speak  of  the  Reformation  and  the  Counter- 
Reformation,  the  study  of  Greek  ceased  almost  entirely  in 
the  schools  of  the  peninsula.  But  already  the  humanistic 
enthusiasm  had  infected  the  countries  beyond  the  Alps,  and 
as  the  zeal  of  the  scholars  of  the  South  died  away  that  of 
the  scholars  of  the  North  created  a  home  for  the  New  Learn- 
ing in  the  schools  and  universities  of  Germany,  France,  and 
England. 

Already,  about  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century,  the 
German  youths  had  begun  to  cross  the  Alps  in  order  to  study 
Greek  at  the  feet  of  the  masters  there.  As  the  type  and  repre- 
sentative of  these  young  German  humanists  we  may  name 
Reuchlin,  who  in  1482  journeyed  to  Italy  and  presented  him- 
self there  before  a  celebrated  teacher  of  Greek.  As  a  test  of 
his  knov/ledge  of  the  language  he  was  given  to  translate  a  pas- 
sage from  Thucydides.  The  young  barbarian  —  for  by  this 
term  the  Italians  of  that  time  expressed  their  contempt  for  an 
inhabitant  of  the  rude  North  —  turned  the  lines  so  easily  and 
masterfully  that  the  examiner,  who  was  a  native-born  Greek, 
cried  out  in  astonishment,  "Our  exiled  Greece  has  flown 
beyond  the  Alps." 

In  transalpine  Europe  the  humanistic  movement  became 
blended  with  other  tendencies.  In  Italy  it  had  been  an 
almost  exclusive  devotion  to  Greek  and  Latin  letters  and 
learning ;  but  in  the  North  there  was  added  to  this  enthu- 
siasm for  classical  culture  an  equal  and  indeed  supreme 
interest  in  Hebrew  and  Christian  antiquity.  Hence  here  the 
literary  and   intellectual   revival  became,  in   the  profovmdest 


348  Mediceval  History 

sense,  the  moving  cause  of  the  great  reUgious  revokition 
known  as  the  Reformation,  and  it  is  in  connection  with  the 
beginnings  of  that  movement  that  we  shall  find  a  place  to 
speak  of  the  humanists  of  Germany  and  the  other  northern 
lands. 

301.  The  Artistic  Revival. — As  we  have  already  seen, 
the  new  feehng  for  classical  antiquity  awakened  among  the 
Italians  embraced  not  simply  the  Hterary  and  philosophical 
side  of  the  Graeco-Roman  culture,  but  the  artistic  side  as 
well.  Respecting  this  latter  phase  of  the  Italian  Renaissance 
it  will  be  impossible  for  us  to  speak  in  detail,  nor  is  it  neces- 
sary for  us  to  do  so,  since  the  chief  significance  of  the 
Renaissance  for  universal  history,  as  already  noted,  is  to  be 
sought  in  the  purely  intellectual  movement  traced  in  the 
preceding  pages  of  this  chapter. 

The  artistic  revival  was  in  its  essence  a  return  of  art  to 
nature  ;  for  mediaeval  art  lacked  freedom  and  naturalness.-^^ 
The  artist  was  hampered  by  ecclesiastical  tradition  and 
restraint ;  he  was,  moreover,  under  the  influence  of  the  religious 
asceticism  of  the  time.  His  models  as  a  mle  were  the  stiff, 
angular,  Hfeless  forms  of  Byzantine  art,  or  the  gaunt,  pinched 

16  Mediaeval  architecture  escapes  this  censure.  Its  forms  never  lost  vitality 
or  the  power  of  growth  and  adaptation.  Many  styles  of  architecture  strove 
together  for  ascendency  during  tlie  mediaeval  time.  In  Italy  there  were  five 
chief  types,  —  the  Byzantine,  the  Lombard,  the  Saracenic,  the  Gothic,  and  the 
Romanesque.  Up  to  the  period  of  the  Renaissance  it  was  the  Romanesque 
style,  that  is,  a  style  whose  leading  characteristics  were  derived  from  the  old 
Roman  architecture,  which  was  the  one  preferred  by  the  Italian  builders.  What 
took  place  under  the  influence  of  the  new  enthusiasm  for  antiquity  was  a  more 
conscious  and  exact  reproduction  of  Roman  forms  as  these  had  been  preserved 
in  the  ruins  scattered  throughout  the  peninsula.  Among  the  great  architects  of 
the  Italian  Renaissance  the  following  names  hold  a  preeminent  place :  Brunel- 
leschi  (1377-1444),  who,  with  the  Pantheon  at  Rome  as  his  model,  raised  the 
great  dome  of  the  cathedral  at  Florence,  one  of  the  largest  and  most  beautiful 
in  the  world;  Leo  Battista  Alberti  (1405-1472),  who  designed  the  celebrated 
church  of  Saint  Francis  at  Rimini;  Bramante  (1444-1514),  the  first  architect  of 
Saint  Peter's  at  Rome  ;  and  Michael  Angelo  (1475-1564),  who  planned  the  majes- 
tic dome  of  Saint  Peter's,  his  masterpiece  and  also  the  masterpiece  of  Renais- 
sance architecture. 


TJie  Artistic  Revival  349 

bodies  of  saints  and  anchorites.  In  the  decoration  of  the 
walls,  pulpits,  and  altars  of  the  churches  he  was  not  at  liberty, 
even  if  he  had  the  impulse,  to  depart  from  the  consecrated 
traditional  types. ^" 

Now  what  the  Renaissance  did  for  art  was  to  liberate  it 
from  these  trammels  and  to  breathe  into  its  dead  forms 
the  spirit  of  that  new  life  which  was  everywhere  awak- 
ening. This  emancipation  movement  took  place  under 
impulses  which  came  both  from  the  side  of  nature  and  from 
the  side  of  antiquity,  that  is,  from  the  study  of  nature's 
living  forms  and  from  a  study  of  the  masterpieces  of  ancient 
art.^^ 

But  in  the  field  of  Renaissance  art,  as  in  the  field  of 
Renaissance  letters,  genius  played  an  important  part.  Just 
as  the  humanistic  revival  had  its  true  beginnings  with  a  great 
personality,  so  was  it  with  the  artistic  revival.  In  the  same 
sense  that  Petrarch  was,  as  he  has  been  called,  "  the  father 
of  humanism,"  was  Niccola  Pisano  (died  1278)  the  father  of 
Renaissance  sculpture.  As  Petrarch  caught  his  inspiration 
from  contact  with  the  ancient  classics,  so  was  the  genius  of 
Niccola  fired  by  contact  with  the  masterpieces  of  the  ancient 
artists.  It  was  in  the  carvings  of  old  sarcophagi  and  the 
paintings  on  antique  vases  that  he  found  his  models.  Thus 
did  classical  antiquity  exercise  the  same  influence  in  the 
emancipation  and  revival  of  art  as  in  the  emancipation  and 
revival  of  letters.-^^ 

IJ"  In  the  Greek  Church  at  the  present  time  the  artist  in  the  portrayal  of  sacred 
subjects  is  not  permitted  to  change  the  traditional  expression  or  attitude  of  his 
figures. 

18  Renaissance  painting,  however,  owed  less  to  ancient  art  than  did  sculpture, 
for  the  reason  that  there  were  remaining  very  few  specimens  of  classical  paint 
ing.  Hence,  though  the  influence  which  ancient  art  exerted  upon  the  Renais- 
sance painters  was  strong,  it  was  indirect. 

19  Brunelleschi  holds  the  same  relation  to  Renaissance  architecture  that  Nic- 
cola holds  to  Renaissance  sculpture.  Of  him  Vasari  has  this  to  say:  "We  may 
truly  declare  him  to  have  been  given  to  us  by  heaven  for  the  purpose  of  imparting 
a  new  spirit  to  architecture." 


3  5  o  Medicsval  History 

The  new  movement  in  art  which  began  with  Niccola  Pisano 
found  expression  not  only  in  sculpture  -'*  but  also  in  painting.^^ 
To  follow  the  developments  in  these  fields  would  carry  us  far 
beyond  the  limits  of  our  work.  To  what  has  already  been 
said  we  shall  add  only  a  few  words  as  to  the  place  held  by 
painting  in  Renaissance  art. 

302.  Why  Painting  was  the  Supreme  Art  of  the  Italian 
Renaissance.-^ — -The  characteristic  art  of  the  Italian  Renais- 
sance was  painting,  and  for  the  reason  that  it  best  expresses 
the  ideas  and  sentiments  of  Christianity.  The  art  that  would 
be  the  handmaid  of  the  Church  needed  to  be  able  to  represent 
faith  and  hope,  ecstasy  and  suffering,  —  none  of  which  things 
can  well  be  expressed  by  sculpture,  which  is  essentially  the  art 
of  repose. 

Sculpture  was  the  chief  art  of  the  Greeks,  because  among 
them  the  aim  of  the  artist  was  to  represent  physical  beauty  or 
strength.  But  the  problem  of  the  Christian  artist  is  to  express 
spiritual  emotion  or  feeling  through  the  medium  of  the  body. 
This  cannot  be  represented  in  cold,  colorless  marble.  Thus,  as 
Symonds  asks,  "  How  could  the  Last  Judgment  be  expressed 
in  plastic  form?"  The  chief  events  of  Christ's  Hfe  removed 
him  beyond  the  reach  of  sculpture. 

Therefore,  because  sculpture  has  so  little  power  to  express 
emotion,  painting,  w^hich  runs  so  easily  the  entire  gamut  of 

^0  In  the  long  list  of  Italian  sculptors  which  begins  with  Niccola  Pisano,  the 
following  names  are  especially  noteworthy:  Ghiberti  (1378-1455),  whose  genius 
is  shown  in  his  celebrated  bronze  gates  of  the  Baptistery  at  Florence,  of  which 
Michael  Angelo  said  that  they  were  worthy  to  be  the  gates  of  Paradise ;  Brunel- 
leschi  (1377-1444),  Donatello  (1386-1466),  and  Michael  Angelo  (1475-1564). 

21  By  some,  Cimabue  (about  1240-1302)  is  made  the  pioneer  of  Renaissance 
painting,  but  by  most  this  honor  is  conceded  to  his  pupil  Giotto  (1276-1377). 
Vasari  says :  "  Although  Cimabue  may  be  considered  perhaps  the  first  cause  of 
the  restoration  of  the  art  of  painting,  yet  Giotto,  his  disciple,  .  .  .  was  the  man 
who,  attaining  to  superior  elevation  of  thought,  threw  open  the  gates  of  the  true 
way  to  those  who  afterwards  exalted  the  art  to  that  perfection  and  greatness 
which  it  displays  in  our  age." 

22  The  views  presented  in  this  paragraph  are  those  of  Symonds  in  his  work  on 
The  Fine  Arts^  which  forms  the  third  volume  of  his  Renaissance  in  Italy. 


TJie  Italian  Master  Paiiiters  35  i 

feeling,  became  the  chosen  medium  of  expression  of  the 
ItaHan  artist.  This  art  alone  enabled  him  to  portray  the  rap- 
tures of  the  saint,  the  sweet  charm  of  the  Madonna,  the 
intense  passion  of  the  Christ,  the  moving  terrors  of  the  Last 
Judgment. 

The  four  supreme  masters  of  Italian  Renaissance  painting 
were  Leonardo  da  Vinci  ^^  (1452-15  19),  whose  masterpiece  is 
his  Last  Supper,  on  the  wall  of  a  convent  at  Milan  ;  Raphael 
(1483-15 20),  the  best  beloved  of  artists,  whose  Madonnas  are 
counted  among  the  world's  treasures;  Michael  Angelo^^  (1475- 
1564),  whose  best  paintings  are  his  wonderful  frescoes,  among 
them  the  Last  Judg7nent,  in  the  Sistine  Chapel  at  Rome  ;  and 
Titian  ^^  (1477-1576),  the  Venetian  master,  celebrated  for  his 
portraits,  which  have  preserved  for  us  in  flesh  and  blood,  so  to 
speak,  many  of  the  most  noteworthy  personages  of  his  time. 

The  earlier  Italian  painters  drew  their  subjects  chiefly  from 
Christian  sources.  They  literally  covered  the  walls  of  the 
churches,  palaces,  and  civic  buildings  of  Italy  with  pictorial 
representations  of  all  the  ideas  and  imaginings  of  the  mediaeval 
ages  respecting  death,  the  judgment,  heaven,  and  hell.  As 
Symonds  tersely  expresses  it,  they  did  by  means  of  pictures 
what  Dante  had  done  by  means  of  poetry. 

The  later  artists,  more  under  the  influence  of  the  classical 
revival,  mingled  freely  pagan  and  Christian  subjects  and  motives, 

23  Leonardo  da  Vinci  was,  in  his  manysidedness  and  versatility,  a  true  child 
of  the  Italian  Renaissance:  he  was  at  once  painter,  sculptor,  architect,  poet, 
musician,  and  scientist. 

24  Michael  Angelo,  as  we  have  seen,  was  an  architect  and  sculptor  as  well  as  a 
painter.  He  is  the  only  modem  sculptor  who  can  be  given  a  place  alongside  the 
greatest  sculptors  of  ancient  Greece.  He  forced  sculpture  to  do  what  it  is  not 
wont  to  do,  —  to  use  the  emotional  language  of  painting ;  that  is,  he  cut  in  marble 
thoughts  and  feelings  that  less  masterful  genius  than  his  must  needs  express  by 
means  of  painting. 

25  A  longer  list  of  the  most  eminent  Italian  painters  would  include  at  least  the 
following  names:  Cimabue  (about  1240-1302)  and  Giotto  (1276-1337),  precursors 
of  the  revival ;  Fra  Angelico  (1387-1455);  Correggio  (about  1494-1534);  Tintoretto 
(15 18-1594)  ;  and  Veronese  (about  1530-1588),  representatives  of  the  Renaissance 
proper. 


352  Mediceval  History 

and  thus  became  truer  representatives  than  their  predecessors 
of  the  Renaissance  movement,  one  important  issue  of  which 
was  to  be  the  reconcihation  and  blending  of  pagan  and  Christian 
culture. 

303.  The  Paganism  of  the  Italian  Renaissance. — There  was 
a  religious  and  moral,  or,  as  usually  expressed,  an  irreligious 
and  immoral,  side  to  the  classical  revival  in  Italy  which  cannot 
be  passed  wholly  unnoticed  even  in  so  brief  an  account  of  the 
movement  as  the  present  sketch. 

In  the  first  place  the  study  of  the  pagan  poets  and  philoso- 
phers produced  the  exact  result  predicted  by  a  certain  party 
in  the  Church.  It  proved  hurtful  to  reUgious  faith.  Men 
became  pagans  in  their  feelings  and  in  their  way  of  thinking. 

This  paganization  of  Italian  society  began  in  the  thirteenth 
century  with  that  intellectual  revival  which  brought  into 
Christian  Europe  Graeco-Arabian  science  and  speculation. 
Even  in  Petrarch's  time  skepticism  in  university  circles  was 
widespread.  To  him  the  world  seemed  so  desperately  wicked 
in  unbelief  that  he  could  hardly  bring  himself  to  regret  its 
depopulation  by  the  awful  plague  which  swept  away  such  mul- 
titudes in  his  day.  When,  in  the  next  century,  the  Italians 
came  more  completely  under  the  influence  of  the  classical 
revival,  this  decay  of  religious  faith  became  still  more  marked, 
until  Italian  scholars  and  Italian  society  almost  ceased  to  be 
Christian  in  any  true  sense  of  the  word. 

With  the  New  Learning  came  also  those  vices  and  immoral- 
ities that  characterized  the  decline  of  classical  civilization. 
Italy  was  corrupted  by  the  new  influences  that  flowed  in 
upon  her,  just  as  Rome  was  corrupted  by  Grecian  luxury  and 
sensuality  in  the  days  of  the  failing  republic.  Christian  moral 
ideals  were  displaced  by  the  moral  standards  of  pagan  antiquity ; 
Christian  asceticism,  restraint,  and  discipHne  were  held  up  to 
ridicule,  and  the  old  pagan  vices  were  applauded  and  adopted. 
Much  of  the  literature  of  the  time  is  even  more  grossly  immoral 
in  tone  than  the  literature  of  the  age  of  classical  decadence. 


New  Conceptiojis  of  Life  and  the  World  353 

It  was  this  moral  debasement  of  Italian  society  which  did 
much  to  pave  the  way  for  that  political  hmiiiliation  of  Italy  of 
which  we  shall  soon  be  witnesses. 

III.    General  Effects  of  the  Renaissance 

304.  The  Renaissance  brought  in  New  Conceptions  of  Life 
and  the  World.  —  The  Renaissance  effected  in  the  Christian 
West  an  intellectual  and  moral  revolution  so  profound  and  so 
far-reaching  in  its  consequences  that  it  may  well  be  hkened  to 
that  produced  in  the  ancient  world  by  the  incoming  of  Chris- 
tianity. Into  the  world  of  mediaeval  illusions  and  ideals  it 
brought  conceptions  of  man  and  of  the  universe  as  much 
opposed  to  the  prevailing  views  as  the  teachings  of  the  first 
preachers  of  the  Cross  were  opposed  to  all  the  conceptions, 
prejudices,  and  moral  standards  of  the  pagan  world  of  antiquity. 
The  New  Learning  was  indeed  a  New  Gospel.  "  Its  mission," 
in  the  words  of  Bishop  Creighton,  "  was  to  carry  throughout 
Europe  a  new  culture." 

Like  Christianity,  the  Renaissance  revealed  to  men  another 
world,  another  state  of  existence  ;  for  such  was  the  real  signifi- 
cance, to  the  men  of  the  revival,  of  the  discovery  of  the  civiliza- 
tion of  classical  antiquity.  Through  this  discovery  they  came 
to  know  themselves.  They  learned  the  real  nature  and  dignity 
of  man.'^^  They  learned  that  this  earthly  life  is  worth  living  for 
its  own  sake  ;  that  this  life  and  its  pleasures  need  not  be  con- 
temned and  sacrificed  in  order  to  make  sure  of  eternal  life  in 
another  world  ;  and  that  man  may  think  and  investigate  and 
satisfy  his  thirst  to  know  without  endangering  the  welfare  of 
his  soul.'-^^ 

26  Under  the  inspiration  of  the  Renaissance  the  humanist  Pico  della  Mirandola 
wrote  a  celebrated  treatise  entitled  The  Dignity  of  Hitman  Nature  and  the 
Greatness  of  Afan. 

27^  The  longings  and  the  superstitious  fears  of  men  in  the  age  of  transition 
between  mediaeval  and  modern  times  is  well  epitomized  in  the  tradition  of  Dr. 
Faustus.     "  That  legend,"  says  Symonds,  "  tells  us  what  the  men  upon  the  eve 


354  Mediceval  History 

These  discoveries  made  by  the  men  of  the  Renaissance  gave  a 
vast  impulse  to  the  progress  of  the  human  race.  They  inspired 
humanity  with  a  new  spirit,  a  spirit  destined  in  time  to  make 
things  new  in  all  realms  —  in  the  realm  of  religion,  of  politics, 
of  literature,  of  art,  of  science,  of  invention,  of  industry. 

Some  of  these  changes  and  revolutions  we  shall  briefly  indi- 
cate in  the  remaining  paragraphs  of  this  chapter.  To  follow 
them  out  more  in  detail  in  all  the  territories  of  human  activity 
and  achievement  will  be  our  aim  in  another  volume  where  we 
propose  to  trace  the  course  of  the  historical  development 
through  the  centuries  of  the  Modern  Age  —  the  great  age 
opened  by  the  Renaissance. 

305.  It  restored  the  Broken  Unity  of  History.  —  When 
Christianity  entered  the  ancient  Gr^eco-Roman  world  war 
declared  itself  at  once  between  the  new  religion  and  classical 
culture,  especially  between  it  and  Hellenism.  The  Church, 
soon  triumphant  over  paganism,  rejected  the  bequest  of  antiq- 
uity. Some  of  the  elements  of  that  heritage  were,  it  is  true, 
appropriated  by  the  men  of  the  mediaeval  time  and  thus  came 
to  enrich  the  new  Christian  culture  ;  but,  as  a  whole,  it  was 
cast  aside  and  neglected.  Thus  was  the  unity  of  the  historical 
development  interrupted. 

Now  through  the  liberal  tendencies  and  generous  enthusi- 
asms of  the  Renaissance  there  was  effected  a  reconciliation 

of  the  Revival  longed  for,  and  what  they  dreaded,  when  they  turned  their  minds 
toward  the  past.  The  secret  of  enjoyment  and  the  source  of  strength  possessed 
by  the  ancients  allured  them  ;  but  they  believed  that  they  could  only  recover  this 
lost  treasure  by  the  suicide  of  the  soul.  So  great  was  the  temptation,  that 
Faustus  paid  the  price.  After  imbibing  all  the  knowledge  of  the  age,  he  sold 
himself  to  the  devil,  in  order  that  his  thirst  for  experience  might  be  quenched, 
his  grasp  upon  the  world  be  strengthened,  and  the  ennui  of  his  activity  be  soothed. 
His  first  use  of  this  dearly-bought  power  was  to  make  blind  Homer  sing  to  him. 
Amphion  tunes  his  harp  in  concert  with  Mephistopheles.  Alexander  rises  from 
the  dead  at  his  behest,  with  all  his  legionaries ;  and  Helen  is  given  to  him  for  a 
bride.  Faustus  is  therefore  a  parable  of  the  impotent  yearnings  of  the  spirit  in 
the  Middle  Ages, — its  passionate  aspiration,  its  conscience-stricken  desire,  its 
fettered  curiosity  amid  the  cramping  limits  of  impotent  knowledge  and  irrational 
dogmatisms:'  —  Revival  0/ Learni fig,  p.  53  (ed.  1888). 


The  Revival  and  Education  355 

between  Christianity  and  classical  civilization.  There  took 
place  a  fusion  of  their  qualities  and  elements.  The  broken 
unity  of  history  was  restored.  The  cleft  between  the  ancient 
and  the  modern  world  was  closed.  The  severed  branch  was 
reunited  to  the  old  trunk. 

The  importance  for  universal  history  of  this  restoration  of  its 
broken  unity,  of  this  recovery  by  the  Modern  Age  of  the  long- 
neglected  culture  of  antiquity,  can  hardly  be  overestimated  ; 
for  that  culture  had  in  its  keeping  not  only  the  best  the  human 
race  had  thought  and  felt  in  the  period  of  the  highest  reach  of 
its  powers,  but  also  the  precious  scientific  stores  accumulated 
by  all  the  ancient  peoples.  What  the  recovery  and  appropria- 
tion of  all  this  meant  for  the  world  is  suggested  by  ex-President 
Wolsey  in  these  words  :  "The  old  civilization  contained  treas- 
ures of  permanent  value  which  the  w^orld  could  not  spare, 
which  the  world  will  never  be  able  or  willing  to  spare.  These 
were  taken  up  into  the  stream  of  life,  and  proved  true  aids  to 
the  progress  of  a  culture  which  is  gathering  in  one  the  beauty 
and  truth  of  all  the  ages." 

306.  It  reformed  Education.  — The  humanistic  revival  revo- 
lutionized education.  During  the  Middle  Ages  the  Latin  lan- 
guage had  degenerated,  for  the  most  part,  into  a  barbarous 
jargon,  while  the  Greek  had  been  forgotten  and  the  Aristotelian 
philosophy  perverted.  As  to  Plato,  he  was  practically  unknown 
to  the  mediaeval  thinkers. 

Now  humanism  restored  to  the  world  the  pure  classical 
Latin,  rediscovered  the  Greek  language,  and  recovered  for 
civilization  the  once-rejected  heritage  of  the  ancient  classics, 
including  the  Platonic  philosophy,  which  w^as  to  be  a  quicken- 
ing and  upHfting  force  in  modern  thought. 

The  schools  and  universities  did  not  escape  the  influences 
of  this  humanistic  revival.  Chairs  in  both  the  Greek  and 
Latin  languages  and  literatures  were  now  established,  not  only 
in  the  new  universities  which  arose  under  the  inspiration  of  the 
New  Learning,  but  also  in  the  old  ones.    The  scholastic  method 


356  Mediceval  History 

of  instruction,  of  which  we  spoke  in  a  preceding  chapter,  was 
gradually  superseded  by  this  so-called  classical  system  of  edu- 
cation, which  dominated  the  schools  and  universities  of  the 
world  down  to  the  incoming  of  the  scientific  studies  of  the 
present  day.  Even  yet  it  holds  a  prominent  place  in  most  of 
our  schemes  of  study,  too  prominent  a  place  according  to  many 
educators,  who  complain  that  Greek  and  Latin  absorb  time  of 
the  student  which  should  be  given  to  the  sciences  and  to 
modern  languages  and  literatures. 

307.  It  aided  the  Development  of  the  Vernacular  Literatures. 
—  The  classical  revival  gave  to  the  world  the  treasures  of  two 
great  Hteratures.  And  in  giving  to  the  scholars  of  Europe  the 
masterpieces  of  the  ancient  authors,  it  gave  to  them,  besides 
much  fresh  material,  the  most  faultless  models  of  literary  taste 
and  judgment  that  the  world  has  ever  produced.  The  influ- 
ence of  these  in  correcting  the  extravagances  of  the  mediaeval 
imagination  and  in  creating  correct  literary  ideals  can  be  dis- 
tinctly traced  in  the  native  literatures  of  Italy,  France,  Spain, 
England,  and  Germany. 

It  is  sometimes  maintained  indeed  that  the  attention  given  to 
the  ancient  classics,  and  the  preferred  use  by  so  many  authors 
during  the  later  mediaeval  and  the  earlier  modern  period  of  the 
Latin  as  a  Hterary  language,^^  retarded  the  normal  development 
of  the  vernacular  literatures  of  the  European  peoples.  As  to 
Italy,  it  is  true  that  the  national  literature  which  had  started 
into  life  with  such  promise  with  Dante,  Petrarch,  and  Boccaccio 
was  for  almost  a  century  neglected  ;  but  in  transalpine  Europe, 
apart  from  Germany,  where  for  a  period  Latin  did  almost  sup- 
plant the  vernacular,  the  revived  study  of  the  classics  did  not 
produce  the  disastrous  effects  observed  in  Italy.  On  the 
contrary,  as  we  have  just  said,  the  effects  of  humanism  upon 
the  great  Hteratures  of  Europe,  aside  from  the  exceptions 
noticed,  was  to  enrich,  to  chasten,  and  to  refine  them. 

28  Some  of  the  very  best  literary  work  of  the  period  was  done  in  Latin,  as 
witness  the  Colloquies  by  Erasmus  and  the  Utopia  by  More. 


Origin  of  Historical  Criticism  357 

308.  It  called  into  Existence  the  Sciences  of  Archceology  and 
Historical  Criticism.  —  Many  sciences  were  in  germ  in  the 
Renaissance.  As  to  the  science  of  archaeology,  which  possesses 
such  a  special  interest  for  the  historical  student,  it  may  be  truly 
said  that  it  had  its  birth  in  the  classical  revival.  We  have 
already  noticed  the  new  feeling  for  the  remains  of  antiquity 
that  stirred  in  the  souls  of  the  men  of  the  Renaissance 
(par.  292). 

The  ruins  of  Rome  were  naturally  the  first  object  of  the 
reverent  curiosity  and  archaeological  zeal  of  the  Italian  scholars. 
Towards  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century  Flavio  Biondo  wrote, 
besides  other  works  on  the  antiquities  of  Italy,  his  Rome 
Restored,  the  first  scientific  treatise  on  archaeology.-^  From 
that  time  down  to  the  present  day  the  interest  in  the  monu- 
ments and  relics  of  past  ages  and  civilizations  has  steadily 
widened  and  deepened  and  has  led  to  remarkable  discoveries, 
not  only  on  classical  ground,  but  also  in  Hebrew,  Assyrian, 
and  Egyptian  territories,  —  discoveries  which,  by  carrying  the 
story  of  the  human  race  back  into  a  past  immensely  remote, 
have  given  an  entirely  new  beginning  to  history. 

What  is  true  of  the  science  of  archaeology  is  equally  true  of 
the  science  of  historical  criticism.  We  have  seen  that  the 
spirit  w^hich  awoke  in  the  Renaissance  was  a  questioning,  crit- 
ical spirit,  one  very  different  from  the  credulous  mediaeval 
spirit,  which  was  ready  to  accept  any  picturesque  tradition  or 
marvelous  tale  without  inquiry  as  to  its  source  or  credibility. 
It  was  this  spirit  that  stirred  in  Petrarch.  We  find  him  com- 
paring and  criticising  the  classical  authors  and  following  only 
those  whom  he  has  reason  to  believe  to  be  trustworthy. 

But  the  true  founder  of  the  science  of  historical  criticism  was 
Laurentius  Valla  (1407-1457).  His  greatest  achievement  as 
a  critic  was  the  demonstration,  on  philological  and  historical 

29  There  were  earlier  works  on  the  ruins  of  Rome,  notably  one  by  Rienzi, 
entitled  Description  of  the  City  of  Rome  and  its  Splendor,  but  they  lacked  the 
scientific  character  of  Biondo's. 


358  Mediceval  History 

grounds,  of  the  unauthentic  character  of  the  celebrated  Dona- 
tion of  Constantine  ^'^  (par.  139).  He  also  called  in  question 
the  authority  of  Livy  and  proved  the  spurious  character  of  the 
alleged  correspondence  between  Seneca  and  the  Apostle  Paul. 

The  achievements  of  Valla  ushered  in  the  day  of  historical 
criticism.  Here  began  that  critical  sifting  and  valuation  of 
our  historical  sources  which  has  resulted  in  the  discrediting 
of  a  thousand  myths  and  legends  once  regarded  as  unimpeach- 
able historical  material,  and  in  the  consequent  reconstruction 
of  Oriental,  classical,  and  mediaeval  history. 

The  same  influences  that  created  these  two  sciences  also  gave 
birth  to  true  history  writing.  It  was  in  Florence,  the  intellectual 
center  of  the  Italian  Renaissance,  that  appeared  a  group  of  writ- 
ers, chief  among  whom  were  Machiavelli  and  Guicciardini,^^  who, 
because  of  their  critical  spirit  and  sane  impartial  judgment,  as 
well  as  on  account  of  their  excellencies  of  style,  deserve,  in 
contrast  with  the  dull,  uncritical  mediaeval  chroniclers  and  annal- 
ists, to  be  looked  upon  as  the  first  modern  historians. 

309.  It  gave  an  Impulse  to  Religious  Reform. — The 
humanistic  movement,  as  we  have  already  noticed,  when  it 
crossed  the  Alps  assumed  among  the  northern  peoples  a  new 
character.  It  was  the  Hebrew  past  rather  than  the  Graeco- 
Roman  past  which  stirred  the  interest  of  the  scholars  of  the 
North.  The  Bible,  which  the  printing  presses  were  now  mul- 
tiplying in  the  original  Hebrew  and  Greek  as  well  as  in  the 
vernacular  languages,  became  the  subject  of  enthusiastic  study 
and  of  fresh  interpretation. 


30  This  document  had  been  attacked  before,  but  generally  those  doing  so  had 
not  the  classical  scholarship  required  to  show  clearly  its  real  character.  An 
attack,  however,  by  the  English  scholar,  Bishop  Reginald  Pecock  (about 
1 390-1460),  was  marked  by  sound  learning  and  scientific  method  of  investi- 
gation ;  but  Pecock,  not  being  so  widely  known  as  Valla,  his  assault  had  much 
less  influence  than  that  of  the  latter. 

31  Nicholas  Machiavelli  (1469-1527)  wrote  in  a  remarkably  clear,  vivid  style  a 
History  of  Florence ;  Francesco  Guicciardini  (1482-1540)  wrote  a  History  of 
Italy  from  i4g4  to  1532. 


TJie  Revival  and  Religious  Reform  359 

Consequently  what  was  in  the  South  a  restoration  of  classical 
literature  and  art  became  in  the  more  serious  and  less  sensuous 
North  a  revival  of  primitive  Christianity,  of  the  ethical  and 
religious  elements  of  the  Hebrew-Christian  past.  The  humanist 
became  the  reformer.  "The  truth  is,"  says  Symonds,  "that 
the  Reformation  was  the  Teutonic  Renaissance." 

There  were  certain  principles  and  qualities  in  humanism 
which  made  inevitable  this  transformation  of  the  revival  in 
its  passage  from  the  South  to  the  North.  In  the  first  place, 
the  principle  of  free  inquiry  in  humanism  was  bound  to  come 
into  collision  with  the  principle  of  ecclesiastical  authority. 
It  was  this  tendency  in  humanism  which  at  last  awakened  the 
fears  of  the  papal  court  and  set  it  in  opposition  to  the  entire 
intellectual  movement  of  which  in  its  earlier  stages  it  had 
been  a  most  zealous  promoter. 

In  the  second  place,  there  was  in  the  humanists  a  spirit  of 
self-reliance  in  religious  matters  which  was  a  foreshadowing 
of  the  coming  individualism  of  the  Reformation.  AV'riting  to 
his  brother,  who  in  his  letters  was  accustomed  to  make  many 
citations  from  the  Church  Fathers,  Petrarch  says  :  "  You  would 
do  well  to  trust,  for  a  time  at  least,  more  to  your  own  powers, 
nor  be  afraid  that  the  same  spirit  which  made  the  Fathers 
wise  will  not  aid  you."  ^''  This  is  a  note  of  the  Protestant 
Revolution. 

In  the  third  place,  there  was  a  rebelhous  spirit  in  humanism, 
a  spirit  of  protest  not  only  against  mediaeval  theology  but  against 
the  whole  mediaeval  system.  Humanism,  like  primitive  Chris- 
tianity, was  instinct  with  revolutionary  forces  calculated  to 
turn  the  world  upside  down.  The  humanists  of  the  North  — 
Reuchlin,  Erasmus,  and  the  rest  —  were  the  true  precursors 
of  the  great  religious  revolution  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

Sources  and  Source  Material.  —  Robinson  and  Rolfe's  Petrarch  : 
The  First  Modern  Scholar  and  Man  of  Letters.  This  volume  contains 
a  selection  from  Petrarch's  "  correspondence  with  Boccaccio  and  other 

^^  Translated  by  James  Harvey  Robinson  in  liis  Petrarch,  p.  401. 


360  Mediceval  History 

friends,  designed  to  illustrate  the  beginnings  of  the  Renaissance."  The 
student  should  begin  his  readings  on  this  subject  with  this  delightful 
book.  The  letters  are  admirably  translated,  while  the  biographical  and 
explanatory  notes  are  full  and  scholarly.  Whitcomb's  Source-Book  of 
the  Renaissattce,  Part  I.  An  excellent  little  book,  which  forms  a  good 
supplement  to  the  preceding  work.  The  part  cited  contains  short 
extracts  judiciously  chosen  from  the  writings  of  fourteen  Italian  writers 
of  the  age  of  the  Renaissance.  These  selections  cover  a  wide  field, 
the  first  being  taken  from  Dante's  writings  and  tha  last  from  Cellini's 
autobiography.  Colby's  Selections  from  the  Sources  of  English  History, 
Extract  52,  "  The  Revival  of  Learning  in  England."  Dante,  Divi^ia 
Commedia  (trans,  by  Longfellow).  Machiavelli,  The  Prince  (ed.  by 
Morley).  We  have  here  a  reflection  of  the  political  morality  of  the  age 
of  the  Renaissance  in  Italy.  Benvenuto  Cellini,  Memoirs.  Roscoe's 
version,  in  the  Bohn  Library,  should  be  used.  (There  is  a  more  recent 
translation  than  this,  but  for  the  reason  that  it  reproduces  with  such 
sedulous  fidelity  all  the  pagan  frankness  of  the  original,  we  cannot 
recommend  teachers  to  put  it  in  the  hands  of  young  readers.)  Cellini 
was  the  embodiment  of  the  most  diverse  phases  of  the  revival  in  Italy. 
His  character  was  a  most  extraordinary  combination  of  the  Bohemian 
artist  and  the  desperate  ruffian.  Of  his  autobiography  Symonds  says  : 
"  From  the  pages  of  this  book  the  Genius  of  the  Renaissance,  incar- 
nate in  a  single  personality,  leans  forth  and  speaks  to  us."  Vasari 
(Giorgio),  Lives  of  Seventy  of  the  fnost  Eminent  Painters,  Sculptors, 
and  Architects,  4  vols,  (edited  and  annotated  in  the  light  of  recent  dis- 
coveries by  E.  H.  and  E.  W.  Blashfield  and  A.  A.  Hopkins).  The 
editors  have  used  the  translation  by  Mrs.  Foster.  Only  the  best  and 
most  important  of  Vasari's  "Lives"  are  given.  Vasari  (1511-1574) 
was  himself  an  artist  and  the  contemporary  of  the  greatest  masters  of 
the  Italian  Renaissance.  His  work,  which  was  first  published  in  1550, 
is  charmingly  written  and  is  a  great  storehouse  of  material  for  the  art 
history  of  the  Renaissance ;  but  it  must,  of  course,  be  read  in  the  light 
of  later  criticism  and  research.  The  Book  of  The  Courtier,  from  the 
Italian  of  Count  Baldassare  Castiglione :  done  into  English  by  Sir 
Thomas  Hoby,  anno  1^61.  With  an  Ititroduction  by  Walter  Raleigh 
(The  Tudor  Translations,  London,  1900).  This  book  is  one  of  the 
most  important  and  characteristic  products  of  the  Italian  Renaissance. 
It  reveals  the  better  moral  side  of  the  revival,  just  as  Machiavelli's  The 
Prince  discloses  its  worst  moral  phase.  It  holds  up  an  ideal  like  that 
of  chivalry  (par.  163),  but  an  ideal  made  up  of  blended  chivalric  and 
classical  accomplishments  and  virtues,  —  a  pattern  which,  followed,  pro- 
duced the  perfect  knight-scholar.     The  book  was  translated  into  all  the 


The  Revival  and  Religions  Reform  36 1 

chief  European  languages  and  exerted  a  vast  influence  upon  life  and 
manners  everywhere,  and  especially  in  England.  It  helped  to  form 
some  of  the  noblest  characters  of  the  Elizabethan  age.  "  There  is  not 
the  slightest  reason  for  doubting,"  says  Professor  Saintsbury,  "  that 
Sidney  himself  had  the  Courtier  and  its  ideal  constantly  before  him." 

Secondary  or  Modern  Works.  —  The  literature  on  the  Renaissance 
is  very  extensive;  we  shall  suggest  only  a  few  titles.  Symonds 
(J.  A.),  **The  Renaissance  in  Italy,  7  vols,  (new  ed.,  1897-1898).  This 
is  the  best  extended  history  in  English  of  the  Italian  Renaissance. 
There  is  a  serviceable  single-volume  abridgment  of  the  work  by  Alfred 
Pearson.  Burckhardt  (J.),  *T/ie  Civilization  of  the  Renaissance  in 
Italy  (trans,  from  the  German).  Perhaps  the  most  suggestive  work  on 
the  subject.  Villari  (P.),  *Life  and  Times  of  Niccolb  Machiavelli 
(trans,  by  Linda  Villari),  vol.  i.  Mrs.  Oliphant,  Makers  of  Florettce 
and  Makers  of  Venice.  Field  (L.  F.),  An  Introduction  to  the  Study 
of  the  Renaissance.  Adams  (G.  B.),  Civilization  during  the  Middle  Ages, 
chap.  XV,  "  The  Renaissance."  Lodge  (R.),  The  Close  of  the  Middle 
Ages  (Periods  of  European  History),  chap,  xxii,  "The  Renaissance  in 
Italy."  Pater  (W.),  The  Renaissance :  Studies  in  Art  and  Poetry. 
Putnam  (G.  H.),  Books  and  their  Makers  during  the  Middle  Ages,  vol.  i, 
pt.  ii,  "  The  Earlier  Printed  Books."  Saintsbury  (G.),  The  Earlier 
Renaissance  (Periods  of  European  Literature),  chap,  i,  "The  Harvest- 
Time  of  Humanism."  Van  Dyke  (P.),  The  Age  of  the  Renaissance 
(Ten  Epochs  of  Church  History).  Surveys  the  movements  and  events 
of  the  period  of  the  revival  from  the  viewpoint  of  the  Church  historian. 
Grimm  (H.),  The  Life  of  Michael  Angela,  2  vols,  (trans,  from  the 
German).  Ewart  (K.  D.),  Cosimo  de*  Medici  (Foreign  Statesmen). 
RoscoE  (W.),  The  Life  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici.  Various  editions.  Arm- 
strong (E.),  Lorenzo  de*  Medici  and  Florence  in  the  Fifteenth  Century 
(Heroes  of  the  Nations).  A  work  more  easily  secured  than  the  pre- 
ceding, and  one  which  will  meet  the  needs  of  the  ordinary  student. 
In  the  "  Foreign  Classics  for  English  Readers  "  series  can  be  found  an 
admirable  little  volume  on  Dante  by  Mrs.  Oliphant  and  another  on 
Petrarch  by  Reeve.  Paget,  Violet  (Vernon  Lee,  pseud.),  ^«//i(?r/£>;/ ; 
being  Studies  of  the  Antique  and  the  Medieval  in  the  Rettaissance,  2  vols. 
A  work  of  real  insight.  The  article  by  Symonds  entitled  "  Renaissance  " 
in  the  Encyc.  Brit,  is  very  compact  and  suggestive. 


CHAPTER    XIX 

GROWTH   OF   THE   NATIONS  :    FORMATION   OF   NATIONAL 
GOVERNMENTS   AND   LITERATURES 

310.  Introductory. — The  most  important  political  move- 
ment that  marked  the  latter  part  of  the  Middle  Ages  was  the 
fusion,  in  several  of  the  countries  of  Europe,  of  the  petty 
feudal  principalities  and  half-independent  cities  and  communes 
into  great  nations  with  strong  centralized  governments.  This 
movement  was  accompanied  by,  or  rather  consisted  in,  the 
decline  of  feudalism  as  a  governmental  system,  the  loss  by 
the  cities  of  their  freedom,  and  the  growth  of  the  power  of 
the  kings.  It  was  the  counterpart  of  that  decay  which  we 
have  noticed  of  the  papacy  and  the  empire  as  real  forces 
in  European  affairs,  and  as  ideals.  The  attempt  to  organize 
Christendom  as  a  single  great  society  headed  by  pope  and 
emperor  having  failed,  Europe  is  now  reconstructed  in  accord- 
ance with  a  new  ideal,  —  that  of  absolutely  independent  states, 
or  nations. 

Many  things  contributed  to  this  consolidation  of  peoples 
and  governments,  different  circumstances  favoring  the  move- 
ment in  the  different  countries.  In  some  countries,  however, 
conditions  were  opposed  to  the  centralizing  tendency,  and  in 
these  the  Modern  Age  was  reached  without  nationality  having 
been  found.  But  in  England,  in  France,  and  in  Spain  circum- 
stances all  seemed  to  tend  towards  unity,  and  by  the  close  of 
the  fifteenth  century  there  were  estabHshed  in  these  countries 
strong  despotic  monarchies.  Yet  even  among  those  peoples 
where  national  governments  did  not  appear,  some  progress 
was  made  towards  unity  through   the  formation   of  national 

362 


General  Statement  363 

languages  and  literatures,  and  the  development  of  common 
feelings  and  aspirations,  so  that  these  races  or  peoples  were 
manifestly  only  awaiting  the  opportunities  of  a  happier  period 
for  the  maturing  of  their  national  life. 

This  rise  of  monarchy  and  decline  of  feudaHsm,  this  sub- 
stitution of  strong  centralized  governments  in  place  of  the 
feeble,  irregular,  and  conflicting  rule  of  the  feudal  nobles  or 
of  other  local  authorities,  was  a  very  great  gain  to  the  cause  of 
law  and  good  order.  It  paved  the  way  for  modern  progress 
and  civilization. 

In  these  changes  the  political  liberties  of  all  classes,  of  the 
cities  as  well  as  of  the  nobility,  were,  it  is  true,  subverted. 
But  though  Liberty  was  lost.  Nationality  was  found.  And 
the  people  may  be  trusted  to  win  back  freedom,  as  we  shall 
see.  Those  sturdy  burghers  —  the  merchants,  artisans,  lawyers 
of  the  cities  —  who,  in  the  eleventh  century,  showed  them- 
selves stronger  than  lords,  will  in  time,  with  the  help  of  the 
yeomanry,  prove  themselves  stronger  than  ki?igs.  Europe 
shall  be  not  only  orderly,  but  free.  Out  of  despotic  monarchy 
will  rise  constitutional,  representative  government. 


I.  England. 

311.  General  Statement.  —  In  earHer  chapters  we  told 
of  the  origin  of  the  English  people,  and  traced  their 
growth  under  Saxon,  Danish,  and  Norman  rulers.  In  the 
present  section  we  shall  tell  very  briefly  the  story  of  their 
fortunes  under  the  Plantagenet  house  and  its  branches,  thus 
carrying  on  our  narrative  to  the  accession  of  the  Tudors  in 
1485,  from  which  event  dates  the  beginning  of  the  modern 
history  of  England. 

The  Une  of  Plantagenet  kings  began  in  1154  with  Henry 
II,  son  of  Queen  Matilda  and  Geoffrey  Plantagenet  of  Anjou, 
and  ended  with  Richard  III  in  1485.  The  dynasty,  in  its 
direct  line  and  in  its  branches   (Lancaster  and  York),  thus 


364  MedicEval  Histojy 

lasted  three  hundred  and  thirty-one  years,  and  embraced 
fourteen  sovereigns.^ 

The  era  of  the  Plantagenets  was  a  most  eventful  one  in 
English  history.  It  was  under  these  kings  that  the  English 
constitution  took  on  its  present  form,  and  those  charters  and 
laws  were  framed  which  are  rightly  esteemed  the  bulwark  of 
English  freedom.  Moreover,  the  wars  of  the  period  were,  for 
the  most  part,  attended  by  far-reaching  consequences,  and  so 
helped  to  render  the  age  memorable. 

The  chief  events  of  the  period  which  we  shall  notice  were 
the  martyrdom  of  Thomas  Becket,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
the  loss  of  the  English  possessions  in  France,  the  wresting  of 
Mag7ia  Charta  from  King  John,  the  formation  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  the  conquest  of  Wales,  the  wars  with  Scotland,  the 
Hundred  Years'  War  with  France,  and  the  Wars  of  the  Roses. 

312.  The  Martyrdom  of  Thomas  Becket  (11 72).  —  The 
most  impressive  event  in  the  reign  of  the  first  Plantagenet 
was  a  tragedy,  —  the  murder  of  Thomas  Becket,  the  archbishop 
of  Canterbury.  This  event  possesses  great  historical  inter- 
est for  the  reason  that  it  grew  out  of  those  contentions 
between  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  authorities  which,  as  we 
have  seen,  make  up  a  large  part  of  mediaeval  history. 

The  circumstances  leading  up  to  the  tragedy  were  these. 
In  the  early  years  of  Henry's  reign  Thomas  had  been  a 
favorite  courtier,  and  chancellor  of  the  realm.  Thinking 
that  he  would  serve  him  well  as  primate,  Henry  made  him 

1  The  name  Plantagenet  came  from  the  peculiar  badge,  a  sprig  of  broom-plant 
{plante  de  genet),  adopted  by  one  of  the  early  members  of  the  house.  Follow- 
ing is  a  table  of  the  sovereigns  of  the  family : 

Henry  II 1154-1189  house  of  Lancaster. 


Richard  I 
John  .  . 
Henry  III 
Edward  I 
Edward  II 
Edward  III 
Richard  II 


1189-1199  Henry  IV     ....  1399-14 13 

1199-1216  Henry  V 1413-1422 

1216-1272  Henry  VI      ....  1422-1461 

I272-I307  HOUSE    OF    YORK. 

1307-1327  Edward  IV  .     .     .     .  1461-1483 

1327-1377  Edward  V    .     .     .     .  1483 

1377-1399  Richard  III .     .     .     .  1483-1485 


The  Martyrdo7n  of  Thomas  Bccket  365 

archbishop  of  Canterbury.  Thomas,  whose  Hfe  at  court  had 
given  Henry  a  wrong  impression  of  his  genuine  character,  had 
advised  his  master  against  doing  this  :  "  I  warn  you-,"  he  said, 
"  that  if  such  a  thing  should  be,  our  friendship  would  soon 
turn  to  bitter  hate." 

The  prophecy  soon  fulfilled  itself.  As  archbishop,  Thomas 
came  into  conflict  with  the  king  on  several  matters  involving 
the  relations  of  the  clergy  to  the  civil  power,  the  most  important 
of  which  was  a  question  regarding  the  trial  of  clerks  by  the 
secular  courts. 

We  have  already  spoken  of  the  extended  jurisdiction  of  the 
courts  of  the  Church  in  the  different  countries  of  Europe 
(par.  140).  At  this  time  in  England  the  power  and  privileges 
of  the  ecclesiastical  tribunals  had  become  so  extensive,  through 
grants  from  William  the  Conqueror  and  through  usurpation, 
that  the  royal  authority  was  unduly  restricted.  The  entire 
order  of  the  clergy  was  exempt  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
ordinary  courts  of  justice.  Since  the  Church  courts  could 
inflict  no  severer  penalty  than  imprisonment,  it  often  happened 
that  clerks  guilty  of  the  most  heinous  crimes,  even  of  murder, 
were  punished  inadequately,  or  even  not  at  all.  Moreover, 
the  judges  of  these  courts  were  said  to  be  over-lenient  in 
dealing  with  accused  members  of  their  own  order. 

Henry  resolved  that  the  clergy,  like  laymen,  should  be  sub- 
ject to  the  civil  courts.  To  this  end  he  caused  to  be  drawn 
up  the  so-called  Constitutions  of  Clarendon  ( 1 164),  a  collection 
of  "  a  certain  part  of  the  customs,  liberties,  and  dignities  of  his 
ancestors,"  which  among  other  things  provided  that  persons  in 
orders  accused  of  crime  should  be  tried  by  the  king's  judges,  if 
these  judges  deemed  the  cases  to  be  such  as  should  come  before 
them,  and  that  no  case  should  be  appealed  from  the  courts  of 
the  archbishops  to  the  pope,  without  the  king's  consent. 

Thomas,  after  some  hesitation,  swore  to  observe  the  Consti- 
tutions, but  almost  immediately  he  repented  having  done  so, 
and  sought  and  obtained  from  the  pope  release  from  his  oath. 


366  Mediceval  History 

He  maintained  that  the  ordinances  took  away  from  the  Church 
necessary  and  undoubted  rights  and  privileges. 

His  course  led  to  a  long  and  violent  quarrel  with  the  king. 
Finally  Henry  dropped  an  impatient  expression  which  four  of 
his  courtier  knights  interpreted  as  a  wish  that  Thomas  should 
be  put  out  of  the  way.  These  men  sought  out  the  archbishop 
in  the  cathedral  at  Canterbury,  and  murdered  him  on  the  steps 
of  the  altar  there. 

The  people  ever  regarded  Thomas  as  a  martyr,  who  had 
died  to  maintain  the  just  privileges  of  the  Church,  and  his 
tomb  in  the  cathedral  became  a  place  of  pilgrimage.  Three 
hundred  years  later  the  poet  Chaucer  made  the  journey  thither 
of  a  goodly  company  of  pilgrims  the  groundwork  of  his  cele- 
brated Ca?iterbury  Tales  (par.  334). 

The  attitude  of  the  people  after  the  murder  of  Thomas 
compelled  Henry  to  give  up  the  idea  of  enforcing  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Constitutions  of  Clarendon.  Moreover,  he  was 
constrained  to  do  penance  for  his  participation  in  the  crime 
by  submitting  to  a  flogging  by  the  monks  of  Canterbury  at  the 
martyr's  tomb.  His  humiliation  recalls  the  humiliation  of 
Henry  IV  of  Germany  almost  exactly  a  hundred  years  before. 
It  was  the  English  Canossa. 

313.  Loss  of  the  English  Possessions  in  France  (i  202-1 204). 
—  The  issue  of  the  battle  of  Hastings,  in  1066,  made  William 
of  Normandy  king  of  England.  But  we  must  bear  in  mind 
that  he  still  held  his  possessions  in  France  as  a  fief  from  the 
French  king,  whose  vassal  he  was.  These  continental  lands, 
save  for  some  short  intervals,  remained  under  the  rule  of 
William's  Norman  successors  in  England.  Then,  when  Henry, 
count  of  Anjou,  came  to  the  English  throne  as  the  first  of  the 
Plantagenets,  these  territories  were  greatly  increased  by  the 
French  possessions  of  that  prince.  The  larger  part  of  Henry's 
dominions,  indeed,  was  in  France,  the  whole  of  the  western 
half  of  the  country  being  in  his  hands  ;  but  for  all  of  this  he 
of  course  paid  homage  to  the  French  king. 


Magna  Cha7'ta  7,6 y 

As  was  inevitable,  a  feeling  of  intense  jealousy  sprang  up 
between  the  two  sovereigns.  The  French  king  was  ever  watch- 
ing for  some  pretext  upon  which  he  might  deprive  his  rival  of 
his  possessions  in  France.  The  opportunity  came  when  John, 
in  1 199,  succeeded  Richard  the  Lion-hearted  as  king  of  Eng- 
land. That  odious  tyrant  had  not  been  long  seated  upon  the 
throne  before  his  vassals  of  Poitou  carried  complaints  of  his 
misconduct  to  Philip  Augustus,  then  king  of  France.  Philip 
summoned  John  to  appear  and  clear  himself  of  the  charge 
before  his  French  peers.  John  refusing  to  do  so,  all  the  lands 
he  held  as  fiefs  of  the  French  crown  were  declared  forfeited 
(1202).  Philip  straightway  invaded  Normandy.  In  the  fight- 
ing which  followed  John  got  possession  of  the  person  of  his 
nephew  Arthur,  who  had  laid  claim  to  the  English  crown. 
The  boy  soon  disappeared,  and  John  was  accused,  and  doubt- 
less justly,  of  having  murdered  him.  Philip  now  ordered  John 
to  appear  and  clear  himself  of  this  new  charge.  John  as  before 
refiised  to  obey  the  summons.  Philip  was  now  able,  so  strong 
was  the  feeling  against  John,  to  dispossess  him  of  all  his  lands 
in  France,  save  a  part  of  Aquitaine  in  the  south. 

The  loss  of  these  lands  was  a  great  gain  to  England. 
The  Angevin  kings  had  been  pursuing  a  policy  which,  had 
it  been  successful,  would  have  made  England  a  subordinate 
part  of  a  great  continental  state.  That  danger  was  now 
averted.  In  the  words  of  Freeman,  "  England  had  been  a 
dependency  of  Anjou ;  Aquitaine  was  now  a  dependency  of 
England." 

314.  Magna  Charta  (12 15). — Magna  Charta^  the  "Great 
Charter,"  held  sacred  as  the  safeguard  of  English  liberties,  was 
an  instrument  which  the  English  barons  and  clergy  wrested 
from  King  John,  and  in  which  the  ancient  rights  and  privileges 
of  the  people  were  clearly  defined  and  guaranteed. 

The  circumstances  which  led  up  to  this  memorable  trans- 
action, narrated  in  the  briefest  way  possible,  were  as  follows  : 
Among  the  kings  of  foreign  race  whom  the  Norman  Conquest 


368  MedicEval  History 

brought  into  England  there  were  those  who  disregarded  the 
customs  and  institutions  of  the  reahii  and  ruled  in  a  very 
arbitrary  and  despotic  manner.  King  John,  as  will  easily 
be  believed  from  the  revelation  of  his  character  already 
made,  surpassed  the  worst  of  his  predecessors  in  tyranny  and 
wickedness. 

In  another  place  we  have  told  how  John,  having  quarreled 
with  the  pope  respecting  the  filling  of  vacant  offices  in  the 
English  churches,  was  excommunicated  and  his  kingdom 
placed  under  an  interdict,  and  how  he  finally  made  his  peace 
with  the  Church  by  doing  homage  to  the  pope  and  making 
England  a  fief  tributary  to  the  papal  see  (par.  232). 

As  the  pope's  vassal  John  conducted  himself  more  insolently 
than  before.  The  barons  of  the  realm,  who  were  burning  with 
resentment  towards  him  because  of  the  many  insults  and  out- 
rages which  he  had  heaped  upon  them,  now  rose  in  open  revolt, 
being  counseled  and  encouraged  to  this  action  by  the  patriot 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  Stephen  Langton.  Indeed,  the  king 
was  supported  by  no  class.  The  movement  was  an  uprising  of 
the  nation,  determined  upon  the  recovery  of  its  time-honored 
liberties.  The  tyrant  was  forced  to  bow  to  the  storm.  He 
met  his  barons  at  Runnymede,  a  flat  meadow  on  the  Thames 
a  little  way  from  Windsor,  and  there  affixed  his  seal  to  the 
instrument  that  had  been  prepared  to  receive  it. 

Among  the  important  articles  of  the  Great  Charter,  which 
was  based  on  an  earlier  charter  granted  by  Henry  I,  were  the 
following,  which  we  give  as  showing  at  once  the  nature  of 
the  venerable  document,  and  the  kind  of  grievances  of  which 
the  people  had  occasion  to  complain  : 

Art.  12.  "  No  scutage^  or  aid  shall  be  imposed  in  our  king- 
dom except  by  the  common  council  of  our  kingdom,  except  for  the 
ransoming  of  our  body,  for  the  making  of  our  oldest  son  a  knight, 

2  Scutage  was  a  money  payment  made  in  commutation  of  personal  military 
service. 


Magna  Charta  369 

and  for  once  marrying  our  oldest  daughter,  and  for  these  purposes 
it  shall  be  only  a  reasonable  aid  ;  ^  .   .  . 

Art.  39.  "No  free  man  shall  be  taken  or  imprisoned  or  dis- 
possessed, or  outlawed,  or  banished,  or  in  any  way  destroyed,  nor 
will  we  go  upon  him,  nor  send  upon  him,  except  by  the  legal 
judgment  of  his  peers  or  by  the  law  of  the  land. 

Art.  40.  "  To  no  one  will  we  sell,  to  no  one  will  we  deny,  or 
delay  right  or  justice."  ^ 

Besides  these  articles,  which  embody  most  important  prin- 
ciples of  the  English  constitution,  there  were  others  abol- 
ishing numerous  abuses  and  confirming  various  time-honored 
rights  and  privileges  of  the  towns  and  of  different  classes  of 
freemen. 

To  secure  the  observance  of  the  Charter  on  the  part  of  the 
king,  in  whose  sincerity  the  barons  had  no  confidence,  John 
was  forced  to  put  the  tower  and  city  of  London  in  the  hands 
of  the  nobles  as  a  pledge,  and  also  to  allow  a  body  consisting 
of  twenty-four  barons  and  the  mayor  of  London  to  be  appointed 
as  "  guardians  of  the  liberties  of  the  realm,"  with  the  right  and 
power  of  declaring  war  against  the  king,  should  he  violate  the 
oath  he  had  sworn.  Thus  carefully  was  guarded  the  Great 
Charter,  the  palladium  of  English  liberties. 

The  Great  Charter  did  not  create  new  rights  and  privileges, 
but  in  its  main  points  simply  re-asserted  and  confirmed  old 
usages  and  laws.  It  was  immediately  violated  by  John,  and 
afterwards  was  disregarded  by  many  of  his  successors  ;  but  the 
people  always  clung  to  it  as  the  warrant  and  safeguard  of  their 
liberties,  and  again  and  again  forced  tyrannical  kings  to  renew 
and  confirm  its  provisions,  and  swear  solemnly  to  observe  all 
its  articles. 

3  This  article  respecting  taxation  was  suffered  to  fall  into  abeyance  in  the 
reign  of  John's  successor,  Henry  III,  and  it  was  not  until  about  one  hundred 
years  after  the  granting  of  Magna  Charta  that  the  great  principle  that  the 
people  should  be  taxed  only  through  their  representatives  in  Parliament  became 
fully  established. 

4  Adams  and  Stephens,  Select  Documents  of  English  Constitutional  History. 


370  Mediceval  History 

Considering  the  far-reaching  consequences  that  resulted 
from  the  granting  of  Magna  Cha?'ta,  —  the  securing  of  con- 
stitutional liberty  as  an  inheritance  for  the  English-speaking 
race  in  all  parts  of  the  world,  —  it  must  always  be  considered 
the  most  important  concession  that  a  freedom-loving  people 
ever  wrung  from  a  tyrannical  sovereign. 

315.  Beginnings  of  the  House  of  Commons  (1265). — The 
reign  of  Henry  III  (12 16-1272),  John's  son  and  successor, 
witnessed  the  second  important  step  taken  in  English  consti- 
tutional freedom.  This  was  the  formation  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  the  Great  Council  having  up  to  this  time  been 
made  up  of  nobles  and  bishops.  It  was  again  the  royal  mis- 
behavior —  so  frequently  is  it,  as  Lieber  says,  that  Liberty  is 
indebted  to  bad  kings,  though  to  them  she  owes  no  thanks  — 
that  led  to  this  great  change  in  the  form  of  the  English  national 
assembly. 

Henry  had  become  even  more  tyrannical  than  his  father. 
He  had  violated  his  oath  to  observe  the  provisions  of  the 
Great  Charter,  had  filled  the  offices  of  the  kingdom  with 
foreign  favorites,  and  had  ruled  so  arbitrarily  as  to  stir  the 
anger  of  all  classes.  In  the  words  of  a  contemporary,  the 
English  were  oppressed  "  like  as  the  people  of  Israel  under 
Pharaoh."  The  final  outcome  was  an  uprising  of  the  barons 
and  the  people  similar  to  that  in  the  reign  of  King  John, 

The  leader  of  the  revolt  was  Earl  Simon,  a  son  of  the  Simon 
de  Montfort  who  led  the  first  crusade  against  the  Albigenses. 
Although  a  foreigner,  Earl  Simon  was  very  different  from  the 
most  of  those  foreigners  whom  Henry  had  honored  with  posi- 
tions and  titles.  He  was  as  strenuous  in  his  defense  of  the 
ancient  laws  and  customs  of  the  EngHsh  as  were  the  English 
themselves.  Henry  confessed  that  he  feared  Earl  Simon 
*'  more  than  all  the  thunder  and  lightning  in  the  world." 

It  was  soon  open  war  between  the  king  and  his  people.  In 
a  great  engagement  known  as  the  battle  of  Lewes  (1264),  the 
royal  forces  were  defeated,  and  Henry  was  taken  prisoner. 


Begimiiiigs  of  the  House  of  Commons  371 

Earl  Simon  now  did  that  which  entitles  him  to  the  lasting 
gratitude  of  the  English  people.  In  order  to  rally  all  classes 
to  the  support  of  the  cause  he  represented,  he  issued,  in 
the  king's  name,  writs  of  summons  to  the  barons  (save  the 
king's  adherents),  the  bishops,  and  the  abbots  to  meet  in 
Parliament ;  and  at  the  same  time  sent  similar  writs  to  the 
sheriffs  of  the  different  shires,  directing  them  "  to  return  two 
knights  for  the  body  of  their  county,  with  two  citizens  or 
burghers  for  every  city  and  borough  contained  in  it."  ^ 

Although  the  knights  of  the  different  shires,  who  found 
attendance  at  the  meetings  of  the  national  assembly  very  bur- 
densome, had  in  several  instances  before  this  been  represented 
by  delegates,''  so  that  the  principle  of  representation  was  not 
now  for  the  first  time  introduced  into  the  English  constitution, 
still  this  was  the  first  time  when  plain  untitled  citizens,  or 
burghers,  had  been  called  to  take  their  place  with  the  barons, 
bishops,  and  knights,  in  the  great  council  of  the  nation,  to  join 
in  deliberations  on  the  affairs  of  the  realm.' 

From  this  gathering,  then,  may  be  dated  the  birth  of  the 
House  of  Commons  (1265).  Formed  as  it  was  of  knights  and 
burghers,  representatives  of  the  common  people,  it  was  at 
first  a  weak  and  timorous  body,  quite  overawed  by  the  great 
lords,  but  was  destined  finally  to  grow  into  the  controlling 
branch  of  the  British  Parliament. 

Just  thirty  years  later  (in  1295),  in  the  reign  of  Edward  I, 
there  was  gathered  through  regular  constitutional  summons 
what  came  to  be  called  the  Model  Parliament,  since  in  its 
composition  it  served  as  a  pattern  for  later  ParHaments. 

5  Compare  par.  264. 

6  In  1254  four  representative  knights  from  each  shire  had  been  summoned  to 
the  Great  Council,  and  again  in  1261  three  knights  from  each  county. 

"  At  first  the  burghers  could  take  part  only  in  questions  relating  to  taxation, 
but  gradually  they  acquired  the  right  to  share  in  all  matters  that  might  come 
before  Parliament.  It  is  probable  that  the  Commons  at  first  met  in  Westminster 
Hall  with  the  Lords,  thougli  their  votes  were  kept  distinct.  But  very  soon  we 
find  them  gathered  in  a  separate  chamber. 


372  MedicEva  I  His  to  ry 

316.  Conquest  of  Wales  (12 7 2- 12 82).  —  For  more  than 
seven  hundred  years  after  the  withdrawal  of  the  Romans  from 
Britam,  the  Celtic  tribes  of  Wales  maintained  among  their 
mountain  fastnesses  an  ever-renewed  struggle  with  the  succes- 
sive invaders  of  the  island  —  with  Saxon,  Dane,  and  Norman. 
They  were  forced  to  acknowledge  the  overlordship  of  some 
of  the  Saxon  and  Norman  kings.  But  they  w^ere  restless 
vassals,  and  were  constantly  withholding  tribute  and  refusing 
homage. 

Upon  the  accession  of  the  Plantagenets  the  old  struggle  was 
renewed  with  greater  fierceness  than  ever.  It  was  the  Welsh 
bards  who,  at  this  time,  by  their  fiery,  patriotic  anthems,  did 
much  to  inspire  the  people  to  a  last  determined  and  gallant 
effort  to  rid  their  entire  land  forever  of  the  invaders,  and 
regain  their  lost  liberties.  As  an  illustration  of  the  power 
of  song,  it  is  the  story  of  the  martial  poet  Tyrtseus  and  the 
Spartan  warriors  repeated.  Everywhere  the  slumbering  embers 
of  Celtic  patriotism  were  fanned  into  an  uncontrollable  flame. 
Under  the  lead  of  a  line  of  brave  chieftains  known  as  the 
Lords  of  Snowdon,  the  Welsh  all  but  shook  off  the  hated 
yoke  of  the  English  kings. 

When  Edward  I  (127 2- 130 7)  came  to  the  English  throne, 
Llewellyn  III,  who  held  the  overlordship  of  the  Welsh  chiefs, 
refused  to  render  homage  to  the  new  king.  Edward  led  a  strong 
army  into  the  fastnesses  of  the  country,  and  quickly  reduced  his 
rebel  vassal  to  submission.  A  few  years  later,  and  the  Welsh 
patriots  were  again  in  arms  ;  but  the  uprising  was  soon  crushed, 
and  Llewellyn  w^as  slain  (1282).  His  head,  after  the  barbar- 
ous manner  of  the  times,  was  exposed  over  the  gateway  of  the 
Tower  of  London.  The  last  remnant  of  Welsh  independence 
was  now  extinguished.^ 

The  strong-walled  and  picturesque  castle-fortresses  —  those 
at  Conway  and  Carnarvon  are  particularly  celebrated  —  which 

8  A  little  more  than  a  century  later  (1400)  there  was  another  revolt  under  the 
hero  Owen  Glendower  (Glyndwr),  which  was  suppressed  with  great  severity. 


Wars  witJi  Scotland  373 

Edward  built  or  strengthened  to  guard  the  conquered  land 
are,  like  the  old  watch-towers  of  the  Norman  kings  in  Eng- 
land, historical  monuments  of  the  greatest  interest  to  the 
modern  traveler  in  Wales. 

Edward  adopted  a  conciliatory  policy  in  dealing  with  the 
conquered  people.  He  seemed  to  think,  however,  that  a  little 
duplicity  might  be  harmlessly  employed  ;  for  tradition  tells 
how,  having  promised  to  give  them  a  native-born  prince  who 
could  not  speak  a  word  of  French  or  English,  he  presented  to 
them  his  own  infant  son  Edward,  born  during  the  campaign, 
in  the  Welsh  castle  of  Carnarvon.  Whether  the  legend  be 
true  or  not,  this  same  prince,  while  yet  a  mere  child,  was 
made  feudal  lord  of  the  Welsh,  with  the  title  of  Prince  of 
Wales ;  and  from  that  time  the  title  has  usually  been  borne 
by  the  eldest  son  of  the  EngHsh  sovereign. 

For  two  centuries  after  the  death  of  Llewellyn  the  Welsh 
were  the  unwilling  subjects  of  England.  Then  occurred  a 
happy  circumstance  —  the  accession  to  the  English  throne  of 
a  prince  of  Welsh  descent ;  for  Henry  Tudor,  the  first  of  the 
Tudor  dynasty,  was  the  grandson  of  a  Welsh  knight,  named 
Owen  Tudor.  With  princes  of  the  ancient  British  race  reign- 
ing in  London,  the  Welsh,  from  sullen  subjects,  were  suddenly 
transformed  into  enthusiastic  and  loyal  supporters  of  the 
EngHsh  throne. 

317.  Wars  with  Scotland  (i  296-1 328).  —  With  the  Welsh 
tribes  reduced  to  submission,  Edward  turned  his  attention  to 
the  conquest  of  Scotland  ;  for  it  was  the  resolve  of  this  ambi- 
tious king,  from  the  very  outset  of  his  reign,  to  extend  the 
authority  of  the  English  crown  over  the  whole  of  the  island  of 
Britain. 

From  the  time  of  King  Alfred's  son  Edward,  the  kings  of 
England  had  intermittently  laid  claim  to  the  suzerainty  of  the 
Scottish  realm.  The  Norman  and  Plantagenet  kings  down  to 
the  time  of  Edward  I  were  constantly  quarreling  with  the  Scots 
about  this  matter  of  English  overlordship  and  Scotch  vassalage. 


374  MedicBval  History 

An  opportunity  now  presented  itself  for  Edward  to  secure 
full  recognition  of  suzerain  rights  over  Scotland.  In  1285  the 
ancient  Celtic  line  of  'Scottish  chiefs  became  extinct.  A  great 
number  of  claimants  for  the  vacant  throne  immediately  arose. 
Chief  among  these  were  Robert  Bruc^  and  John  Balliol,  dis- 
tinguished noblemen  of  Norman  descent,  attached  to  the  Scot- 
tish court. 

Edward  was  asked  to  act  as  arbitrator,  and  decide  to  whom 
the  crown  should  be  given.  He  consented  to  do  so,  and  met 
the  Scottish  lords  at  Norham  ;  but  before  taking  up  the  ques- 
tion he  demanded  that  the  Scottish  nobles  should  acknowledge 
him  as  their  feudal  suzerain.  As  Edward  had  a  large  army  at 
this  moment  on  the  march  up  through  England,  the  Scotch 
chiefs  could  not  do  otherwise  than  admit  his  claims  to  the 
suzerainty  of  their  country,  and  do  homage  to  him  as  their 
overlord.  Edward's  commissioners  then  decided  the  ques- 
tion of  the  succession  in  favor  of  Balliol,  who  now  took  the 
crown  of  Scotland  as  the  fully  acknowledged  vassal  of  the 
English  sovereign  (1292). 

Balliol  soon  broke  the  feudal  ties  which  bound  him  to 
Edward  and  sought  an  alliance  with  the  French  king.  In 
the  war  that  followed,  the  Scots  were  defeated,  and  Scotland 
fell  back  as  a  forfeited  fief  into  the  hands  of  Edward  (1296). 
As  a  sign  that  the  Scottish  kingdom  had  come  to  an  end, 
Edward  carried  off  to  London  the  royal  regalia,  and  with  this 
a  large  stone,  known  as  the  Stone  of  Scone,  upon  which  the 
Scottish  kings,  from  time  out  of  memory,  had  been  accustomed 
to  be  crowned.  Legend  declared  that  the  relic  was  the  very 
stone  which  Jacob  made  his  pillow  at  Bethel.  The  block  was 
taken  to  Westminster  Abbey,  and  there  put  beneath  the  seat 
of  a  stately  throne-chair,  which  to  this  day  is  used  in  the  coro- 
nation ceremonies  of  the  English  sovereigns.^ 

s  It  is  said  that  the  stone  once  bore  this  legend : 

"  Should  fate  not  fail,  where'er  this  stone  be  found, 
The  Scot  shall  monarch  of  that  realm  be  crowned  "  ; 


lVa?'s  witJi  Scotland  375 

The  two  countries  were  not  long  united.  The  Scotch  people 
loved  too  well  their  ancient  liberties  to  submit  quietly  to  this 
extinguishment  of  their  national  independence.  Under  the 
inspiration  and  lead  of  the  famous  Sir  William  Wallace,  an 
outlaw  knight,  all  the  Lowlands  were  soon  in  determined 
revolt.  It  was  chiefly  from  the  peasantry  that  the  patriot 
hero  drew  his  followers.  Wallace  gained  some  successes,^*^ 
but  at  length  was  betrayed  into  Edward's  hands.  He  was 
condemned  to  death  as  a  traitor,  and  his  head,  garlanded 
with  a  crown  of  laurel,  was  fixed  on  London  Bridge  (1305). 
The  romantic  life  of  Wallace,  his  patriotic  serxdces,  his 
heroic  exploits,  and  his  tragic  death,  at  once  lifted  him  to 
the  place  that  he  has  ever  since  held  as  the  national  hero  of 
Scotland. 

The  struggle  in  which  Wallace  had  fallen  was  soon  renewed 
by  the  almost  equally  renowned  hero  Robert  Bruce  (grandson 
of  the  Robert  Bruce  mentioned  on  p.  374),  who  was  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  nobles,  as  Wallace  had  been  of  the  common 
people.  With  Edward  II  ^^  Bruce  fought  the  great  battle  of 
Bannockburn,  near  Stirhng.  Edward's  army,  consisting  of 
a  large  body  of  horsemen  and  foot-soldiers,  was  almost  anni- 
hilated (1314).  It  was  the  most  appalling  disaster  that  had 
befallen  the  arms  of  the  English  people  since  the  memorable 
defeat  of  Harold  at  Hastings. 

The  independence  of  Scotland  really  dates  from  the  great 
victory  of  Bannockburn,  but  the  EngHsh  were  too  proud  to 

which  prophecy  was  fulfilled  when  James  VI  of  Scotland  became  James  I  of 
England.  "  Whether  the  prophecy  was  actually  inscribed  on  the  stone  may  be 
doubted,  though  this  seems  to  be  implied,  and  on  the  lower  side  is  still  visible 
a  groove  which  may  have  contained  it ;  but  the  fact  that  it  was  circulated  and 
believed  as  early  as  the  fourteenth  century,  is  certain."  —  Dean  Stanley, 
Metnorials  of  Westminster  Abbey. 

10  Notably  a  great  victory  at  what  is  known  as  the  battle  of  Stirling  (1297). 

11  Edward  I  died  while  on  a  campaign  against  the  Scots  (1307).  He  was 
one  of  the  ablest  and  best  beloved  of  English  kings.  He  so  improved  the  laws  of 
the  realm,  and  made  such  great  and  beneficent  changes  in  the  administration  of 
justice  as  to  earn  the  title  of  the  "  English  Justinian." 


376  Mediceval  History 

acknowledge  it  until  after  fourteen  years  more  of  war.  Finally, 
in  the  year  1328,  the  young  king  Edward  III  gave  up  all  claim 
to  the  Scottish  crown,  and  Scotland,  with  the  hero  Bruce  as  its 
king,  took  its  place  as  an  independent  power  among  the  nations 
of  Europe. 

Respecting  the  results  to  both  the  Enghsh  and  the  Scotch 
of  the  failure  of  the  Edwards  to  subject  Scotland  to  their  rule, 
the  historian  Gardiner  finely  comments  as  follows  :  "  Morally, 
both  nations  were  in  the  end  the  gainers.  The  hardihood  and 
self-reHance  of  the  Scottish  character  is  distinctly  to  be  traced 
to  those  years  of  struggle  against  a  powerful  neighbor.  Eng- 
land, too,  was  the  better  for  being  balked  of  its  prey.  No 
nation  can  suppress  the  liberty  of  another  without  endangering 
its  own." 

The  independence  gained  by  the  Scotch  at  Bannockburn 
was  maintained  for  nearly  three  centuries,  —  until  1603, — 
when  the  crowns  of  England  and  Scotland  were  peacefully 
united  in  the  person  of  James  VI  of  Scotland,  who  became 
James  I  of  England,  the  founder  of  the  Stuart  dynasty  of 
EngUsh  kings.  During  the  greater  part  of  these  three  hundred 
years  the  two  countries  were  very  quarrelsome  neighbors. 

The  Hundred  Years'   War  (133 8- 1453). 

318.  Causes  of  the  War. — The  long  and  wasteful  war 
between  England  and  France  known  in  history  as  the  Hundred 
Years'  War  was  a  most  eventful  one,  and  its  effect  upon  both 
England  and  France  so  important  and  lasting  as  to  entitle  it 
to  a  prominent  place  in  the  records  of  the  closing  events  of  the 
Middle  Ages.  Freeman  likens  the  contest  to  the  Peloponne- 
sian  War  in  ancient  Greece ;  and  Hallam  says  that  since  the 
fall  of  Rome  there  had  been  no  war  among  European  nations 
"  so  memorable  as  that  of  Edward  III  and  his  successors  against 
France,  whether  we  consider  its  duration,  its  objects,  or  the 
magnitude  and  variety  of  its  events." 


The  Battle  of  Crecy  377 

The  war  with  Scotland  was  one  of  the  things  that  led  up  to 
this  war.  All  through  that  struggle,  France,  as  the  old  and 
jealous  rival  of  England,  was  ever  giving  aid  and  encourage- 
ment to  the  Scots.  Then  the  English  possessions  in  France, 
for  which  the  English  king  owed  homage  to  the  French  sover- 
eign as  overlord,  were  a  source  of  constant  dispute  between  the 
two  countries.  Trade  jealousies  also  contributed  to  the  causes 
of  mutual  hostility. 

Furthermore,  upon  the  death  of  Charles  IV  of  France,  the 
last  of  the  direct  Capetian  hne,  Edward  III  laid  claim,  through 
his  mother,  daughter  of  Philip  the  Fair,  to  the  French  crown. 
His  claims  were  set  aside  by  the  peers  of  France  in  favor  of 
Philip  of  Valois,  who  mounted  the  throne  as  the  first  of  the 
Valois  dynasty ;  but  notwithstanding  this  decision,  shortly 
after  the  beginning  of  the  war,  Edward  assumed  the  French 
arms  and  the  title  King  of  France. 

319.  The  Battle  of  Cr^cy  (1346).  —  The  first  great  combat 
of  the  long  war  was  the  famous  battle  of  Crecy.  Edward  had 
invaded  France  with  a  strong  force,  made  up  largely  of  English 
bowmen,  and  had  penetrated  far  into  the  country,  ravaging  the 
land  as  he  went,  when  he  finally  halted,  and  faced  the  pursuing 
French  army  near  the  village  of  Crecy,  where  he  inflicted  upon 
it  a  most  terrible  defeat.  Twelve  hundred  knights,  the  flower 
of  French  chivalry,  and  thousands  of  foot-soldiers  lay  dead 
upon  the  field. 

The  great  battle  of  Crecy  is  memorable  for  several  reasons ; 
but  chiefly  because  feudalism  and  chivalry  there  received 
their  death-blow.  The  yeomanry  of  England  there  showed 
themselves  superior  to  the  chivalry  of  France.  "  The  lesson 
which  England  had  learned  at  Bannockburn,"  writes  Green, 
"  she  taught  the  world  at  Cre'cy.  The  whole  social  and  political 
fabric  of  the  Middle  Ages  rested  on  a  military  base,  and  its 
base  was  suddenly  withdrawn.  The  churl  had  struck  down  the 
noble ;  the  bowman  proved  more  than  a  match,  in  sheer  hard 
fighting,  for  the  knight.     From  the  day  of  Crecy,  feudalism 


378  MedicEval  History 

tottered  slowly  but  surely  to  its  grave."  The  battles  of  the 
world  were  thereafter  to  be  fought  and  won,  not  by  mail-clad 
knights  with  battle-ax  and  lance,  but  by  common  foot-soldiers 
with  bow  and  gun. 

320.  The  Siege  and  Capture  of  Calais  (134 6- 1347).  —  From 
the  field  of  Crecy  Edward  led  his  army  to  the  siege  of  Calais, 
an  important  seaport  on  the  Channel,  whence  issued  many  of 
the  pirate  ships  that  had  long  troubled  English  commerce.  At 
the  end  of  a  year's  siege,  the  city,  reduced  to  the  verge  of 
starvation,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English. 

The  capture  of  Calais  was  a  very  important  event  for  the 
English,  as  it  gave  them  control  of  the  commerce  of  the  Chan- 
nel, and  afforded  a  convenient  landing-place  for  their  expedi- 
tions of  invasion.  The  French  citizens  were  driven  out  of  the 
place,  and  it  was  peopled  with  English  immigrants.  The  port 
remained  in  the  hands  of  the  English  a  century  and  more  after 
the  close  of  the  Hundred  Years'  War  —  until  the  reign  of 
Queen  Mar\'. 

321.  The  Black  Death  (1347-1349). — At  just  this  time 
there  fell  upon  Europe  the  awful  pestilence  known  as  the  Black 
Death.  The  plague  w^as  introduced  into  Europe  from  the  East 
by  way  of  the  trade  routes  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  from  the 
southern  countries  spread  in  the  course  of  a  few  years  over  the 
entire  continent,  its  virulence  without  doubt  being  greatly 
increased  by  the  unsanitary  condition  of  the  crowded  towns 
and  the  wretched  mode  of  living  of  the  poorer  classes. 

In  many  places  almost  all  the  people  fell  victims  to  the 
scourge.  Of  the  city  of  Bristol,  in  England,  a  chronicler 
writes  :  "Almost  the  whole  strength  of  the  town  died."  Some 
villages  were  left  without  an  inhabitant.  Many  monasteries 
were  almost  emptied.  In  the  Mediterranean  and  the  Baltic 
ships  were  seen  drifting  about  without  a  soul  on  board.  Crops 
rotted  unharv'ested  in  the  fields ;  herds  and  flocks  wandered 
about  unattended.  It  is  estimated  that  from  one-third  to  one- 
half  of  the    population    of  Europe    perished.      Hecker,    an 


The  Battle  of  Poitiers  i^yc^ 

historian  of  the  pestilence,  estimates  the  total  number  of 
victims  at  twenty-five  millions.  It  was  the  most  awful  calamity 
that  ever  befell  the  human  race.^- 

This  unexampled  thinning  of  the  population  of  Europe  had 
most  important  religious,  -  social,  and  economic  results,  some 
of  which  we  shall  notice  in  another  connection. ^^ 

322.  The  Battle  of  Poitiers  (1356).  —  The  terrible  scourge 
caused  the  contending  nations  for  a  time  to  forget  their  quarrel. 
But  no  sooner  had  a  purer  atmosphere  breathed  upon  the  Con- 
tinent than  their  minds  were  again  turned  to  war,  and  the  old 
struggle  was  renewed  with  fresh  eagerness. 

Edward  planned  a  double  invasion  of  France.  He  him- 
self led  an  army  through  the  already  wasted  provinces  of 
the  North,  while  his  eldest  son,  known  from  the  color  of  the 
armor  he  wore  as  the  Black  Prince,  ravaged  with  another  the 
rich  and  flourishing  lands  of  the  South.  As  the  prince's  army, 
numbering  about  eight  thousand  men,  loaded  with  booty,  was 
making  its  way  back  to  the  coast,  it  found  its  path,  near 
Poitiers,  obstructed  by  a  French  army  of  fifty  thousand,  led  by 
King  John,  the  successor  of  Philip.  A  battle  ensued  which 
proved  for  the  French  a  second  Crecy.  The  arrows  of  the 
English  bowmen  drove  them  in  fatal  panic  from  the  field,  which 
was  strewn  with  thousands  of  their  dead.  King  John  and  his 
son  Philip  were  taken  prisoners,  but,  much  to  the  credit  of 
their  conqueror,  were  treated  like  honored  guests  in  the  tent 
of  the  Black  Prince. 

323.  The  Treaty  of  Bretigny  (1360).  —  John  was  held 
prisoner  in  England  for  three  years,  during  which  time  France 
was  distressed  by  a  fresh  invasion  of  the  English  and  by  revolts 
of  the  peasantry,  whom  the  ravages  and  burdens  of  incessant 
war  had  driven   to  desperation.      Finally,  by   the  Treaty  of 

12  Under  the  terror  and  excitement  of  the  dreadful  visitation,  religious  peni- 
tents, thinking  to  turn  away  the  wrath  of  heaven  by  unusual  penances,  went 
about  in  procession,  lacerating  themselves  with  whips  (hence  they  were  called 
flagellants).  This  religious  frenzy  had  its  most  remarkable  manifestation  in 
Germany.  13  See  par.  324. 


380  Mediceval  History 

Bretigny  the  French  king  was  set  at  hberty  upon  payment  of 
an  enormous  ransom  and  the  promise  that  he  would  cease 
endeavoring  to  stir  up  the  Scots  against  the  EngHsh.  By  the 
same  treaty  Edward  was  to  keep  possession  of  the  duchy  of 
Aquitaine  and  of  some  other  provinces,  not,  however,  as  fiefs 
from  the  French  king,  in  which  way  he  had  hitherto  held  his 
lands  in  France,  but  in  full  sovereignty.  In  return  for  John's 
promise  to  let  the  Scots  alone,  he  agreed  to  cease  scheming 
with  the  Flemings  against  France. 

324.  The  Peasants'  Revolt  (1381).  —  For  a  great  part  of 
the  half  century  following  the  Peace  of  Bretigny  the  war 
between  the  two  countries  was  practically  suspended.  The 
most  important  event  in  English  history  during  this  interval 
was  what  is  known  as  the  Peasants'   Revolt. 

One  of  the  grievances  of  the  peasants  grew  out  of  their 
relations  to  the  landlords.  Many  of  the  former  serfs  had 
commuted  into  money  payments  the  personal  services  they 
owed  their  lords  (par.  149)  and  had  thus  got  rid  of  this  badge 
of  serfdom.  They  were  now  free  laborers  working  for  hire. 
The  rise  in  wages  occasioned  by  the  Black  Death  caused  the 
landlords  to  regret  the  bargain  they  had  made  with  their  former 
serfs,  since  the  commutation  money  would  not  now  pay  for  as 
many  days'  labor  as  the  serfs  were  originally  bound  to  render. 
The  landlords  endeavored  to  escape  from  their  bad  bargain 
by  means  of  legislation.  They  secured  the  enactment  by 
Parliament  of  a  law  known  as  the  Statute  of  Laborers  (135  i), 
which  made  it  a  misdemeanor  for  any  unemployed  laborer  to 
refuse  to  work  for  the  wages  paid  before  the  plague.  Attempts 
to  enforce  this  statute  caused  much  discontent  and  trouble. 

The  hard  conditions  under  which  those  still  held  in  serfdom 
led  their  lives  constituted  another  grievance  of  a  large  class. 
In  these  words  of  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  uprising  we  hear 
the  burden  of  their  complaint :  "  For  what  reason  do  they  hold 
us  in  bondage?  Are  we  not  all  descended  from  the  same 
parents  Adam  and  Eve?     And  what  can  they  show,  or  what 


Battle  of  Agincourt  38  i 

reasons  give,  why  they  should  be  more  the  masters  than 
ourselves?  " 

A  third  grievance  of  the  peasants,  and  seemingly  the  imme- 
diate cause  of  the  revolt,  was  the  imposition  of  a  heavy  poll 
tax,  which  struck  the  poor  as  well  as  the  rich,  to  meet  the 
expenses  of  the  French  war. 

The  storm  burst  in  1381.  The  peasants  rose  in  almost 
every  part  of  England  and  marched  in  crowds  upon  London. 
Their  most  noted  leaders  were  Wat  Tyler,  Jack  Straw,  and 
John  Ball.  The  essence  of  their  demands  was  the  abolition 
of  villainage  (serfdom)  in  England. 

There  was  tumult  and  violence  everywhere.  Abbeys  and 
manor  houses  were  sacked,  and  the  charters  which  were  the 
evidence  of  the  peasants'  servitude  were  burned. 

The  revolt  had  the  usual  issue.  The  bands  of  insurgents 
were  finally  scattered  and  their  leaders  were  pitilessly  put  to 
death. 

Yet  the  insurrection  was  a  success  after  all.  The  fear  of 
another  uprising  and  the  inefficient  character  of  sullen  labor 
caused  the  landlords  to  hasten  the  process  that  had  long  been 
going  on  of  commuting  into  money  payments  the  grudgingly 
rendered  personal  services  of  the  serfs.  At  the  end  of  a  hun- 
dred years  after  the  revolt  there  w^ere  very  few  serfs  to  be  found 
in  England. 

The  abolition  of  serfdom  w^as  an  important  step  in  the 
nationalization  of  the  English  people.  Sweeping  away  arti- 
ficial barriers  between  classes,  it  hastened  the  unification  of 
English  society  and  the  creation  of  a  true  English  nation. 

325.  Battle  of  Agincourt  (1415).  —  During  the  reign  in 
England  of  Henry  V,  the  second  sovereign  of  the  house  of 
Lancaster,  France  was  unfortunate  in  having  an  insane  king, 
Charles  VI ;  and  Henry,  taking  advantage  of  the  disorder  into 
which  the  French  kingdom  naturally  fell  under  these  circum- 
stances, invaded  the  country  with  a  powerful  army.  After 
losing  a  great  part  of  his  followers  through  sickness,  Henry 


^S2  MedicEval  History 

finally,  wdth  a  force  of  only  about  ten  thousand  men,  chiefly 
archers,  met  a  French  feudal  army  fifty  thousand  strong  on 
the  field  of  Agincourt.  The  French  suffered  a  most  humihat- 
ing  defeat,  their  terrible  losses  falling,  as  at  Crecy,  chiefly 
upon  the  knighthood. 

Five  years  later  was  concluded  the  Treaty  of  Troyes,  accord- 
ing to  the  terms  of  which  the  French  crown,  upon  the  death  of 
Charles,  was  to  go  to  the  English  king. 

326.  Joan  of  Arc ;  the  Relief  of  Orleans  (1429).  —  But  patri- 
otism was  not  yet  wholly  extinct  among  the  French  people. 
There  were  many  who  regarded  the  concessions  of  the  Treaty 
of  Troyes  as  not  only  weak  and  shameful,  but  as  unjust  to  the 
Dauphin  ^^  Charles,  who  was  thereby  disinherited,  and  they 
accordingly  refused  to  be  bound  by  its  provisions.  Conse- 
quently, when  the  poor  insane  king  died,  the  terms  of  the 
treaty  could  not  be  carried  out  in  full,  and  the  war  dragged 
on.  The  party  that  stood  by  their  native  prince,  afterwards 
crowned  as  Charles  VH,  were  at  last  reduced  to  most  desperate 
straits.  The  greater  part  of  the  country  was  in  the  hands  of 
the  EngHsh,  who  were  holding  in  close  siege  the  important  city 
of  Orleans  (1428). 

But  the  darkness  was  the  deep  gloom  that  precedes  the 
dawn.  A  better  day  was  about  to  rise  over  the  distressed 
country.  A  strange  deliverer  now  appears,  —  the  famous  Joan 
of  Arc.  This  young  peasant  girl,  with  imagination  all  aflame 
from  brooding  over  her  country's  wrongs  and  sufferings, 
seemed  to  see  visions  and  hear  voices  which  bade  her  under- 
take the  work  of  delivering  France.  She  was  obedient  unto 
the  heavenly  voices. 

The  warm,  impulsive  French  nation,  ever  quick  in  respond- 
ing to  appeals  to  the  imagination,  was  aroused  exacdy  as  it 
was  stirred  by  the  voice  of  the  preachers  of  the  Crusades. 
Religious  enthusiasm  now  accomplished  what  patriotism  alone 
could  not  do. 

14  See  par.  345,  n.  21, 


Effects  of  the  War  upon  England  383 

Rejected  by  some,  yet  received  by  most  of  her  countrymen 
as  a  messenger  from  Heaven,  the  maiden  kindled  throughout  the 
land  a  flame  of  enthusiasm  that  nothing  could  resist.  Inspir- 
ing the  dispirited  French  soldiers  with  new  courage,  she  forced 
the  English  to  raise  the  siege  of  Orleans  (from  which  exploit 
she  became  known  as  the  Maid  of  Orleans),  and  speedily 
brought  about  the  coronation  of  Prince  Charles  at  Rheims 
(1429).  Shortly  afterward  she  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
English,  was  tried  by  ecclesiastical  judges  for  witchcraft  and 
heresy,  and  was  condemned  to  be  burned  as  a  heretic  and  a 
witch.     Her  martyrdom  took  place  at  Rouen  in  the  year  1431. 

But  the  spirit  of  the  Maid  had  already  taken  possession  of 
the  French  nation.  From  this  on,  the  war,  though  long  con- 
tinued, went  steadily  against  the  English.  Little  by  little  they 
were  pushed  back  and  off  from  the  soil  they  had  conquered, 
and  driven  out  of  their  own  Gascon  lands  of  the  south  as 
well,  until  finally  they  retained  no  foothold  in  the  land  save 
Calais. 

Thus  ended,  in  1453,  the  very  year  which  saw  Constantinople 
fall  before  the  Turks,  the  Hundred  Years'  War. 

327.  Effects  of  the  War  upon  England.  —  England  suffered 
less  from  the  protracted  war  than  France,  because  the  latter 
country  was  made  the  battlefield  of  the  contending  armies; 
so  that  while  its  harvests  were  being  trampled  down,  and  its 
villages  sacked  and  burned  by  marauding  bands,  the  fields 
and  towns  of  England  remained  secure  from  these,  the  worst 
evils  of  war. 

Nor  was  it  a  small  advantage  to  England  to  have  her  turbulent 
nobles  out  of  the  country.  The  employment  of  this  restless 
element  beyond  the  limits  of  the  island  gave  the  land  unusual 
quiet.  Yet  the  years  of  the  war  were  even  for  England  years 
of  great  anxiety,  burden,  and  suffering. 

But  the  lasting  and  important  effects  of  the  war  were  the 
enhancement  of  the  power  of  the  Lower  House  of  Parliament, 
and  the  awakening  of  a  national  spirit.     The  maintaining  of  the 


384  Mediceval  History 

long  and  costly  quarrel  called  for  such  heavy  expenditures 
of  men  and  money  that  the  English  kings  were  made  more 
dependent  than  hitherto  upon  the  representatives  of  the  people, 
who  were  careful  to  make  their  grants  of  supplies  conditional 
upon  the  correction  of  abuses  or  the  confirming  of  their  privi- 
leges. Thus  the  war  served  to  make  the  Commons  a  power 
in  the  English  government. 

Again,  as  the  war  was  participated  in  by  all  classes  alike,  so 
that  the  commons  as  well  as  the  nobility  were  stirred  by  its 
movements  and  interested  in  its  issues,  the  great  victories  of 
Crecy,  Poitiers,  and  Agincourt  aroused  a  national  pride,  which 
led  to  a  closer  union  between  the  different  elements  of  society. 
Normans  and  EngHsh,  enlisted  in  a  common  enterprise, 
thrilled  by  similar  sentiments  and  sympathies,  were  fused  by 
the  ardor  of  a  common  patriotic  enthusiasm  into  a  single 
people.  The  real  national  life  of  England  dates  from  this 
time. 

The  Wars  of  the  Roses   (1455-1485). 

328.  Introductory. — The  Wars  of  the  Roses  is  the  name 
given  to  a  long,  shameful,  and  selfish  contest  between  the 
adherents  of  the  houses  of  York  and  Lancaster,  rival  branches 
of  the  royal  family  of  England.  The  strife  was  so  named 
because  the  Yorkists  adopted  as  their  badge  a  white  rose  and 
the  Lancastrians  a  red  one. 

329.  The  Earl  of  Warwick,  the  King-Maker. — The  most 
prominent  figure  of  this  turbulent  period,  which  covers  about 
one  generation,  is  that  of  the  great  Earl  of  Warwick,  whose 
commanding  influence  —  at  first  he  rendered  eminent  service 
to  the  house  of  York  but  later  cast  his  influence  upon  the  side 
of  the  Lancastrians  —  earned  for  him  the  title  of  "King-maker." 
Since  the  time  of  Earl  Godwin  there  had  perhaps  no  one 
arisen  among  the  baronage  who  was  so  admired  and  beloved 
by  the  people  as  he.  Thirty  thousand  persons,  it  is  said,  Hved 
upon    his  different  estates.     When  he   journeyed  about    the 


Chief  Battles  of  the  War  385 

country  he  was  attended  by  hundreds  of  retainers,  all  wearing 
his  livery  and  badge. 

The  Earl  of  \Varwick  is  often  spoken  of  as  the  "  Last  of  the 
Barons."  We  may,  perhaps,  rightly  regard  him  as  the  last 
prominent  representative  of  the  feudal  aristocracy  of  England, 
for  the  unhappy  strife  in  which  he  fell  —  he  was  killed  in  an 
encounter  known  as  the  battle  of  Barnet  —  accompHshed,  as 
we  shall  notice  in  a  moment,  the  almost  utter  ruin  of  the 
proud  baronage  to  which  he  belonged. 

330.  Chief  Battles  of  the  War The  three  battles  which 

may  be  made  to  serve  as  landmarks  of  the  struggle  were  the 
first  battle  of  St.  Albans  (1455),  the  battle  of  Towton  Field 
(146 1),  and  the  battle  of  Bosworth  Field  (1485).  The  first 
marks  the  commencement  of  the  struggle.  The  second  w^as  the 
most  terrible  battle  fought  in  England  after  that  of  Hastings. 
The  third  battle  marks  the  close  of  the  war.  In  this  fight  King 
Richard  1 11,^^  the  last  of  the  house  of  York,  was  overthrown 
and  slain  by  Henry  Tudor,  earl  of  Richmond,  who  was  crowned 
on  the  field  w^ith  the  diadem  which  had  fallen  from  the  head  of 
Richard,  and  saluted  as  King  Henry  VH.  With  him  began 
the  dynasty  of  the  Tudors, 

331.  The  Effects  of  the  Wars.  — The  first  important  result 
of  the  Wars  of  the  Roses  was  the  ruin  of  the  baronage  of 
England.  One  half  of  the  nobility  were  slain.  Those  that 
survived  were  ruined,  their  estates  having  been  wasted  or  con- 
fiscated during  the  progress  of  the  struggle.  Not  a  single 
great  house  retained  its  old-time  wealth  and  influence.  The 
war  marks  the  final  downfall  of  feudalism  in  England. 

The  second  result  of  the  struggle  sprang  from  the  first. 
This  was  the  great  peril  into  which  English  liberty  was  cast  by 
the  ruin  of  the  nobiHty.  It  was  primarily  the  barons  who  had 
forced  the  Great  Charter  from  King  John,  and  who  had  kept 

15  This  is  the  Richard  who,  in  order  to  make  secure  his  title  to  the  cro\\T>,  is 
believed  to  have  caused  the  murder  of  the  two  little  princes,  his  nephews,  in  the 
Tower  of  London  (1483). 


386  Mediceval  History 

him  and  his  successors  from  reigning  Hke  absolute  monarchs. 
Now  the  once  proud  and  powerful  barons  were  ruined,  and 
their  confiscated  estates  had  gone  to  increase  the  influence 
and  patronage  of  the  king,  who,  no  longer  in  wholesome  fear 
of  Parliament,  for  the  Commons  were  as  yet  weak  and  timid, 
did  pretty  much  as  he  pleased,  and  became  insufferably  oppres- 
sive and  tyrannical,  —  raising  taxes,  for  instance,  without  the 
consent  of  Parliament,  and  imprisoning  and  executing  persons 
without  due  process  of  law.  For  the  hundred  years  following 
the  Wars  of  the  Roses  the  government  of  England  was  rather 
an  absolute  than  a  Hmited  monarchy.  In  a  word,  upon  the  ruins 
of  the  baronage  was  erected  a  royal  despotism.  Not  until  the 
revolution  of  the  seventeenth  century  did  the  people,  by  over- 
turning the  throne  of  the  Stuarts,  recover  their  lost  liberties. 

Growth  of  the  English  Language  and  Literature. 

332.  The  Language.  —  From  the  Norman  Conquest  to  the 
middle  of  the  fourteenth  century  there  were  in  use  in  England 
three  languages  :  Norman  French  —  a  dialect  quite  different 
from  the  pure  Parisian  French  —  was  the  speech  of  the  con- 
querors and  the  medium  of  polite  literature  ;  Saxon,  or  Old 
English,  was  the  tongue  of  the  conquered  people ;  while 
Latin  was  the  language  of  the  laws  and  records,  of  the 
church  services,  and  of  the  works  of  the  learned. 

Modern  English  is  the  old  Saxon  tongue  worn  and  improved 
by  use,  and  enriched  by  a  large  infusion  of  Norman-French 
words,  with  less  important  additions  from  the  Latin  and  other 
languages.  It  took  the  place  of  the  Norman-French  in. the 
courts  of  law  about  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century. ^^ 
At  this  time  the  language  was  broken  up  into  many  dialects, 
and  the  expression  *'  King's  English "  is  supposed  to  have 
referred  to  the  standard  form  employed  in  state  documents 
and  in  use  at  court. 

16  In  1362.     See  Adams  and  Stephens,  Select  Documents,  p.  128. 


Effect  of  Norvian  Conquest  on  English  Literature   387 

333.  Effect  of  the  Norman  Conquest  on  English  Literature.  — 
The  blow  that  struck  down  King  Harold  and  his  brave  thanes 
on  the  field  of  Hastings  silenced  for  the  space  of  above  a 
century  the  voice  of  English  literature.  The  tongue  of  the 
conquerors  became  the  speech  of  the  court,  the  nobility,  and 
the  clergy ;  while  the  language  of  the  despised  EngHsh  was, 
like  themselves,  crowded  out  of  every  place  of  honor.  But 
when,  after  a  few  generations,  the  down-trodden  race  began 
to  re-assert  itself,  English  literature  emerged  from  its  obscurity, 
and,  with  an  utterance  somewhat  changed,  — -  yet  unmistakably 
it  is  the  same  voice,  —  resumed  its  interrupted  lesson  and  its 
broken  song. 

334.  Chaucer  (i34o?-i40o).  —  Holding  a  position  high 
above  all  other  writers  of  early  English  is  Geoffrey  Chaucer. 
He  is  the  first  in  time,  and,  after  Shakespeare,  perhaps 
the  first  in  genius,  among  the  great  poets  of  the  English- 
speaking  race.  He  is  reverently  called  the  "  father  of  English 
poetry." 

Chaucer  stands  between  two  ages,  the  mediaeval  and  the 
modern.  He  felt  not  only  the  influences  of  the  age  of  feudal- 
ism which  was  passing  away,  but  also  those  of  the  new  age 
of  learning  and  freedom  which  was  dawning.  It  is  because 
he  was  so  sensitive  to  these  various  influences,  and  reflects 
his  surroundings  so  faithfully  in  his  writings,  that  these  are 
so  valuable  as  interpreters  of  the  period  in  which  he  lived. 

Chaucer's  greatest  and  most  important  work  is  his  Canter- 
bury Tales.  The  poet  represents  himself  as  one  of  a  com- 
pany of  pilgrims  who  have  set  out  on  a  journey  to  the 
tomb  of  Thomas  Becket  at  Canterbury  (par.  312).  The 
persons,  thirty-two  in  number,  making  up  the  party,  repre- 
sent almost  every  caUing  and  position  in  the  middle  class 
of  English  society.  Thus  there  is  a  knight,  a  nun,  a  monk, 
a  merchant,  a  parson,  a  vender  of  indulgences,  a  cook,  a 
ploughman,  a  country  gentleman,  several  wealthy  tradesmen, 
and  various  other  persons. 


388  MedicBval  History 

To  relieve  the  tedium  of  the  journey,  for  our  pilgrims 
think  that  ''mirth  is  none  to  ride  by  the  way  dumb  as  a 
stone,"  it  is  arranged  that  each  person  shall  in  turn  enter- 
tain the  company  with  stories,  two  on  the  way  out  and  two 
on  the  return.  It  is  these  tales,  —  only  about  twenty  of  which 
were  finished,  —  together  with  a  prologue  containing  charac- 
terizations of  the  different  members  of  the  company,  that 
make  up  the  work.  The  prologue  is  the  most  valuable  part  of 
the  production.  Here  as  in  a  gallery  we  have  shown  to  us 
faithful  portraits  of  our  ancestors  of  the  fourteenth  century. 

Often  a  single  line,  illumined  by  the  poet's  genial  humor, 
makes  a  surprising  revelation  of  the  manners,  ideas,  or  prac- 
tices of  the  times.  Thus  Chaucer  shows  us  the  mail-clad 
*'gentil  knight,"  "lately  come  from  his  viage  [adventure]," 
and  we  learn  that  chivalry  has  not  yet  expired.  He  tells  us 
of  the  prioress,  "  simple  and  coy,"  who  speaks  French  of  the 
"  scole  of  Stratford  atte  Bowe,  for  Frensch  of  Parys  was  to  hire 
unknown,"  and  we  get  a  hint  of  the  difference  between  the 
French  (Norman)  spoken  in  the  island  of  Britain  and  that  at 
the  French  capital ;  and  when  he  further  assures  us  that  she 
"ne  wette  hire  fyngres  in  hire  sauce  deepe,"  and  "hire  over- 
lippe  wypede  sche  so  clene  that  in  hire  cuppe  was  no  firthing 
sene  of  greece,  whan  she  dronken  hadde  hire  draughte,"  we 
infer  that  knives  and  forks  are  not  yet  in  use  at  table,  and 
that  a  single  cup  is  made  to  serve  an  entire  company  by 
being  passed  from  lip  to  lip.  Again,  when  the  poet  says  of 
the  monk,  "  Ful  many  a  deynte  hors  hadde  he  in  stable  "  and 
"  Greyhoundes  he  hadde  swifte  as  fowel  in  flight,"  we  find  out 
something  of  the  habits  of  the  hunting  ecclesiastics  of  Chau- 
cer's time;  when  he  introduces  to  us  the  "  doctour  of  phisik" 
as  a  person  "  grounded  in  astronomye,"  we  learn  that  astrology 
yet  rules  the  science  of  medicine  ;  and  when  he  describes  the 
pardoner  as  having  his  wallet  "  bret-ful  of  pardouns  come  from 
Rome  al  hoot,"  we  can  guess  how  the  age  is  beginning  to  think 
about  indulgences. 


William  Langland  389 

335.  William  Langland. — The  genial  Chaucer  shows  us 
the  pleasant,  attractive  side  of  EngHsh  society  and  life  ;  Wil- 
liam Langland,  another  writer  of  the  same  period,  in  a  poem 
designated  as  the  Vision  of  Piers  the  Flowmaii  (1362),  lights 
up  for  us  the  world  of  the  poor  and  the  oppressed. 

This  poem  quivers  with  sympathy  for  the  hungry,  labor-worn 
peasant,  doomed  to  a  life  of  weary  routine  and  hopelessness, 
despised  by  haughty  lords  and  robbed  by  shameless  ecclesias- 
tics. The  long  wars  with  France  had  demoralized  the  nation ; 
the  Black  Death  had  just  reaped  its  awful  harvest  among  the 
ill-clad,  ill-fed,  and  ill-housed  poor.  Occasional  outbursts  of 
wrath  against  the  favored  classes  are  the  mutterings  of  the 
storm  soon  to  burst  upon  the  social  world  in  the  fury  of 
the  Peasants'  Revolt,  and  later  upon  the  religious  world  in  the 
upheavals  of  the  Reformation. 

336.  John  Wycliffe  (13 24-1 384)  and  the  Lollards.  —  Fore- 
most among  the  reformers  and  religious  writers  of  the  period 
under  review  was  John  Wycliffe,  called  "  the  Morning  Star  of 
the  Reformation."  This  bold  reformer  attacked  first  many  of 
the  practices  and  then  certain  of  the  doctrines  of  the  Church. 
He  gave  the  English  people  the  first  translation  of  the  entire 
Bible  in  the  English  language. ^^  There  was  no  press  at  this 
time  to  multiply  editions  of  the  book,  but  by  means  of  manu- 
script copies  it  was  widely  circulated  and  read.  Its  influence 
w^as  very  great,  and  from  its  appearance  may  be  dated  the 
beginnings  of  the  Reformation  in  England. 

Wycliffe  did  not  wholly  escape  persecution  in  life,  and  his 
bones  were  not  permitted  to  rest  in  peace.  His  enemies 
attributed  to  his  teachings  the  unrest  and  the  revolt  of  the 
peasants,  and  this  caused  him  to  be  looked  upon  by  many  as 
a  dangerous  agitator.  In  14 15  the  Council  of  Constance, — 
the  assembly  that  condemned  to  the  stake  FIuss  and  Jerome 
(par.    371),  —  having    pronounced     his    doctrines    heretical, 

1"  For  a  word  respecting  the  Anglo-Saxon  and  the  pre-Wycliffite  English 
translations  of  parts  of  the  Scriptures,  see  p.  435. 


390  Mediceval  History 

ordered  that  his  body  be  taken  from  its  tomb  and  burned. 
This  was  done,  and  the  ashes  were  thrown  into  a  neighboring 
stream  called  the  Swift.  "  This  brook,"  in  the  words  of  the  old 
ecclesiastical  writer,  Thomas  Fuller,  "  hath  conveyed  his  ashes 
into  Avon,  Avon  into  Severn,  Severn  into  the  Narrow  Seas,  they 
into  the  ocean  ;  and  thus  the  ashes  of  Wyclifte  are  the  emblem 
of  his  doctrine,  which  now  is  dispersed  all  the  world  over." 

The  followers  of  Wycliffe  became  known  as  "  Lollards " 
(babblers),  a  term  applied  to  them  in  derision.  Their  religious 
opinions  were  regarded  as  erroneous  or  as  heretical ;  and 
heresy  at  that  time  was  hated  and  feared,  at  least  by  those 
in  authority.  ParHament  passed  a  law  (1401)  known  as  the 
Statute  for  the  Burning  of  Heretics  {^De  haeretico  co7nbu- 
rendd)^  which  made  it  the  duty  of  the  proper  civil  officers, 
in  cases  of  persons  convicted  of  heresy  by  the  ecclesiastical 
courts,  to  receive  the  same  and  "  before  the  people,  in  a 
high  place,  cause  them  to  be  burnt,  that  such  punishment 
may  strike  fear  to  the  hearts  of  others." 

Heretics  had  been  burned  in  England  before  the  passage 
of  this  law,  but  now  for  the  first  time  does  Parliament  by 
special  enactment  make  this  form  of  punishment  the  penalty 
for  religious  dissent.  It  was  the  opening  of  a  sad  chapter 
in  EngHsh  history.  Under  the  statute  many  persons  whose 
only  fault  was  the  teaching  or  the  holding  of  religious  opinions 
different  from  those  of  the  Church  perished  at  the  stake. 

337.  Caxton  (1412-1491)  and  the  Printing  Press. — The 
great  rehgious  movement  referred  to  in  the  preceding  para- 
graph, which  during  the  sixteenth  century  transformed  the 
face  of  England,  was  hastened  by  the  introduction  of  printing 
into  the  island  by  William  Caxton  towards  the  close  of  the 
fifteenth  century.  The  first  work  which  appeared  from  his 
press  was  entitled  the  Game  of  Chess  (1474).  He  also  printed 
Chaucer's  Canterbury  Tales,  and  almost  everything  else  worth 
reproducing  that  then  existed  in  the  English  language,  besides 
various  works  from  the  Latin  and  the  French. 


fillings  of  the  French  Kingdom 


391 


'.L^he  eagerness  with  which  the  books  which  fell  from  Caxton's 
prtss  were  seized  and  read  by  all  classes  indicates  the  increasing 
activity  and  thoughtfulness  of  the  public  mind.  Manifestly  a 
new  day  —  one  to  be  filled  with  intellectual  and  moral  revolu- 
tic»ns  —  was  breaking  over  the  land  of  Alfred  and  of  Wycliffe. 

II.    France. 

338.  Beginnings  of  the  French  Kingdom. — The  separate 
history  of  France  may  be  regarded  as  beginning  with  the  par- 
tition of  Verdun  in  843.  At  that  time  Carolingians,  of  whom 
we  have  already  learned  (chap,  vii),  exercised  the  royal  power. 

Just  at  the  close  of  the  tenth  century,  in  987,  the  Capetian 
dynasty  acceded  to  the  throne.  The  direct  Capetian  line 
ruled  until  1328,  when  the  Valois  branch  of  the  house  came 
into  power  and  ruled  until  the  accession,  in  1589,  of  Henry  IV, 
the  first  of  the  Bourbons. 

We  shall  now  direct  attention  to  the  most  noted  of  the 
mediaeval  Capetian  kings  and  narrate  very  briefly  the  most 
important  transactions  of  the  period  covered  by  their  several 
reigns.  Our  special  aim  will  be  to  give  prominence  to  those 
matters  which  concern  the  gradual  consolidation  of  the  French 
monarchy  and  the  development  among  the  French  people  of 
the  sentiment  of  nationality. 


France  nnder  the  Direct  Line  of  the  Capetian s  (987-1328). 

339.  General  Statement.  —  The  Capetian  dynasty  takes  its 
name  from  Hugh  Capet,  duke  of  Francia,  the  first  of  the 
house.  The  direct  line  embraced  fourteen  kings,  whose  united 
reigns  spanned  a  space  of  three  hundred  and  forty-one  years. ^^ 


J8  Table  of  the  Capetian  kings  (direct  line) : 


Hugh  Capet      .     .     . 
Robert  II  (the  Pious) 

Henry  I 

Philip  I 

Louis  VI  (the  Fat)    . 
Louis  VII  (the  Young) 
Philip  II  (Augustus) 


987-  996 
996-1031 
1031-1060 
1060-1108 
1108-1137 
1 1 37-1 180 
1 180-1223 


Louis  VIII  (the  Lion) 
Louis  IX  (the  Saint) 
Philip  III  (the  Bold) 
Philip  IV  (the  Fair) 
Louis  X  {Ic  Hut  in)    . 
Philip  V  (the  Tall)    . 
Charles  IV  (the  P"air) 


1223-1226 
1226-1270 
1270-1285 
1285-1314 
1314-1316 
1316-1322 
1322-1328 


392  MedicBval  History 

The  first  Capetian  king  differed  from  his  vassal  counts  and 
dukes  simply  in  having  a  more  dignified  title  ;  his  power  was 
scarcely  greater  than  that  of  many  of  the  lords  who  paid  him 
homage  as  their  suzerain. 

But  through  forfeiture,  conquest,  and  marriage  alliances,  one 
after  another  of  the  feudal  fiefs  was  added  to  the  royal 
domains,  until  finally  the  greater  part  of  the  kingdom  was  ruled 
directly  by  the  crown.  Before  the  close  of  the  Middle  Ages 
France  had  come  to  be  one  of  the  most  compact  and  powerful 
kingdoms  in  Europe.  How  various  events  and  circumstances 
conspired  to  build  up  the  power  of  the  kings  at  the  expense  of 
that  of  the  great  feudal  lords  and  of  the  Church  will  appear  as 
we  go  on. 

In  this  place,  however,  it  should  be  noted  that  nothing  con- 
tributed more  to  the  strength  and  influence  of  the  monarchy 
during  the  period  of  w^hich  we  are  speaking  than  the  fortunate 
circumstance  that  for  eleven  generations,  from  the  accession 
of  Hugh  Capet,  in  987,  to  the  death  of  PhiHp  the  Fair, 
in  13 14,  no  French  king  lacked  a  son  to  whom  to  transmit 
his  authority.  For  three  centuries  and  a  quarter  the  title 
was  transmitted  directly  from  father  to  son.  With  no  dis- 
puted successions  the  monarchy  grew  steadily  in  power  and 
prestige. 

The  most  noteworthy  events  of  the  earlier  Capetian  period, 
regarded  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  growth  of  the  French 
kingdom,  were  the  acquisition  by  the  French  crown  of  the 
greater  part  of  the  Enghsh  possessions  in  France,  the  Crusades, 
the  admission  of  the  Third  Estate  to  the  National  Assembly, 
and  the  abolition  of  the  order  of  the  Templars. 

Of  these  several  matters  we  will  now  speak  in  order. 

340.  The  Acquisition  of  the  English  Possessions  in  France. — 
In  our  sketch  of  the  growth  of  England  we  spoke  of  the  exten- 
sive possessions  of  the  first  Angevin  kings  in  France,  and  told 
how  the  larger  part  of  these  feudal  lands  were  lost  through 
King  John's  misconduct  and  resumed  as  forfeited  fiefs  by  his 


TJie  FrciicJi  and  the  Qnisadcs  393 

suzerain  Philip  Augustus,  king  of  France  (par.  313).  'I'he 
annexation  of  these  large  and  flourishing  provinces  to  the 
crown  of  P>ance  brought  a  vast  accession  of  power  and  pat- 
ronage to  the  king,  who  was  now  easily  the  superior  of  any 
of  his  great  vassals. 

341.  The  French  and  the  Crusades.  — I'he  age  of  the  Cape- 
tians  was  the  age  of  the  Crusades.  These  romantic  expedi- 
tions, while  stirring  all  Christendom,  appealed  especially  to 
the  ardent,  imaginative  genius  of  the  Gallic  race.  Three  Cape- 
tian  kings,  Louis  VII,  Philip  Augustus,  and  Louis  IX,  were 
themselves  leaders  of  crusades.  It  was  the  great  predomi- 
nance of  French-speaking  persons  among  the  first  crusaders 
which  led  the  Eastern  peoples  to  call  them  all  Franks,  the 
term  still  used  throughout  the  East  to  designate  Europeans, 
irrespective  of  their  nationality. 

But  it  is  the  influence  of  the  Crusades  on  the  French  mon- 
archy that  we  alone  need  to  notice  in  this  place.  They  tended 
very  materially  to  weaken  the  power  and  influence  of  the 
feudal  nobihty,  and  in  a  corresponding  degree  to  strengthen 
the  authority  of  the  crown  and  add  to  its  dignity.  The  way  in 
which  they  brought  about  this  transfer  of  power  from  the 
aristocracy  to  the  king  has  been  already  explained  in  the 
chapter  on  the  Crusades   (par.   227). 

In  that  same  chapter  we  also  saw  how  the  crusade  against 
the  Albigenses  resulted  in  the  almost  total  extirpation  of  that 
heretical  sect  and  in  the  final  acquisition  by  the  French  crown 
of  large  and  rich  territories  formerly  held  by  the  counts  of 
Toulouse,  the  patrons  of  the  heretics. 

342.  Admission  of  the  Third  Estate  to  the  National  Assem- 
bly (1302). —  The  event  of  the  greatest  political  significance 
in  the  Capetian  age  was  the  admission,  in  the  reign  of  Philip 
the  Fair,  of  the  representatives  of  the  towns  to  the  National 
Assembly. 

This  transaction  is  in  French  history  what  the  creation  of 
the  House  of  Commons  is  in  English  history  (par.  315).     The 


394  MedicBval  History 

popular  branches  of  the  two  councils  were,  however,  called  to 
take  part  in  the  administration  of  public  affairs  under  very 
different  circumstances.  In  England  it  was  the  nobihty  that 
sought  the  people's  aid  in  their  struggle  with  a  despotic  king. 
In  France  it  was  the  king  who  summoned  the  burghers  to 
assist  him  in  his  quarrel  with  the  papal  see.  But  the  fact 
that  the  aid  of  the  commons  was  courted,  whether  by  nobles 
or  by  king,  indicates  that  in  both  countries  the  middle  class 
was  rising  into  political  importance,  and  was  holding  in  its 
hands  the  balance  of  power. 

The  dispute  between  Philip  and  the  pope  to  which  we  have 
just  referred  arose,  it  will  be  recalled,  respecting  the  control 
of  the  offices  and  revenues  of  the  French  Church.  In  order 
to  rally  to  his  support  all  classes  throughout  his  kingdom, 
Philip  called  a  meeting  of  the  National  Assembly,  to  which  he 
invited  representatives  of  the  burghers,  or  inhabitants  of  the 
towns  (1302). 

This  council  had  hitherto  been  made  up  of  two  estates  only, 
—  the  nobles  and  the  clergy ;  now  is  added  what  comes  to  be 
known  as  the  Tiers  Etat,  or  Third  Estate,  while  the  assembly 
henceforth  is  called  the  Estates-  or  States-General.  Before 
the  growing  power  of  this  Third  P^state  —  a  power  developed 
however  outside  and  not  within  the  National  Assembly  itself  — 
we  shall  see  the  Church,  the  nobility,  and  the  monarchy  all  go 
down,  just  as  in  England  we  shall  see  clergy,  nobles,  and  king 
yield  to  the  rising  power  of  the  English  Commons. 

But  between  the  two  cases  we  shall  observe  this  difference  : 
in  England  we  shall  see  the  transfer  of  power  effected,  for  the 
most  part,  by  gradual  and  timely  reform  in  institutions  and 
laws;  while  in  France  we  shall  see  the  same  thing,  long 
delayed,  finally  accomplished  amidst  scenes  of  anarchy  and 
terror  threatening  the  destruction  of  the  French  nation. 

343.  The  Abolition  of  the  Order  of  the  Templars  (1307).  — 
The  aboKtion  of  the  order  of  the  Knights  of  the  Temple  by 
Philip  the    Fair  affords  in  some  measure   a  parallel  to  the 


Abolition  of  the  Order  of  the  Templars  395 

suppression  of  the  English  monasteries  by  Henry  VIII  in 
the  sixteenth  century. 

We  have  already,  in  connection  with  the  history  of  the 
Crusades,  learned  about  the  origin  of  the  religious  and  mili- 
tary order  of  the  Templars  (par.  204).  In  recognition  of 
their  services  in  the  holy  wars  of  the  Church,  they  had  had 
bestowed  upon  them,  through  the  gifts  of  the  pious  and  the 
grants  of  princes,  enormous  riches  and  the  most  unusual 
privileges.  The  number  of  manors  and  castles  that  they 
held  in  the  different  countries  of  Europe,  but  chiefly  in 
France,  is  estimated  at  from  nine  to  ten  thousand.  But  gain 
in  wealth  and  power  had  been  accompanied  apparently  by  a 
loss  in  virtue  and  piety.  At  all  events  the  most  incredible 
rumors  of  the  immoral  and  blasphemous  character  of  the 
secret  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the  society  were  spread  abroad. 
Its  crimes  were  declared  "  sufficient  to  move  the  earth  and 
disturb  the  elements." 

Taking  advantage  of  the  feeling  against  the  order,  Philip 
resolved  upon  its  destruction.  He  was  moved  doubtless  by 
various  motives.  First,  he  disliked  the  secret  character  of 
the  society,  and  since  its  members  regarded  themselves  as 
subjects  of  the  pope  rather  than  as  subjects  of  the  king  of 
France,  it  stood  in  the  way  of  the  creation  of  a  unified  state. 
Second,  it  is  possible  that  he  feared  the  order  might  imitate 
the  example  of  the  order  of  Teutonic  Knights  and  set  up 
somewhere  in  France  —  its  possessions  and  influence  were  very 
great  in  Languedoc  —  an  independent  principality.  Third, 
his  desperate  need  of  money  led  him  to  covet  the  wealth  of 
the  order.  Beyond  all  question  it  was  the  riches  of  the  society, 
and  not  its  sins,  that  were  the  real  cause  of  its  undoing. 

The  blow  fell  suddenly.  Upon  a  preconcerted  day  (Oct.  13, 
1307)  the  chiefs  of  the  order  throughout  the  kingdom  were 
arrested,  and  many  of  them  afterwards  put  to  death  on  various 
charges,  among  which  were  heresy,  the  betrayal  of  the  cause  of 
Christianity  to  the  Moslems,  and  spitting  upon  the  Cross. 


396  Mediceval  History 

Some  of  the  accused  confessed  —  under  torture,  however, 
administered  by  the  officers  of  the  Inquisition  —  that  in  cer- 
tain of  their  secret  ceremonies  they  did  spit  upon  the  sacred 
emblem,  but  explained  the  act  as  being  symbolical,  "  in  imita- 
tion and  remembrance  of  Saint  Peter,  who  thrice  denied  Christ." 
But  it  seems  evident  that  the  symboHcal  character  of  the  act 
had  become  quite  forgotten,  and  that  it  was  sometimes  per- 
formed with  unbecoming  levity.  Nevertheless,  the  charges  as 
respects  the  order  as  a  whole  were  absurd,  and  the  evidence 
relied  upon  to  prove  them  true  was  wholly  inadequate. ^^ 

The  great  crime  brought  to  PhiHp  vast  wealth.  Besides 
the  cancellation  of  an  enormous  debt  which  he  owed  the 
order  for  borrowed  money,  he  acquired  its  personal  property, — 
a  large  treasure,  —  and  all  its  manors  and  houses  situated  in 
France,  although  these  landed  estates  at  a  later  time  went  to 
the  Hospitalers.  The  wealth  thus  gained  by  Philip  greatly 
enhanced  the  growing  power  and  patronage  of  the  crown,  just 
as  the  strength  and  influence  of  Henry  ATH  of  England  were 
vastly  increased  by  the  confiscated  wealth  of  the  religious 
houses  he  suppressed  ;  while  the  successful  issue  of  his  attack 
upon  such  a  powerful  organization  served  to  inspire  universal 
fear  and  respect  for  the  royal  name. 

Frafice  tinder  the  Mediceval  Valois  (132 8- 149 8). 

344.  General  Statement. — The  house  of  Valois,^''  as  already 
pointed  out,  was  a  branch  of  the  Capetian  family.  The  dynasty 
came  to  the  throne  in  1328,  and  ruled  during  the  remainder 
of  the  mediaeval  time  and  well  on  into  the  modern  age. 

19  The  order  was  formally  abolished  in  131 2  by  Pope  Clement  V,  the  first  of 
the  Avignon  popes,  who  was  wholly  under  the  influence  of  Philip. 

20  The  following  table  exhibits  the  names  of  the  mediaeval  Valois  kings: 

Charles    VII     (the    Vic- 


Philip  VI 1328-1350 

John  (the  Good)     .     .     .  1350-1364 
Charles  V  (the  Wise)      .  1364-13S0 
Charles    VI     (the    Well- 
Beloved)    I 380-1422 


torious) 1422-1461 

Louis  XI 1461-1483 

Charles    VIII    (the 

Affable) 1483-1498 


Effects  on  France  of  Hundred  Years    War       397 

The  main  interest  of  the  period  of  French  history  upon 
which  we  here  enter  attaches  to  that  long  struggle  between  Eng- 
land and  France  known  as  the  Hundred  Years'  War,  although 
it  really  lasted  one  hundred  and  fifteen  years,  thus  extending 
over  a  great  part  of  the  age  of  the  mediaeval  Valois  kings. 
Having  already,  in  connection  with  English  affairs,  touched  upon 
the  causes  and  incidents  of  this  war,  we  shall  here  speak  only 
of  the  effects  of  the  struggle  on  the  French  people  and  kingdom. 

345.  Effects  upon  France  of  the  Hundred  Years'  War.  — 
Among  the  results  for  France  of  the  Hundred  Years'  War  must 
be  noticed  the  almost  complete  prostration,  by  the  successive 
shocks  of  Crecy,  Poitiers,  and  Agincourt,  of  the  French  feudal 
aristocracy,  which  was  already  tottering  to  its  fall  through 
various  undermining  influences ;  the  growth  of  the  power  of 
the  king,  a  consequence,  largely,  of  the  ruin  of  the  nobihty  ; 
and,  lastly,  the  awakening  of  a  feeling  of  nationality,  and  the 
drawing  together  of  the  hitherto  isolated  sections  of  the  country 
by  the  attraction  of  a  common  and  patriotic  enthusiasm. 

Speaking  in  a  very  general  manner,  we  may  say  that  by  the 
close  of  the  war  feudalism  in  France  was  over,  and  that  France 
had  become,  partly  in  spite  of  the  war  but  more  largely  by 
reason  of  it,  not  only  a  great  monarchy  but  a  great  nation.^^ 

346.  Louis  XI  and  Charles  the  Bold  of  Burgundy.  —  The 
foundations  of  the  French  monarchy,  laid  and  cemented  in 
the  way  we  have  seen,  were  greatly  enlarged  and  strengthened 
by  the  unscrupulous  measures  of  Louis  XI  (i 461-1483),  who 
was  a  perfect  Ulysses  in  cunning  and  deceit.  His  maxim  was, 
"  He  who  does  not  know  how  to  dissimulate  does  not  know 


21  During  this  period  of  confusion  many  fiefs  were  unjustly  seized  by  the 
king,  while  others  again  were  justly  forfeited  to  the  crown.  The  royal  domains 
were  still  further  enlarged  by  the  purchase  of  territory  that  had  never  been  held 
feudally  of  the  French  king.  Thus,  in  1349,  Humbert  II,  count  of  Vienne,  sold 
PhiHp  VI,  for  120,000  florins,  the  important  province  of  Dauphine,  in  the  I-ower 
Rhone  region.  One  of  the  conditions  of  the  grant  was  that  the  eldest  son  of  the 
French  king  should  take  the  title  of  Dauphin,  which  was  thenceforth  borne  by 
the  heir  of  the  French  throne. 


398  Mediceval  History 

how  to  reign."  Because  of  the  subtile  web  of  diplomacy 
which  he  so  tirelessly  and  unpityingly  spun,  he  was  called  the 
"universal  spider."  The  great  feudal  lords  that  still  retained 
power  and  influence  he  brought  to  destruction  one  after 
another,  and  united  their  fiefs  to  the  royal  domains. 

Of  all  the  vassal  nobles  ruined  by  the  craft  of  Louis,  the 
most  renowned  and  powerful  was  Charles  the  Bold,  duke  of 
Burgundy.  Charles  was  endeavoring,  out  of  a  great  patch- 
work of  petty  feudal  states  and  semi-independent  cantons  and 
cities,  to  build  up  a  kingdom  between  Germany  and  France. 
His  success  in  this  effort  would  have  meant  practically  a 
restoration  of  the  old  Lotharingian  kingdom,  which,  it  will 
be  recalled,  stretched  across  Europe  from  the  Mediterranean 
to  the  North  Sea.^^ 

It  seems  one  of  the  misfortunes  of  history  that  Charles  did 
not  succeed  in  his  ambition.  The  formation  of  such  a  "  middle 
kingdom"  to  serve  as  a  barrier  state  between  France  and 
Germany  would  have  changed  greatly  not  only  the  map  of 
Europe  but  the  entire  political  history  of  the  continent. 

For  some  of  his  lands  Charles  paid  homage,  or  at  least  owed 
homage,  to  the  king  of  France  ;  others  he  held  as  fiefs  of  the 
Holy  Roman  Empire.  It  is  easy  to  understand  how  these 
relations  of  Charles  and  his  known  ambitions  should  have  set 
him  apart  as  one  whom  his  wily  neighbor  Louis  would  watch 
closely.  Louis  was  frequently  warring  with  the  duke,  and 
forever  intriguing  against  him. 

Upon  the  death  of  the  duke  —  he  was  killed  in  1477  in  a 
battle  with  the  Swiss  —  Louis,  without  clear  right,  seized  a 
considerable  part  of  his  dominions. 

By  cession  and  by  inheritance  Louis  also  added  to  France 
important  lands  in  the  south  (Provence,  Roussillon,  and 
Cerdagne),  which  gave  the  French  kingdom  a  wider  frontage 
upon  the  Mediterranean,  and  made  the  Pyrenees  its  southern 
defense. 

22  See  map,  p.  130. 


Invasion  of  Italy  by  CJiarles   VIII  399 

347.  Invasion  of  Italy  by  Charles  VIII. — Charles  VIII 
(1483-1498),  son  and  successor  of  Louis  XI,  was  the  last  of 
the  direct  line  of  the  Valois.  Through  his  marriage  to  Anne 
of  Brittany,  he  brought  that  great  fief,  which  had  hitherto 
constituted  an  almost  independent  state,  under  the  direct  rule 
of  the  crown. 

Thus  through  the  favor  of  a  long  series  of  circumstances, 
the  persistent  policy  of  his  predecessors,  and  his  own  jDolitic 
marriage,  Charles  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  kingdom 
which,  gradually  transformed  from  a  feudal  league  into  a  true 
monarchy,  had,  by  slow  expansion,  touched  upon  almost  every 
side  those  limits  which  were  to  constitute  substantially  the 
boundaries  of  modern  France. 

Charles  was  a  romantic  youth.  His  extravagant  fancy  led 
him  to  dream  of  some  brilliant  and  chivalric  enterprise  which 
should  draw  the  gaze  of  the  world,  and  which  might  contribute 
to  the  realization  of  his  great  project  of  making  France 
instead  of  Germany  the  head  of  the  world-empire.  The 
standing  army  at  his  command,  —  which  had  been  regularly 
organized  during  the  latter  years  of  the  war  with  England,  — 
a  well-filled  treasury,  and  the  adulation  of  his  courtier  nobles 
encouraged  him  in  his  wild  ambition. 

Purchasing  by  reckless  cessions  of  territory  the  acquies- 
cence of  the  rival  and  jealous  houses  of  Aragon  and  Austria 
in  his  plans  of  an  Italian  expedition,  Charles  gathered  an 
army  of  fifty  thousand  men  and  began  the  passage  of  the 
Alps,  intent  on  the  conquest  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  his 
claim  to  which  was  derived  from  the  house  of  Anjou.^^  With 
Naples  in  his  possession,  he  proposed  to  perform  the  imperial 
duty  of  leading  a  crusade  to  the  East  for  the  recovery  of 
Constantinople  and  Jerusalem  from  the  hands  of  the  Turks. 

Charles's  march  through  Italy  was  a  mere  "promenade." 
In  the  early  spring  of  the  year  1495  he  entered  Naples  in 
triumph.     Here,    in    the    midst    of   splendid    ceremonies,  he 

23  See  par.  366,  n.  30. 


400  MedicEval  History 

caused  himself  to  be  crowned  "  King  of  Naples,  Sicily,  and 
Jerusalem." 

Meanwhile  the  king  of  Aragon,  the  Venetians,  and  other 
powers  were  uniting  their  armies  to  punish  the  insolence  and 
check  the  vaulting  ambition  of  the  would-be  emperor  and 
crusader.  Apprised  of  the  movements  of  his  enemies,  Charles, 
deferring  until  a  more  convenient  time  his  Eastern  expedition, 
set  out  on  his  return  to  France,  leaving  a  small  force  at  Naples 
to  hold  his  conquests.  In  Northern  Italy  he  found  his  way 
blocked  by  the  aUies  with  an  army  outnumbering  his  three  to 
one.  However,  he  secured  what  he  called  a  victory  over  his 
opposers,  but  bought  it  at  the  cost  of  a  large  part  of  his  army. 
With  the  remnant  he  made  good  his  retreat  into  France.  The 
forces  he  had  left  at  Naples  were  quickly  driven  out  of  the 
place,  and  thus  ended  Charles's  dream  of  a  universal  French 
empire. 

This  enterprise  of  Charles  is  noteworthy  not  only  because 
it  marks  the  commencement  of  a  long  series  of  brilliant  yet 
disastrous  campaigns  carried  on  by  the  French  in  Italy,  but 
for  the  reason  that  in  a  more  general  way  it  foreshadows  that 
aggrandizing  and  aggressive  spirit  that  henceforth  characterizes 
the  foreign  policy  of  the  successive  monarchs  of  France.  It  is 
further  worthy  of  attention  on  account  of  Charles's  army  having 
been  made  up  largely  of  paid  troops  instead  of  feudal  retainers, 
which  fact  assures  us  that  the  feudal  system,  as  a  military 
organization,  had  practically  come  to  an  end. 

Formation   of  the   Fre7ich   Language  ajid   the  Beginnings  of 
French  Literature 

348.  The  Language.  — The  contact  of  the  old  Latin  speech 
in  Gaul  with  that  of  the  Teutonic  invaders  gave  rise  there  to 
two  very  distinct  dialects,  dialects  so  unlike,  indeed,  that  it 
would  be  quite  correct  to  regard  them  as  constituting  two  sepa- 
rate languages.     These  were  the  Langue  d'Oc,  or  Provencal, 


The  Troubadours  401 

the  tongue  of  the  South  of  France  and  of  the  adjoining 
regions  of  Spain  and  Italy;  and  the  Lajigue  d'Oil,  or  French 
proper,  the  language  of  the  North.-'* 

The  soft,  musical  tongue  of  the  South,  predestined  though 
it  was  to  an  early  decay,  was  the  first,  as  we  shall  learn  in  a 
moment,  to  develop  a  literature  ;  but  when  the  North  precip- 
itated itself  upon  the  South  in  the  furious  crusades  against  the 
Albigenses,  the  language,  literature,  and  heretical  religion  of 
these  southern  provinces  were  all  swept  away  together.  As 
the  persecuted  faith  was  driven  into  obscurity,  so  in  like  man- 
ner the  old  speech  was  driven  out  of  palace  and  court,  and 
found  a  place  only  among  the  rude  peasantry. 

The  position  of  this  once  widely  used  Provencal  speech 
among  living  languages  may  be  illustrated  by  comparing  its 
fortunes  with  those  of  the  Celtic  tongue  in  its  conflict  with  the 
Anglo-Saxon  in  the  British  Isles. 

349.  The  Troubadours.  —  About  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth 
century,  by  which  time  the  Provencal  tongue  had  become  set- 
tled and  somewhat  polished,  literature  in  France  first  began  to 
find  a  voice  in  the  songs  of  the  Troubadours,^'  the  poets  of 
the  South.  It  is  instructive  to  note  that  it  was  the  home  of 
the  Albigensian  heresy,  the  land  that  had  felt  the  influence 
of  every  Mediterranean  civilization,  that  was  also  the  home  of 
the  Troubadour  literature.  The  counts  of  Toulouse,  the  pro- 
tectors of  the  heretics,  were  also  the  patrons  of  the  poets.  It 
was,  as  we  have  intimated,  the  same  fierce  persecution  which 
uprooted  the  heretical  faith  that  stilled  the  song  of  the 
Troubadours. 

The  compositions  of  the  Troubadours  were,  for  the  most 
part,  love-songs  and  satires.  Among  the  countless  minstrels 
of  the  South  were  some  who  acquired  a  fame  which  was  spread 

24  The  terms  Langue  d^Oc  and  Langtie  d'O'il  arose  from  the  use  of  different 
words  for  "  yes,"  which  in  the  tongue  of  the  South  was  oc,  and  in  that  of  the 
North  oil. 

25  From  the  Provencal  irobar,  to  find,  to  invent.  The  northern  poets  were 
called  Troiiveiirs,  from  the  French  trouver^  meaning  the  same  as  troba?: 


402  McdicBval  History 

throughout  Christendom.  Richard  Coeur  de  Lion  composed 
some  songs  which  still  endure.  But  perhaps  the  greatest  of 
all  the  Provencal  poets  was  Bertrand  de  Born,  who  sang  of 
war  as  well  as  of  love,  and  whose. fierce  and  vehement  verses 
stirred  up  passions  and  strife.  Because  of  the  mischief  and 
schism  he  wrought,  Dante,  in  his  Divine  Comedy,  pictures  him 
among  the  tormented  in  Hell,  where  he  is  condemned  to  bear 
his  severed  head  in  his  own  hands. 

The  verses  of  the  Troubadours  were  sung  in  every  land,  and 
to  their  stimulating  influence  the  early  poetry  of  almost  every 
people  of  Europe  is  largely  indebted. 

350.  The  Trouveurs. — These  were  the  poets  of  Northern 
France,  who  composed  in  the  Laiigiie  d' Oil,  or  Old  French 
tongue.  They  flourished  during  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth 
centuries.  As  the  poetical  literature  of  the  South  found 
worthy  patrons  in  the  counts  of  Toulouse,  so  did  that  of  the 
North  find  admiring  encouragers  in  the  dukes  of  Normandy. 

There  was,  however,  a  wide  difference  between  the  literature 
of  Southern  and  that  of  Northern  France.  The  composi- 
tions of  the  Troubadours  were  almost  exclusively  lyric  songs, 
while  those  of  the  Trouveurs  were  chiefly  epic  or  narrative 
poems,  called  ro77iances.  These  latter  celebrated  the  chivalrous 
exploits  and  loves  of  great  princes  and  knights,  and  displayed 
at  times  almost  Homeric  animation  and  grandeur.  Many  of 
them  gather  about  three  familiar  names,  —  Charles  the  Great, 
King  Arthur,  and  Alexander  the  Great,  —  thus  forming  what 
are  designated  as  the  cycle  of  Charlemagne,  the  Arthurian  or 
Armorican  cycle,  and  the  Alexandrian. 

The  poems  of  these  several  epic  cycles  not  only  celebrate 
the  wars  and  amorous  adventures  of  the  distinguished  heroes 
whose  names  they  bear,  but  also  rehearse  the  chivalric  deeds 
of  their  vassal  knights  and  descendants.  Thus,  in  the  stirring 
Song  of  Roland,  in  the  first  cycle,  are  celebrated  the  deeds  of 
Roland  (the  companion  of  Charles  the  Great),  who  cleaves 
the  Pyrenees  with  one  blow  of  his  enchanted  sword  Durandal, 


The  Trouveiirs  403 

and  shakes  all  the  earth  with  a  single  blast  of  his  magic  horn  ; 
in  the  romances  of  the  Knights  of  the  Round  Table,  in  the 
second  cycle,  are  told  the  chivalrous  enterprises  of  the  com- 
panions of  good  King  Arthur  ;  while  in  the  History  of  the  tak- 
ing of  Troy  and  the  Roma7ice  of  Alexander,  in  the  third  series, 
we  have  Greek  and  mediaeval  heroes  and  legends  mixed  in  the 
most  entertaining  and  ingenious  confusion. ^^ 

The  extravagance,  the  creduHty,  the  coarseness  that  mark 
much  of  this  romantic  literature,  indicate  the  rude  and  uncrit- 
ical character  of  the  age  that  produced  and  applauded  it.  Yet, 
notwithstanding  these  defects,  inseparable  from  the  literary 
products  of  an  age  still  struggling  with  barbarian  instincts  and 
impulses,  the  influence  of  these  French  romances  upon  the 
springing  literatures  of  Europe  was  most  inspiring  and  helpful. 
Nor  has  their  influence  yet  ceased.  Thus  in  Enghsh  literature, 
not  only  did  Chaucer  and  Spenser  and  all  the  early  island  poets 
draw  inspiration  from  these  fountains  of  Continental  song,  but 
the  later  Tennyson,  in  his  Idyls  of  the  King,  has  illustrated  the 
power  over  the  imagination  yet  possessed  by  the  x^rthurian 
poems  of  the  old  Trouveurs. 

Besides  the  great  narrative  poems  of  the  Trouveurs,  the 
literature  of  the  North  produced  innumerable  allegories  and 
fabliaux,  or  fables.  Some  of  these  are  of  almost  endless 
length,  containing  thirty  or  forty  thousand  lines.  They  were 
produced  in  somewhat  the  same  way  as  the  cathedrals  of  the 
same  age  were  built,  —  by  the  additions  of  generation  after 
generation  of  poets.  The  most  popular  of  the  allegories  was 
the  Roman  de  la  Rose,  which  reflects  as  does  no  other  medi- 
aeval poem  the  ideas  and  feelings  of  the  common  people. 
The  most  celebrated  of  the  fabliaux  was  the  Romati  du  Rey- 
7iart,  or  Reynard  the  Fox,  which  was  in  large  part  a  satire  on 

25  These  epics,  it  will  be  noticed,  represent  the  three  elements  in  the  civiliza- 
tion of  Western  Europe,  the  German,  the  Celtic,  and  the  Graeco-Roman.  It 
was  the  Crusades  that  brought  in  a  fresh  relay  of  tales  and  legends  from  the 
lands  of  the  East.    Cf   par.  226, 


404  Mediceval  History 

monk  and  knight.  It  heralded  the  decay  of  the  spirit  both  of 
chivalry  and  of  monasticism. 

351.  Froissart's  Chronicles.  —  The  first  really  noted  prose 
writer  in  French  Hterature  was  Froissart  (about  133  7-1 4 10), 
whose  picturesqueness  of  style  and  skill  as  a  story-teller  have 
won  for  him  the  title  of  the  French  Herodotus.  Born,  as  he 
was,  only  a  little  after  the  opening  of  the  Hundred  Years'  War, 
and  knowing  personally  many  of  the  actors  in  that  long  strug- 
gle, it  was  fitting  that  he  should  have  become,  as  he  did,  the 
annalist  of  those  stirring  times.  In  his  charming  Chro?iides  he 
has  left  us  the  most  wonderfully  lifelike  portraitures  of  the 
celebrated  characters,  both  French  and  English,  of  that  period, 
as  well  as  the  most  vivid  pictures  that  we  possess  of  the  scenes, 
customs,  and  manners  of  the  age. 

Like  Herodotus,  Froissart  was  a  great  traveler,  going  about 
everywhere  to  collect  material  for  his  history,  which,  while  deal- 
ing chiefly  with  the  affairs  of  France  and  England  from  1326  to 
1400,  touches  upon  the  matters  of  all  Christendom,  and  of  other 
parts  of  the  world  besides.  He  talked  \\ith  everybody,  with  kings 
and  with  peasants,  and  wrote  down  at  night  what  had  been  told 
him  during  the  day.  The  book  was  his  life  work  ;  he  began 
it,  he  tells  us,  at  the  age  of  twenty,  and  in  the  collection  of 
material  for  it  "  took  greater  pleasure  than  in  anything  else," 

The  inimitable  Chro?iicles  have  an  added  value  from  the  age 
in  which  they  were  written.  It  was,  as  we  have  learned,  a 
transition  period.  Feudalism  was  fast  passing  away,  and  chiv- 
alry was  beginning  to  feel  the  dissolving  breath  of  a  new  era. 
But  as  the  forests  never  clothe  themselves  in  more  gorgeous 
colors  than  when  already  touched  by  decay,  so  chivalry  never 
arrayed  itself  in  more  splendid  magnificence  than  when  about 
to  die.  In  the  age  of  Edward  III  and  the  Black  Prince  it  dis- 
played its  most  sumptuous  and  prodigal  splendor.  And  this  is 
the  age  which  the  rare  genius  of  Froissart  has  painted  for  us.^' 

2'  The  most  worthy  predecessors  of  Froissart  in  the  field  of  vernacular  his- 
torical writing  were  Villehardouin  (about  1160-1213),  whose  attractive  chronicle 


The  Beginnings  of  Spain  405 


III.    Spain 

352.  The  Beginnings  of  Spain.  — When,  in  the  eighth  cen- 
tury, the  Saracens  swept  like  a  wave  over  Spain,  the  mountains 
of  Asturias  and  Cantabria  in  the  northwest  corner  of  the  penin- 
sula afforded  a  refuge  for  the  most  resolute  of  the  Christian 
chiefs  who  refused  to  submit  their  necks  to  the  Moslem  yoke. 
These  brave  and  hardy  warriors  not  only  successfully  defended 
the  hilly  districts  that  formed  their  asylum,  but  gradually 
pushed  back  the  invaders,  and  regained  control  of  a  portion  of 
the  fields  and  cities  that  had  been  lost. 

This  work  of  reconquest  was  greatly  furthered  by  Charles 
the  Great,  w^ho,  it  will  be  recalled,  drove  the  Saracens  out  of  all 
the  northeastern  portion  of  the  country  as  far  south  as  the 
Ebro,  and  made  the  subjugated  district  a  province  of  his 
empire,  under  the  name   of  the  Spanish  March. 

By  the  opening  of  the  eleventh  century  several  little  Christian 
states,  among  which  we  must  notice  especially  the  states  of 
Castile  and  Aragon  because  of  the  prominent  part  they  were  to 
play  in  later  history,  had  been  established  upon  the  ground 
thus  recovered  or  always  maintained.  Castile  was  at  first 
simply  "  a  line  of  castles  "  against  the  Moors,  whence  its  name. 

353,  Union  of  Castile  and  Aragon  (1479).  —  For  several 
centuries  the  princes  of  the  Httle  states  to  which  we  have 
referred  kept  up  an  incessant  warfare  with  their  Mohammedan 
neighbors ;  but,  owing  to  dissensions  among  themselves,  they 
were  unable  to  combine  in  any  effective  way  for  the  complete 
reconquest  of  their  ancient  possessions.  But  the  marriage,  in 
1469,  of  Ferdinand,  prince  of  Aragon,  to  Isabella,  princess  of 
Castile,  paved  the  way  for  the  virtual  union  in  1479  of  these 

entitled  The  Conqtiest  of  Constantinople  is  one  of  the  earliest  specimens  of 
French  prose;  and  Joinville  (1224-1319),  who  left  behind  his  entertaining  Life 
of  St.  Louis.  Following  Froissart  in  the  next  century  was  Philippe  de  Corn- 
mines  (about  1447-15 11),  whose  Memoirs,  besides  being  a  good  history  of  his 
times,  give  us  a  valuable  insight  into  the  life  and  character  of  the  crafty 
Louis  XI. 


4o6  MedicEval  History 

two  leading  states,  both  greatly  enlarged  since  the  eleventh 
century,  into  a  single  kingdom.  By  this  happy  union  the  quar- 
rels of  these  two  rival  principalities  were  composed,  and  they 
were  now  free  to  employ  their  united  strength  in  effecting  what 
the  Christian  princes  amidst  all  their  contentions  had  never 
lost  sight  of,  —  the  expulsion  of  the  Moors  from  the  peninsula. 

354.  The  Conquest  of  Granada  (1492).  —  At  the  time  when 
the  basis  of  the  Spanish  monarchy  was  laid  by  the  union  of 
Castile  and  Aragon,  the  Mohammedan  possessions  had  been 
reduced,  by  the  constant  pressure  of  the  Christian  chiefs 
through  eight  centuries,  to  a  very  limited  dominion  in  the  south 
of  Spain.  Here  the  Moors  had  established  a  strong,  well- 
compacted   state,  known  as  the  kingdom  of  Granada. 

The  province  of  Granada,  naturally  fertile,  had  become, 
through  the  industry  and  skill  of  the  Moors,  one  of  the  best 
cultivated  and  richest  districts  in  Spain.  It  embraced  wdthin 
its  narrow  limits  seventy  walled  towns  besides  the  capital, 
Granada,  a  potent  and  opulent  city,  with  a  population  of 
almost  a  quarter  of  a  milHon.  All  these  cities,  particularly  the 
capital,  were  enriched  with  superb  specimens  of  Moorish  archi- 
tecture, many  of  the  palaces  of  the  wealthy  being  decorated 
with  fabulous  magnificence. 

As  soon  as  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  had  settled  the  affairs  of 
their  dominions,  they  began  to  make  preparation  for  the  con- 
quest of  Granada,  eager  to  signalize  their  reign  by  the  reduction 
of  this  last  stronghold  of  the  Moorish  power  in  the  peninsula. 

The  Moors  made  a  desperate  defense  of  their  Httle  state. 
The  struggle  lasted  for  ten  years.  City  after  city  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Christian  knights,  and  finally  Granada,  pressed  by 
an  army  of  seventy  thousand,  was  forced  to  surrender,  and  the 
Cross  replaced  the  Crescent  on  its  walls  and  towers  (1492). 
The  Moors,  or  Moriscos,  as  they  were  called,  were  allowed  to 
remain  in  the  country,  though  under  many  annoying  restric- 
tions. What  is  known  as  their  expulsion  occurred  at  a  later 
date. 


Effects  of  the  Maoris Ji  Wars  407 

The  fall  of  Granada  holds  an  important  place  among  the 
many  significant  events  that  mark  the  latter  half  of  the  fifteenth 
century.  It  marked  the  end,  after  an  existence  of  almost  eight 
hmidred  years,  of  Mohammedan  rule  in  the  Spanish  peninsula, 
and  thus  formed  an  offset  to  the  progress  of  the  Moslem  power 
in  Eastern  Europe  and  the  loss  to  the  Christian  world  of  Con- 
stantinople. It  advanced  Spain  to  a  place  among  the  foremost 
nations  of  Europe,  and  gave  her  arms  a  jirestige  that  secured 
for  her  position,  influence,  and  deference  long  after  the  decHne 
of  her  power  had  commenced. 

355.  Influence  upon  the  Spanish  Character  of  the  Moorish 
Domination  and  the  Moorish  Wars.  —  The  long  wars  which  the 
Spanish  Christians  waged  against  the  Arab  Moors  left  a  deep 
impress  upon  the  national  character.  In  the  first  place,  the 
opportunity  which  they  afforded  for  knightly  service  and 
romantic  adventure  heightened  that  chivalrous  spirit  of  which 
more  than  traces  are  noticeable  in  the  feelings  and  the  bearing 
of  the  Spaniard  of  to-day.  In  the  second  place,  they  made 
rehgion  a  thing  of  patriotism,  and  thus  aroused  religious  zeal 
and  fostered  the  growth  of  intolerance. 

But  the  development  of  this  fervid  religious  spirit  was  fur- 
thered not  alone  by  the  long  active  warfare  between  Christian 
and  Moslem  ;  it  was  nourished  even  during  the  years  of  peace 
by  the  persecutions  to  which  the  Christians  living  under  Mos- 
lem rule  were  much  of  the  time  subjected  by  bigoted  emirs 
and  caHphs.  "The  Christians,"  to  use  the  words  of  the  his- 
torian Martin  Hume,  "...  met  bigotry  with  bigotry  ;  and 
the  feeling  of  the  two  races  toward  each  other,  which  at  first 
was  sympathetic,  grew  in  time  to  the  passionate  loathing  which 
we  shall  see  existing  in  the  last  days  of  the  domination."  The 
unfortunate  bias  and  temper  thus  imparted  to  the  Spanish 
national  character  set  Spain  apart  from  the  other  Western 
nations,  and  affords  the  key  to  much  of  her  later  history,  both 
in  Europe  and  in  the  New  World. 

For  illustration,  it  was,  without  doubt,  the  development  in 


4o8  MedicBval  History 

the  Spanish  people  of  this  fierce  uncompromising  religious 
spirit  that  helped  to  prepare  the  ground  in  Spain  for  the  setting 
up  there  of  the  terrible  tribunal  of  the  Inquisition,  of  which  we 
shall  come  to  speak  in  a  moment. 

356.  Growth  of  the  Royal  Power.  —  One  matter  of  great 
importance  marking  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  was 
the  abridging  of  the  privileges  of  the  nobility  and  the  conse- 
quent enhancement  of  the  authority  of  the  crown.  In  no 
country  of  Europe  was  the  power  of  the  feudal  lords  greater 
than  in  Spain,  nor  did  any  country  suffer  more  from  their 
rapacious  and  quarrelsome  character. 

For  the  sake  of  protection  against  the  nobles,  —  and  also 
against  the  brigands  who  had  sprung  up  under  the  anarchy 
induced  throughout  the  country  by  the  wretched  adminis- 
tration of  justice  under  the  feudal  system,  —  the  towns  and 
cities  had  formed  a  league,  known  as  the  Holy  Brotherhood, 
a  confederation  somewhat  like  that  of  the  Hanseatic  League 
of  Germany. 

By  joining  with  these  cities  against  the  aristocracy,  Ferdinand 
forced  the  nobles  to  give  up  certain  of  their  unjust  privileges, 
and  thus  greatly  weakened  their  power.  He  further  under- 
mined the  influence  and  strength  of  many  of  the  great  feudal 
houses  by  securing  decrees  of  court  which  took  away  from 
them  lands  which  had  been  too  freely  conferred  upon  unworthy 
favorites  by  his  feeble  predecessors,  much  to  the  prejudice  of 
the  crown,  and  by  bestowing  dignities  and  offices  upon  persons 
outside  of  the  ranks  of  the  ancient  nobility. 

In  these  and  other  ways  Ferdinand  greatly  enhanced  the  royal 
power  and  raised  the  kingly  office  in  popular  estimation  and 
respect. 

357.  The  Inquisition.  —  Another  matter  belonging  to  this 
period,  and  a  thing  which  casts  a  dark  shadow  upon  the  reign 
of  the  illustrious  sovereigns  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  was  the 
estabHshment  in  Spain  of  the  Inquisition,  or  Holy  Office, 
with  a  view  to  the  detection  and  punishment  of  heresy. 


Columbus  given  his  Conimissioii  409 

Being  employed  by  the  government  for  the  securing  of 
poUtical  as  well  as  religious  ends,  the  Inquisition  became  an 
instrument  of  the  most  incredible  tyranny.  The  Jews  were  in 
this  earlier  period  the  chief  victims  of  the  tribunal.  Accom- 
panying the  announcement  of  the  sentences  of  the  Holy 
Office  there  were  solemn  public  ceremonies  known  as  the 
auto  lie  fe  ("act  of  faith  ").  The  assembly  was  held  in  some 
church  or  in  the  public  square,  and  the  following  day  those 
condemned  to  death  were  burned  outside  the  city  walls.  It 
is  particularly  to  this  last  act  of  the  drama  that  the  term 
auto  defe  has  come  popularly  to  be  ap])lied. 

The  Inquisition  secured  for  Spain  unity  of  religious  belief, 
but  only  through  suppressing  freedom  of  thought,  and  thereby 
sapping  the  strength  and  virility  of  the  Spanish  people.  What- 
ever was  most  promising  and  vigorous  was  withered  and 
blasted,  or  was  cast  out.  In  the  year  1492  the  Jews  were 
expelled  from  the  country.  It  is  estimated  that  between  two 
and  three  hundred  thousand  of  this  race  were  forced  to  seek  an 
asylum  in  other  lands. 

Thus  at  the  same  time  that  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  were  doing 
so  much  to  foster  the  national  Hfe,  their  unfortunate  religious 
zeal  was  planting  the  upas  tree  which  was  destined  completely 
to  overshadow  and  poison  the  springing  energies  of  the  nation. 
Yet  in  all  this  Queen  Isabella  sincerely  believed  she  was  ren- 
dering God  good  service.  "  In  the  love  of  Christ  and  his 
Maid-Mother,"  she  said,  "I  have  caused  great  misery.  I  have 
depopulated  towns  and  districts,  provinces  and  kingdoms." 

358.  Columbus  given  his  Commission  (1492).  — Sull  another 
matter  pertaining  to  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  an 
event  of  the  very  greatest  significance  to  Spain  as  well  as  to 
civilization,  was  the  discovery  of  America  ;  for  the  very  year 
which  saw  the  fall  of  Oranada  was  the  one  that  witnessed  the 
first  expedition  of  Columbus. 

Isabella,  while  encamped  with  her  army  beneath  the  walls 
of   Granada,  —  for    the    energetic    queen    accompanied    her 


4 1  o  Medicei  'al  History 

soldiers  to  the  field  and  took  an  active  part  in  directing  the 
operations  of  war,  —  was  planning  with  Columbus  his  great 
enterprise ;  and  it  was  only  a  few  days  after  the  downfall  of 
Granada  that  she  gave  to  him  that  fortunate  commission 
which  added  a  New  World  to  the  Spanish  crown. 

359.  Death  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  —  Queen  Isabella 
died  in  1504,  and  Ferdinand  followed  her  in  the  year  15 16, 
upon  which  latter  event  the  crown  of  Spain  descended  to  his 
grandson,  Charles,  of  whom  we  shall  hear  much  hereafter  as 
the  Emperor  Charles  V.  With  his  reign  the  modern  history 
of  Spain  begins.^^ 

Begijinmgs  of  the  Spanish  Language  and  Literature 

360.  The  Language.  —  After  the  union  of  Castile  and 
Aragon  it  was  the  language  of  the  former  that  became  the 
speech  of  the  Spanish  court.  During  the  reign  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella  it  gradually  gained  ascendency  over  the  numerous 
dialects  of  the  country  and  became  at  last  the  national  speech, 
just  as  in  France  the  Langue  d^ Oil  finally  crowded  out  all 
other  dialects.  By  the  conquests  and  colonizations  of  the 
sixteenth  century  this  Castilian  speech  was  destined  to 
become  only  less  widely  spread  than  is  the  EngHsh  tongue. 

361.  The  Poem  of  the  Cid.  —  Castilian  or  Spanish  literature 
begins  in  the  twelfth  century  with  the  romance  poem  of  the 
Cid,  one  of  the  best-known  literary  productions  of  the  mediaeval 
period.  This  grand  national  poem  was  the  outgrowth  of  the 
sentiments  inspired  by  the  long  struggle  between  the  Spanish 

28  Portugal,  the  beginnings  of  which  during  the  crusading  period  we  have 
already  noticed  (par.  219),  did  not  become  a  part  of  the  larger  peninsular  mon- 
archy, but  remained  an  independent  state.  It  acquired  the  dignity  of  a  kingdom 
in  the  twelfth  century.  The  chief  interest  of  its  history  during  the  fifteenth 
century  centers  in  the  voyages  of  discovery  of  the  Portuguese  sailors  down  the 
western  coast  of  Africa.  The  inspiring  spirit  of  these  undertakings  was  the 
renowned  Prince  Henry  the  Navigator  (1394-1460).  An  account  of  these 
explorations  will  find  a  place  in  the  opening  chapter  of  the  volume  which  is 
to  follow  this  on  the  history  of  the  Modern  Age. 


Beginnings  of  the  Kingdom  of  Gernia7iy         4 1 1 

Christians  and  the  Mohammedan  Moors.  The  hero  of  the  e])ic 
is  Ruy  Diaz,  surnamed  the  Cid  (meaning  probably  "  lord  "), 
the  champion  of  Christianity  and  Castihan  royalty,  during  the 
latter  part  of  the  eleventh  century,  against  the  Saracens.  He 
is  made  by  the  romancers,  through  a  long  process  of  ideali- 
zation, to  be  the  impersonation  of  every  knightly  virtue, — 
generosity,  patriotism,  courage,  truthfulness,  honor,  and  loyalty. 
The  real  Cid  was  quite  a  different  character. 

The  influence  of  the  romance  of  the  Cid  in  exciting  the 
sentiment  of  Spanish  patriotism  and  in  stimulating  the  sjjirit 
of  Spanish  nationality  has  been  likened  to  the  effects  of  the 
poems  of  Homer  in  creating  fraternal  bonds  between  the 
cities  of  ancient  Hellas.  But  it  was  in  truth  both  cause  and 
effect ;  Spanish  sentiment  created  the  ideal,  and  then  made  it 
a  model. 

IV.    Germany 

362.  Beginnings  of  the  Kingdom  of  Germany.  —  The  history 
of  Germany  as  a  separate  kingdom  begins  with  the  break-up 
of  the  empire  of  Charles  the  Great,  about  the  middle  of  the 
ninth  century. "^^  The  part  to  the  east  of  the  Rhine,  with  which 
fragment  alone  we  are  now  specially  concerned,  was  called  the 
Kingdom  of  the  Kastern  Kra?iks,  in  distinction  from  that  to 
the  west  of  the  river,  which  was  known  as  the  Kingdom  of  the 
Western  Franks. 

This  Eastern  Frankish  kingdom  was  made  up  of  several 
groups  of  tribes,  —  the  Saxons,  the  Suabians,  the  Thuringians, 
the  Bavarians,  and  the  East  Franks,  of  which  the  latter  were 
at  this  time  chief,  and  gave  name  to  the  whole.  Closely  allied 
in  race,  speech,  manners,  and  social  arrangements,  all  these 
peoples  seemed  ready  to  be  welded  into  a  close  and  firm 
nation ;  but,  unfortunately,  the  circumstances  tending  to  keep 

29  Cf.  par.  106.  After  the  partition  treaty  of  843  the  three  kingdoms  created 
by  that  arrangement  were,  it  is  true,  united  again  in  S87  under  a  single  Head, 
but  the  union  was  such  only  in  appearance  and  lasted  less  than  a  year. 


412  MedicBval  History 

the  several  tribes,  or  communities,  apart  were  stronger  than 
those  operating  to  draw  them  together,  so  that  for  more  than 
a  thousand  years  after  Charles  the  Great  we  find  them  consti- 
tuting hardly  anything  more  than  a  very  loose  confederation, 
the  members  of  which  were  constantly  struggling  among  them- 
selves for  supremacy,  or  were  engaged  in  private  wars  with  the 
neighboring  nations. 

363.  Founding  of  the  State  of  Hungary.  — The  descendants 
of  Charles  the  Great  ruled  over  the  Eastern  Franks  until 
the  year  911.  During  this  period  Germany  was  distressed  on 
the  north  by  the  Scandinavian  corsairs,  and  on  the  east  by  the 
Magyars,  or  Hungarians,  a  fierce  Turanian  race,  akin,  as  we 
have  already  learned,  to  the  Huns  of  Attila.  This  non-Aryan 
people  succeeded  during  this  period  in  gaining  permanent 
possession  of  the  region  known  from  them  as  Hungary,  and 
in  laying  the  foundations  there  of  a  strong  kingdom,  which 
was  eventually  to  become  an  important  part  of  the  great 
modern  state  of  Austria-Hungary. 

364.  Revival  of  the  Empire  by  Otto  the  Great  (962)  ;  Con- 
sequences to  Germany  of  its  Renewal.  —  W^e  have  in  another 
place,  while  tracing  the  history  of  the  empire,  told  how  Otto  I 
(936-973)  of  Germany,  in  imitation  of  Charles  the  Great, 
restored  the  imperial  authority  (par.  108), 

Otto's  scheme  respecting  the  establishment  of  a  world- 
empire  was  a  grand  one,  but,  as  had  been  demonstrated  by 
the  failure  of  the  attempt  of  the  great  Charles,  was  an  utterly 
impracticable  ideal.  Yet  the  pursuit  of  this  phantom  by 
the  German  kings  resulted  in  the  most  woeful  consequences 
to  Germany.  Trying  to  grasp  too  much,  the  German  rulers 
seized  nothing  at  all.  Attempting  to  be  emperors  of  the  world, 
they  failed  to  become  even  kings  of  Germany.  While  they 
were  engaged  in  outside  enterprises,  their  home  affairs  were 
neglected,  and  the  vassal  princes  of  Germany  succeeded  in 
increasing  their  power  and  making  themselves  practically 
independent. 


The  German  Kingdom  and  the  Efupire  4 1  3 

Thus  while  the  kings  of  England,  France,  and  Spain  were 
gradually  consolidating  their  dominions  and  building  up  strong 
centralized  monarchies  on  the  ruins  of  feudalism,  the  preoccu- 
pied sovereigns  of  Germany  were  allowing  it  to  become  split  up 
into  a  great  number  of  semi-independent  states,  the  ambitions 
and  jealousies  of  whose  rulers  were  to  postpone  the  unification 
of  Germany  for  several  hundred  years  —  until  our  own  day. 

Had  the  emperors  inflicted  loss  and  disaster  upon  Germany 
alone  through  this  misdirection  of  their  energies,  the  case 
would  not  be  so  lamentable ;  but  the  fair  fields  of  Italy  were 
for  centuries  made  the  camping  fields  of  the  imperial  armies, 
and  the  whole  peninsula  was  kept  embroiled  with  the  quarrels 
of  Guelphs  and  Ghibellines,  and  thus  the  nationalization  of  the 
Italian  people  was  also  delayed  for  centuries. 

Germany  received  just  one  positive  compensation  for  all 
this  loss  accruing  from  the  ambition  of  her  kings.  This  was 
the  gift  of  Italian  civilization,  which  came  into  Germany 
through  the  connections  of  the  emperors  with  the  peninsula. 

365.  The  German  Kingdom  and  the  Holy  Roman  Empire.  — 
It  vvill  be  well,  perhaps,  if  we  add  one  word  further  respecting 
the  relation  of  the  (lerman  kingdom  to  the  Holy  Roman 
Empire.  The  "  Empire,"  after  the  addition  to  it  of  Burgundy 
in  1032,  embraced  three  kingdoms,  the  kingdom  of  Germany, 
the  kingdom  of  Italy,  and  the  kingdom  of  Burgundy.  But  in 
the  course  of  time  Italy  dropped  away,  and  then  Burgundy 
fell  off,  until  nothing  save  the  German  kingdom  remained. 
Then,  of  course,  the  German  kingdom  and  the  so-called  Holy 
Roman  Empire  had  the  same  boundaries  —  were  geograph- 
ically identical.  Hence  it  was  natural  that  the  distinction 
should  be  forgotten  and  the  names  confounded,  to  the  extent 
that  the  German  kingdom  should  come  to  be  called  the 
Cyerman  empire.  "It  was  a  German  confederation,  which 
kept  the  forms  and  titles  of  the  Empire." 

366.  Germany  under  the  Hohenstaufen  Emperors  (1138- 
1254).  —  The  matter  of  chief  importance  during  the  rule  of 


4 1 4  McdicBval  History 

the  Hohenstaufen  or  Suabian  house  was,  as  we  have  learned, 
the  long  and  bitter  conflict  waged  between  the  emperors  of 
this  family  and  the  popes. 

The  name  of  the  most  noted  of  the  Hohenstaufen  emperors 
—  Frederick  Barbarossa  —  is  familiar  to  us.  Frederick  gave 
Germany  a  good  and  strong  government,  and  gained  a  sure 
place  in  the  affections  of  the  German  people,  who  came  to 
regard  him  as  the  representative  of  the  sentiment  of  German 
nationality.  Other  emperors,  when  engaged  in  contentions 
with  the  pope,  always  had  a  great  many  among  their  own 
German  subjects  ready  to  join  the  Roman  see  against  their 
own  sovereign ;  but  all  classes  in  Germany  gathered  about 
their  beloved  Frederick.  When  news  of  his  death  was 
brought  back  from  the  East  they  refused  to  believe  that 
their  "knightly  emperor"  was  dead,  and,  as  time  passed,  a 
legend  arose  which  told  how  he  slept  in  a  cavern  beneath  one 
of  his  castles  on  a  mountain  top,  and  how,  when  the  ravens 
should  cease  to  circle  about  the  hill,  he  would  appear,  to 
make  the  German  people  a  nation  united  and  strong. 

Frederick  Barbarossa  was  followed  by  his  son  Henry  VI 
(i  1 90-1 197),  who,  by  marriage,  had  acquired  a  claim  to  the 
kingdom  of  Sicily.^  Almost  all  his  time  and  resources  were 
spent  in  attempts  to  reduce  that  remote  realm  to  a  state  of 
proper  subjection  to  his  authority.     By  leading  the  emperors 

30  The  basis  of  the  kingdom  of  Sicily,  it  will  be  recalled,  was  laid  by  Norman 
adventurers  in  the  latter  part  of  the  eleventh  century  (par.  166).  As  it  embraced 
Naples  as  well  as  the  island  of  Sicily,  it  was  sometimes  called  the  kingdom  of 
Naples,  or  the  kingdom  of  Naples  and  Sicily,  or,  again,  the  kingdom  of  the  Two 
Sicilies.  The  line  of  the  Norman  kings  ended  in  1189.  The  Hohenstaufen  then 
held  the  kingdom  until  1265,  when  the  pope  gave  it  as  a  fief  to  Charles  I  of 
Anjou  (brother  of  Louis  IX  of  France),  who  beheaded  the  rightful  heir,  the 
ill-starred  boy  Conradin,  the  last  of  the  Hohenstaufen  race  (1268).  Charles's 
oppressive  rule  led  to  a  revolt  of  his  island  subjects,  and  to  the  great  massacre 
known  as  the  Sicilian  Vesp3rs  (1282).  All  the  hated  race  of  Frenchmen  were 
either  killed  or  driven  out  of  the  island.  The  house  of  Anjou  retained  Naples, 
but  Sicily  now  passed  to  the  king  of  Aragon  (1283).  In  these  revolutions  the 
way  was  paved  for  interminable  dynastic  quarrels  and  wars,  which  involved 
particularly  Spain,  France,  and  Germany. 


CatJiedral-B  nil  ding  415 

to  neglect  their  German  subjects  and  interests,  this  southern 
kingdom  proved  a  fatal  dower  to  the  Suabian  house. 

By  the  close  of  the  Hohenstaufen  period  Germany  was 
divided  between  two  and  three  hundred  virtually  independent 
states,  the  princes  and  the  cities  having  taken  advantage  of  the 
prolonged  absences  of  the  emperors,  or  their  troubles  with  the 
popes  and  the  Italian  cities,  to  free  themselves  almost  com- 
pletely from  the  control  of  the  crown.  There  was  really  no 
longer  either  a  German  kingdom  or  a  Holy  Roman  Empire.  The 
royal  as  well  as  the  imperial  title  had  become  an  empty  name. 

Such  were  the  lamentable  consequences  of  the  unfortunate 
ambition  and  mistaken  policy  of  the  proud  Hohenstaufen. 
The  princes  of  the  house  were  all  able  rulers,  some  of  them 
exceptionally  strong  and  large-minded  men,  and  had  they  sim- 
ply attended  to  the  affairs  of  Germany,  and  not  allowed  them- 
selves to  be  deluded  by  the  imperial  phantom,  they  might  have 
made  themselves  the  strongest  sovereigns  in  Europe.  They 
would  have  been  able,  doubtless,  to  realize  the  less  dazzling 
but  more  substantial  ambition  of  rendering  the  German  crown 
hereditary  in  their  family,  and  thus  have  gained  for  their  race 
the  power  and  glory  that  came  to  be  won  by  the  house  of 
Hapsburg. 

367.  Cathedral-Building. — The  age  of  the  Hohenstaufen 
was  the  age  of  the  Crusades,  which  is  to  say  that  it  was  the 
age  of  religious  faith.  The  most  striking  expression  of  the 
spirit  of  the  period,  if  we  except  the  Holy  Wars,  is  to  be  found 
in  the  sacred  architecture  of  the  times.  The  enthusiasm  for 
church-building,  though  most  earnest  and  passionate  in  the 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  began  to  manifest  itself  as 
early  as  the  eleventh.  A  monkish  chronicler,  writing  at  the 
opening  of  that  century,  says,  "  It  was  as  if  the  earth,  rousing 
itself  and  casting  away  its  old  robes,  clothed  itself  with  the 
white  garment  of  churches." 

The  style  of  architecture  first  employed  was  the  Roman- 
esque, characterized  by  the  rounded  arch  and  the  dome ;  but 


4 1 6  MedicBi  >a  I  His  to  ty 

towards  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century  this  was  superseded 
by  the  Gothic,  distinguished  by  the  pointed  arch,  the  slender 
spire,  and  rich  ornamentation. 

The  mediaeval  cathedrals  were,  like  the  Crusades,  the  out- 
growth of  a  faith  and  enthusiasm  that  animated  all  classes 
alike.  Many  of  the  structures  were  the  result  of  the  united 
toil  of  generation  after  generation.  The  expense  was  met  in 
various  w^ays.  Rich  monasteries  made  large  contributions ; 
city  councils  voted  constant  appropriations ;  kings  made 
grants,  or  exempted  from  taxation  cities  and  provinces  that 
would  undertake  the  erection  of  a  church  or  a  cathedral ; 
while  the  bequests  of  the  dying,  and  the  free  offerings  of  the 
people,  in  labor  and  products,  swelled  the  streams  of  con- 
tribution. 

Nothing  is  more  expressive  of  the  aspiring  religious  spirit 
than  the  mediaeval  Gothic  cathedral.  In  every  part  it  is 
instinct  with  the  faith  and  hope  of  the  builder.  It  is  a  prayer, 
a  holy  aspiration  in  stone. 

The  enthusiasm,  we  have  said,  was  universal ;  yet  nowhere 
did  it  find  nobler  or  more  sustained  expression  than  in  Ger- 
many. Among  the  most  noted  of  the  German  cathedrals  are 
the  one  at  Strasburg,  begun  in  the  eleventh  century,  and  that 
at  Cologne,  commenced  in  1248,  but  not  finished  until  our 
own  day  (1880).  The  latter  is  one  of  the  most  imposing 
monuments  of  Gothic  architecture  in  the  world. 

368 .  The  Seven  Electors  ;  the  Interregnum  (125 4- 1273).  — 
In  order  to  make  intelligible  the  transactions  of  that  period  in 
German  history  known  as  the  Interregnum,  which  we  have 
now  reached,  we  must  here  say  a  word  about  the  Electors  of 
the  empire. 

When,  in  the  beginning  of  the  tenth  century,  the  German 
Carolingian  line  became  extinct  the  great  nobles  of  the  king- 
dom assumed  the  right  of  choosing  the  successor  of  the  last 
of  the  house,  and  Germany  thus  became  an  elective  feudal 
monarchy.     In  the  course  of  time  a  few  of  the  leading  nobles 


Tozuns  and  Free  Imperial  Cities  4 1 7 

usurped  the  right  of  choosing  the  king,  and  these  princes 
became  known  as  Electors.  There  were,  at  the  end  of  the 
Hohenstaufen  period,  seven  princes  who  enjoyed  this  impor- 
tant privilege,  four  of  whom  were  secular  princes  and  three 
spiritual.  This  electoral  body  really  held  the  destinies  of 
Germany  in  its  hands. ^^ 

We  are  now  in  a  position  to  understand  the  most  shameful 
transaction  of  the  sale  of  the  German  crown.  The  Electors, 
like  the  pretorians  of  ancient  Rome,  put  the  bauble  up  for 
sale.  There  were  two  bidders,  both  foreigners,  Richard  of  Corn- 
wall, brother  of  the  English  king,  Henry  III,  and  Alphonso, 
king  of  Castile.  Both  candidates  offered  to  the  Electors 
large  bribes,  and  so  both  were  elected  —  one  of  the  Electors 
voting  for  both  candidates.  Although  Alphonso  had  manifested 
so  much  anxiety  to  secure  the  honor,  he  never  once  set  foot 
within  the  limits  of  Germany,  and  Richard  contented  himself 
with  an  occasional  visit  to  the  country. 

Of  course  neither  of  the  nominal  kings,  or  emperors-elect, 
possessed  any  real  authority  in  Germany,  or  in  any  of  the 
countries  claimed  as  parts  of  the  empire.  The  period  is  known 
in  German  history  as  the  Interregnum.  Anarchy  prevailed 
throughout  the  country.  Princes  made  themselves  petty  des- 
pots in  their  dominions,  while  the  lesser  nobles  became 
robbers  and  preyed  upon  traders. 

369.  Towns  and  Free  Imperial  Cities. — The  kingly  power 
having  fallen  into  such  utter  contempt  that  all  general  govern- 
ment  was  practically  in  abeyance,  the  towns,  which  through 

31  The  claims  of  the  Electors  were  very  naturally  disputed  by  some  of  the 
other  members  of  the  Germanic  body.  In  order  to  settle  the  matter  forever,  the 
Luxemburg  emperor  Charles  IV  (1347-1378),  having  first  secured  the  action  of 
a  Diet,  promulgated  a  decree  called,  from  its  golden  seal,  the  Golden  Bull,  which 
confirmed  the  right  of  election  in  the  princes  (three  ecclesiastical  and  four 
secular)  who  then  exercised  it,  and  defined  clearly  the  powers  and  privileges  of 
the  electoral  college.  This  bull  remained  the  fundamental  law  of  the  German 
constitution  so  long  as  the  empire  lasted  —  until  1806.  It  greatly  enhanced  the 
dignity  and  power  of  the  Seven  Electors,  and  proportionately  weakened  the  royal 
or  imperial  authority. 


4 1 8  Mediaeval  History 

the  gradual  expansion  of  their  trade  had  grown  vastly  in 
population,  wealth,  and  consequent  importance,  found  it  neces- 
sary, in  order  to  protect  themselves  against  the  violence  and 
oppression  of  the  princes  and  barons,  to  form  confederations 
and  take  their  defense  in  their  own  hands.  It  was  during  this 
anarchical  period  that  the  Hanseatic  League,  of  which  we  gave 
an  account  in  an  earlier  chapter,  grew  rapidly  in  strength  and 
influence.  About  the  same  time  that  this  confederation  was 
established  there  was  formed  the  important  Rhenish  League, 
which  finally  came  to  embrace  more  than  seventy  towns. 

The  towns  were  divided  into  two  classes,  designated  as 
"mediate"  and  "immediate."  The  first  depended  upon  some 
prince  or  lord,  who  was  in  turn  dependent  upon  the  emperor. 
The  second  were  dependent  solely  upon  the  emperor — were 
his  immediate  vassals.  In  these  latter  cities  the  emperor  was 
represented  by  a  special  officer,  but  during  the  course  of  the 
thirteenth  century  many  of  these  immediate  towns,  through 
the  favor  of  their  suzerain,  were  relieved  of  the  presence  of 
the  imperial  bailiff  and  became  what  are  known  as  free  impe- 
rial cities.  They  of  course  still  acknowledged  the  suzerainty 
of  the  emperor,  but  were  allowed  to  manage  their  local  affairs 
to  suit  themselves,  and  thus  became  practically  little  common- 
wealths, somewhat  like  the  city-republics  of  Italy. 

A  century  or  two  after  these  cities  had  secured  freedom 
from  the  imperial  superintendence  they  acquired  the  right  of 
representation  in  the  Diet,  or  national  legislative  body.  This 
was  the  natural  consequence  of  their  growing  power,  just  as  in 
England  the  increasing  weight  of  the  towns  led,  in  the  thir- 
teenth century,  to  the  admission  of  their  representatives  to 
Parliament.  These  deputies  of  the  free  imperial  cities  con- 
stituted what  was  known  as  the  "  Third  College  "  of  the  national 
assembly. 

370.  Rise  of  the  Swiss  Republic.  — The  most  noteworthy 
matters  in  German  history  during  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth 
centuries  are  the  struggle  between  the  Swiss  and  the  princes 


Rise  of  the  Swiss  Republic  419 

of  the  Hapsburg  or  Austrian  family  ;  the  reHgious  movement 
of  the  Hussites ;  and  the  growing  power  of  the  house  of 
Hapsburg. 

Embraced  within  the  Hmits  of  the  mediaeval  empire  was  the 
country  now  known  as  Switzerland.  Its  liberty-loving  people 
yielded  to  the  emperor  a  nominal  obedience,  like  that  of  the  free 
imperial  cities ;  but  they  were  very  impatient  of  the  claims  of 
various  feudal  lords  to  political  rights  and  authority  over  them. 

Among  the  lords  claiming  or  actually  possessing  rights  over 
different  cantons  or  communities  were  the  counts  of  Haps- 
burg.^^  The  efforts  of  the  Hapsburgs  to  bring  the  moun- 
taineers wholly  under  their  direct  power  led  the  three  so-called 
Forest  Cantons,  Uri,  Schwyz,  and  Unterwalden,  to  form  a 
defensive  union,  known  as  the  Everlasting  Compact  (1291). 
This  league  laid  the  basis  of  the  Swiss  Confederation,  one  of 
the  most  typical  and  interesting  of  the  federal  states  of  to-day. 

The  struggle  between  the  brave  hillsmen  and  the  house  of 
Hapsburg  was  long  and  memorable.  Embellished  by  Swiss 
patriotism  with  thrilling  tales  of  heroic  daring  and  self-devotion, 
the  history  of  this  contest  reads  like  an  Iliad.  But  modern 
historical  criticism  has  reduced  much  of  the  story  to  prose. 
Thus  the  tale  of  the  hero-patriot  William  Tell  and  of  the 
tyrant  Gessler  we  now  know  to  be  a  myth,  with  nothing  but 
the  revolt  as  the  nucleus  of  fact. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  fourteenth  century  Leopold  of  Aus- 
tria engaged  in  an  attempt  upon  the  liberties  of  the  cantons, 
but  at  the  renowned  battle  of  Morgarten  (13 15)  was  defeated 
by  the  brave  Swiss.  The  league  soon  after  this  was  joined  by 
five  other  cantons,  including  Lucerne,  Zurich,  and  Berne. 

Seventy  years  later,  in  1386,  a  descendant  of  Leopold, 
having  marched  an  army  among  the  mountains,  sustained  a 

32  So  called  from  the  castle  of  Hapsburg,  in  Switzerland,  the  cradle  of  the 
house.  In  1273  Count  Rudolph  of  Hapsburg  was  chosen  emperor.  A  little 
later  he  acquired  Austria  as  an  appanage  for  his  house.  From  this  new  pos- 
session the  family  took  a  new  title,  — that  of  the  house  of  Austria. 


42 o  Mediceval  History 

terrible  defeat  on  the  memorable  field  of  Sempach.  It  was 
here,  as  another  patriotic  myth  relates,  that  Arnold  of  Winkel- 
ried  broke  the  ranks  of  the  Austrians  by  collecting  in  his  arms 
as  many  of  their  lances  as  he  could,  and,  as  they  pierced  his 
breast,  bearing  them  with  him  to  the  ground,  exclaiming, 
"  Comrades,  I  will  open  a  road  for  you."  ^^ 

Just  at  the  close  of  the  Middle  Ages  (in  1499)  the  Hapsburg 
emperor  Maximilian,  having  been  defeated  in  a  war  with  the 
league,  concluded  with  it  a  treaty  which  practically  established 
the  independence  of  the  Swiss  Confederation,  and  gave  it  a  place 
in  the  family  of  European  states.  Yet  it  was  not  formally  sepa- 
rated from  the  empire  until  the  Peace  of  Westphalia,  in  1648. 

One  effect  upon  the  Swiss  of  their  long  struggle  for  liberty 
was  the  fostering  among  them  of  such  a  lo\e  for  the  military 
life  that  when,  at  a  later  period,  there  was  lack  of  warlike 
occupation  for  them  at  home,  the  Swiss  soldiers  hired  them- 
selves out  to  the  different  sovereigns  of  Europe ;  and  thus 
it  happened  that,  though  trained  in  the  school  of  freedom, 
these  sturdy  mountaineers  became  the  most  noted  mercenary 
supporters  of  despotism. 

371.  The  Hussites.  — About  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  through  the  medium  of  the  university  connections 
between  England  and  Germany,  the  doctrines  of  the  English 
reformer  Wycliffe  began  to  spread  in  Bohemia.  The  chief 
of  the  new  sect  was  John  Huss,  a  professor  of  the  University 
of  Prague.  The  doctrines  of  the  reformer  were  condemned 
by  the  great  Council  of  Constance,  and  Huss  himself,  having 
been  delivered  over  into  the  hands  of  the  civil  authorities 
for    punishment,   was    burned    at    the    stake  ^*   (141 5).     The 

33  Shortly  after  the  battle  of  Sempach,  the  Eidgenossen,  or  "  Confederates," 
as  the  Swiss  were  at  this  time  called,  gained  another  victory  over  the  Austrians 
at  Nafels  (1388),  which  placed  on  a  firm  basis  the  growing  power  of  the  league. 

34  The  most  reprehensible  part  of  this  affair  was  the  imprisonment  and  harsh 
treatment  of  Huss  before  his  conviction ;  for  this  was  in  direct  violation  of  the 
safe-conduct  which  the  emperor  Sigismund  had  given  him,  relying  upon  which 
the  reformer  had  come  to  the  council. 


TJie  Imperial  Crown  becomes  Hereditary        421 

following  year  Jerome  of  Prague,  another  reformer,  was  like- 
wise burned. 

Shortly  after  the  burning  of  Huss  a  crusade  was  proclaimed 
against  his  followers,  who  had  risen  in  arms.  Then  began  a 
cruel,  desolating  war  of  fifteen  years,  the  outcome  of  which 
was  the  almost  total  extermination  of  the  radical  party  among 
the  Hussites.  With  the  more  moderate  of  the  reformers,  how- 
ever, a  treaty  was  made  which  secured  them  freedom  of  worship. 

372.  The  Imperial  Crown  becomes  Hereditary  in  the  House 
of  Austria  (1438).  —  In  the  year  1438,  Albert,  duke  of  Austria, 
was  raised  by  the  Electors  to  the  imperial  throne.  His  acces- 
sion marks  an  epoch  in  German  history,  for  from  this  time  on 
until  the  dissolution  of  the  empire  by  Napoleon  in  1806,  the 
imperial  crown  was  practically  hereditary  in  the  Hapsburg 
family,  the  Electors,  although  never  failing  to  go  through  the 
formality  of  an  election,  always  choosing  a  person  of  Hapsburg 
descent."^ 

373.  The  Reign  of  Maximilian  I. — The  greatest  of  the 
Hapsburg  line  during  the  mediaeval  period  was  Maximilian  I 
(1493-15 19).  The  most  noteworthy  matter  of  his  reign  was 
the  efforts  made  for  constitutional  reforms  which  should  enable 
Germany  to  secure  that  internal  peace  and  national  unity 
which  France,  England,  and  Spain  had  each  already  in  a  fair 
degree  attained. 

The  condition  of  (lermany  at  this  time  was  somewhat  similar 
to  that  of  our  Union  under  the  Articles  of  Confederation. 
There  was  no  efficient  central  executive  authority.  There 
was  neither  a  system  of  imperial  taxation  nor  an  imperial 
army.  And  lacking  these,  the  emperor's  authority  was  of 
course  merely  nominal.  Taxes  were  voted  by  the  Diet,  but 
they  were  not  paid.  The  raising  of  armies  was  authorized  by 
the  same  body,  but  the  states  failed  to  furnish  their  respective 
contingents. 

35  There  was  one  exception:  Francis  I  (of  Lorraine),  1747-1765,  was  cliosen 
as  the  husband  of  the  Hapsburg  queen,  Maria  Theresa. 


422  MedicEva  I  His  to  ry 

The  need  of  a  firmer  union  was  recognized.  One  way 
of  reaching  this  end  was  to  invest  the  emperor  with  greater 
authority.  But  the  Electors  and  princes,  dominated  wholly 
by  selfish  and  narrow  interests,  would  not  give  up  any  part 
of  their  privileges  and  power.  "To  expect  help  from  the 
princes,"  said  despairingly  a  friend  of  the  emperor,  "  is  Hke 
looking  for  grapes  from  thistles." 

In  the  so-called  Diet  of  Worms  (1495)  a  perpetual  national 
peace  was  indeed  proclaimed,  and  all  the  princes  and  cities 
were  strictly  prohibited  from  waging  private  wars.  Every 
matter  of  dispute  between  the  states  was  to  be  referred  to  an 
Imperial  Chamber,  the  decisions  of  which  were  to  be  upheld 
by  the  whole  strength  of  the  empire.  This  tribunal  reminds 
us  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  our  own  federal  system  of  govern- 
ment. But  this  reform  movement  came  to  naught.  Local 
interests  were  yet  too  strong  and  any  true  national  sentiment 
too  wholly  lacking. 

Working  under  such  untoward  circumstances  Maximilian, 
although  he  had  large  and  ambitious  plans  for  the  empire, 
accomplished  but  little.  All  his  undertakings  failed  on  account 
of  lack  of  resources.  On  several  sides  the  empire  was  shorn 
of  territory ;  wathin,  brigandage  was  rife.  The  emperor's 
pathetic  words,  "  Earth  possesses  no  joy  for  me ;  alas,  poor 
land  of  Germany  !  "  vividly  reveal  to  us  the  hopeless  condition 
of  the  "  Fatherland  "  as  the  Middle  Ages  were  closing. 

Begin7iings  of  German  Literature 

374.  The  Nibelungen  Lied.  —  It  was  during  the  rule  of  the 
Hohenstaufen  that  Germany  produced  the  first  pieces  of  a 
national  literature.  The  Nibeliingeii  Lied,  or  the  "  Lay  of 
the  Nibelungs,"  is  the  great  German  mediaeval  epic.  It 
was  reduced  to  writing  about  1200,  being  a  recast,  by  some 
Homeric  genius  perhaps,  of  ancient  German  legends  and  lays 
dating  from  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries.     The  hero  of  the 


The  Minnesingers  423 

story  is  Siegfried,  the  Achilles  of  Teutonic  legend  and  song. 
The  names  and  deeds  of  Attila,  Theodoric,  and  other  warriors 
of  the  age  of  the  Wanderings  of  the  Nations  are  mingled  in 
its  lines. 

This  great  national  epic  romance  may  be  likened  to  the 
poem  Beowulf  oi  our  Saxon  ancestors  (par.  35).  It  is  gross 
and  brutal,  filled  with  fierce  fightings  and  horrible  slaughters 
—  a  reflection  of  the  rude  times  that  gave  birth  to  the  original 
ballads  out  of  which  the  epic  was  woven ;  but  there  are  also 
embodied  in  it  the  feudal  virtues  of  loyalty  and  courage, 
while  it  further  bears  traces  of  the  later  softening  influences 
of  Christianity  and  of  chivalry. 

375.  The  Minnesingers.  — Under  the  same  emperors,  during 
the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  the  Minnesingers,  the  poets 
of  love,  as  the  word  signifies,  flourished.  They  were  the  "  Trou- 
badours of  Germany."  The  most  eminent  of  the  Minnesingers 
was  Walter  of  the  Vogelweide  (11 70-1227),  to  whom  we  are 
indebted  for  the  epigram,  "  Woman  is  women's  fairest  name,  and 
honors  them  more  than  Lady."  Most  of  the  love-songs  of  these 
minstrels  were  refined  and  chivalrous  and  pure,  and  thus  tended 
to  soften  the  manners  and  Hft  the  hearts  of  the  German  people. 

Closely  connected  with  the  lyric  poetry  of  the  Minnesingers 
is  a  species  of  chivalric  romances  known  as  court  epics.  Some 
of  these  pieces  have  classical  subjects,  but  the  finest  have  for 
their  groundwork  the  mythic  Celtic-French  legends  of  the 
Holy  Grail  and  of  the  Knights  of  King  Arthur's  Round  Table. 
The  best  representative  of  these  romances  is  the  poem  of 
Parzival,  or  Parsifal?^  The  knight  Parzival,  the  hero  of  the 
epic,  is  the  mediaeval  Faust.  The  moral  and  spiritual  teaching 
of  the  poem  is  that  only  through  humility,  purity,  and  human 
sympathy  can  the  soul  attain  unto  the  highest  perfection  of 
which  it  is  capable. 

Just  at  the  close  of  the  Middle  Ages,  as  we  noticed  in  our 
account  of  the  Renaissance  in  Italy,  the  humanistic  studies 

36  By  Wolfram  of  Eschenbach  (d.  about  1220). 


424  MedicBval  Histoiy 

came  to  interest  the  scholars  of  Germany.  The  result  was  that 
for  three  hundred  years  thereafter  much  of  the  best  literary 
work  of  the  German  scholars  and  writers  was  done  in  Latin  — 
the  mother  tongue  being  regarded,  by  the  younger  or  later 
humanists,  as  plebeian  and  fit  only  for  inferior  composition, 
and  thus  the  development  of  the  vernacular  literature  was 
seriously  checked. 

V.   Russia 

376.  The  Beginnings  of  Russia.  —  We  have  already  seen 
how,  about  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century,  the  Swedish 
adventurer  Rurik  became  the  chief  of  some  Slavonic  and 
Finnish  tribes  dwelling  on  the  shores  of  the  Gulf  of  Finland, 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Novgorod,  and  there  laid  the  founda- 
tion of  what  was  destined  to  grow  into  one  of  the  leading 
powers  of  Europe  (par.  115).  The  state  came  to  be  know^n 
as  Russia,  from  Ros,  the  name  of  the  Scandinavian  settlers. 

In  the  course  of  a  few  generations  the  Norse  intruders 
were  thoroughly  Slavonized,  becoming  completely  identified 
in  speech,  manners,  tastes,  and  sympathies  with  the  people 
over  whom  fortune  had  called  them  to  rule.  The  descend- 
ants of  Rurik  gradually  extended  their  authority  over  adjoin- 
ing tribes,  until  nearly  all  the  northwestern  Slavs  were  included 
in  their  growing  dominions. 

377.  The  Mongol  Invasion.  — Before  the  end  of  the  eleventh 
century  the  unity  of  the  Russian  state  had  become  almost  com- 
pletely destroyed.  The  monarchy  became  a  loose  confederacy 
of  petty,  jealous,  and  warring  principaHties,  of  which  the  prince 
of  Kiev  was  the  nominal  head  and  suzerain.  This  state  of  things 
prepared  the  way  for  the  overwhelming  calamity  which  befell 
Russia  in  the  thirteenth  century. 

The  misfortune  to  which  we  refer  was  the  overrunning  and 
conquest  of  the  country  by  the  Tartar  hordes  of  Jenghiz  Khan 
and  his  successors.^''     The  barbarian  conquerors  inflicted  the 

37  See  pars.  242  and  243. 


Tlie  Rise  of  Muscovy 


425 


most  horrible  atrocities  upon  the  unfortunate  land,  and  for  two 
hundred  and  fifty  years  held  the  Russian  princes  in  a  degrad- 
ing bondage,  forcing  them  to  pay  homage  and  tribute.  This 
period  is  almost  a  perfect  blank  in  Russian  history.  The  mis- 
fortune delayed  for  centuries  the  nationalization  of  the  Slavonian 
peoples.  It  was  just  such  a  misfortune  as  a  little  later  befell 
the  Greeks  and  the  other  races  of  Southeastern  Europe. 


Russia  and  the  Scandinavian  Countries  at  the  Close  of  the  INIiddle  Ages 


378.    The  Rise  of  Muscovy  ;  Russia  freed  from  the  Mongols. 

—  During  this  period  of  Tartar  domination  the  state  of  Mus- 
covy, so  called  from  Moscow,  its  center  and  capital,  gradually 
extended  its  dominions  until  it  became  easily  the  first  among 
all  the  Slavonic  states.  In  1470  the  prince  of  Moscow  annexed 
Novgorod  the  Mighty  to  his  dominions.  This  new  Russian 
power  now  felt  itself  strong  enough  to  throw  off  the  Tartar  yoke. 
It  was  under  Ivan  the  Great  (i 462-1 505)  that  Russia, — 
now  frequently  called  Muscovy  from  the  fact  that  it  had  been 


426  Mediceval  Histoij 

reorganized  with  Moscow  as  a  center,  - —  after  a  terrible  strug- 
gle, succeeded  in  freeing  itself  from  the  hateful  Tartar  domi- 
nation and  began  to  assume  the  character  of  a  well-consolidated 
monarchy. 

Ivan  was  the  first  to  take  the  title  of  "  Tzar  and  Autocrat  of 
all  the  Russias."  He  improved  the  laws,  and  labored  to  intro- 
duce into  his  kingdom  the  civilization  of  the  more  advanced 
European  nations.  Through  his  marriage  to  a  niece  of  Con- 
stantine  Palaeologus,  the  last  Byzantine  emperor,  Russia  was 
drawn  into  connection  with  Greek  culture  and  learning.  Mos- 
cow, in  as  true  a  sense  almost  as  the  cities  of  Italy,  became 
an  asylum  for  those  Greek  scholars  whom  the  progress  of  the 
Ottoman  power  during  the  fifteenth  century  made  exiles  from 
their  native  land. 

Thus,  by  the  end  of  the  Middle  Ages,  Russia  had  become  a 
really  great  power  ;  but  she  was  as  yet  too  completely  hemmed 
in  by  hostile  states  to  be  able  to  make  her  influence  felt  in 
the  affairs  of  Europe.  Between  her  and  the  Caspian  and  the 
Euxine  were  the  Tartars ;  shutting  her  out  from  the  Baltic 
were  the  Swedes  and  other  peoples ;  and  between  her  and 
Germany  were  the  Lithuanians  and  the  Poles. 

VI.    Italy 

379.  No  National  Government.  —  In  marked  contrast  to  all 
those  countries  of  which  we  have  thus  far  spoken,  unless  we 
except  Germany,  Italy  came  to  the  close  of  the  Middle  Ages 
without  a  national  or  regular  government.  This  is  to  be  attrib- 
uted, as  we  have  already  learned,  to  a  variety  of  causes,  but 
in  large  part  to  that  unfortunate  rivalry  between  pope  and 
emperor  which  resulted  in  dividing  Italy  into  the  two  hostile 
camps  of  Guelph  and  Ghibelline. 

And  yet  the  mediaeval  period  did  not  pass  without  attempts 
on  the  part  of  patriot  spirits  to  effect  some  sort  of  political 
union  among  the  different  cities  and  states  of  the  peninsula. 


Rienci,  Tribune  of  Rome  427 

The  most  noteworthy  of  these  movements,  and  one  which  gave 
assurance  that  the  spark  of  patriotism  which  was  in  time  to 
flame  into  an  inextinguishable  passion  for  national  unity  was 
kindling  in  the  Italian  heart,  was  that  headed  by  the  patriot- 
hero  Rienzi  in  the  fourteenth  century.  ^ 

380.  Rienzi,  Tribune  of  Rome  (1347).  —  During  the  greater 
part  of  the  fourteenth  century  the  seat  of  the  papal  see  was 
at  Avignon,  beyond  the  Alps.  Throughout  this  period  of  the 
**  Babylonish  Captivity,"  Rome,  deprived  of  her  natural  guard- 
ians, was  in  a  state  of  the  greatest  confusion.  The  nobles, 
prominent  among  whom  were  the  great  baronial  families  of 
the  Orsini  and  the  Colonnas,  terrorized  the  country  about  the 
capitol  and  kept  the  streets  of  the  city  itself  in  constant  tur- 
moil with  their  bitter  feuds.  Every  part  of  the  capital  was 
dominated  by  their  fortified  residences.  The  ancient  monu- 
ments were  made  to  serve  as  strongholds,  and  thus  these 
memorials  of  antiquity  suffered  greater  damage  from  these 
mediaeval  barons  than  had  ever  been  inflicted  upon  them  by 
barbarian  conquerors. 

In  the  midst  of  these  disorders  there  appeared  from  among 
the  lowest  ranks  of  the  people  a  deliverer  in  the  person  of  one 
Nicola  di  Rienzi.  With  imagination  all  aflame  from  long  study 
of  the  records  and  monuments  of  the  freedom  and  the  glories 
of  ancient  Rome,  he  conceived  the  magnificent  idea  of  not  only 
delivering  the  capital  from  the  wretchedness  of  the  prevailing 

38  Two  centuries  earlier  Arnold  of  Brescia,  a  pupil  and  disciple  of  the  cele- 
brated Abelard,  headed  a  revolution  at  Rome  (1143),  which  is  sometimes  spoken 
of  as  a  movement  precursory  of  that  led  by  Rienzi.  This  twelfth-century  revo- 
lution, however,  was  lacking  in  the  element  of  national  patriotism  which  char- 
acterized the  later  movement;  it  was  too  early  in  the  mediaeval  time  for  national 
sentiment  to  express  itself  with  any  real  energy.  The  aims  of  Arnold  were:  (i)  to 
take  away  from  the  clergy  all  property  and  all  temporal  power  ;  (2)  to  make 
Rome,  freed  from  the  temporal  authority  of  the  pope,  a  self-governing  community, 
subject  only  to  the  suzerainty  of  the  emperor;  and  (3)  to  restore  Rome  to  her 
old  place  as  the  head  and  center  of  the  empire,  and  as  mistress  of  the  world. 
The  movement  failed.  Arnold  was  put  to  death,  his  body  was  burned,  and  his 
ashes  were  thrown  into  the  Tiber  (1155),  that  the  people  might  not  collect  them 
as  relics. 


428  MedicBval  History 

anarchy,  but  also  of  restoring  the  city  to  its  former  proud 
position  as  head  of  Italy  and  mistress  of  the  world. 

Possessed  of  considerable  talent  and  great  eloquence,  Rienzi 
easily  incited  the  people  to  a  revolt  against  the  rule,  or  rather 
misrule,  of  the  nobles,  and  succeeded  in  having  himself,  with 
the  title  of  Tribune,  placed  at  the  head  of  a  new  government 
for  Rome.  In  this  position  his  power  was  virtually  absolute. 
He  forced  the  nobles  into  submission,  and  in  a  short  time 
effected  a  most  wonderful  transformation  in  the  city  and 
surrounding  country.  Order  and  security  took  the  place  of 
disorder  and  violence.  The  best  days  of  republican  Rome 
seemed  to  have  been  suddenly  restored.  The  enthusiasm  of 
the  Roman  populace  knew  no  limits.  The  remarkable  revo- 
lution drew  the  attention  of  all  Italy,  and  of  the  world  beyond 
the  peninsula  as  well. 

Encouraged  by  the  success  that  had  thus  far  attended  his 
schemes,  Rienzi  now  began  to  concert  measures  for  the  union 
of  all  the  principalities  and  commonwealths  of  Italy  in  a  great 
republic,  with  Rome  as  its  capital.  He  sent  ambassadors 
throughout  Italy  to  plead,  at  the  courts  of  the  princes  and  in 
the  council  chambers  of  the  municipalities,  the  cause  of  Italian 
unity  and  freedom. 

The  splendid  dream  of  Rienzi  was  shared  by  other  Italian 
patriots  besides  himself,  among  whom  was  the  poet  Petrarch, 
who  was  the  friend  and  encourager  of  the  plebeian  tribune, 
and  who  "  wished  part  in  the  glorious  work  and  in  the  lofty 
fame."  "Could  passion  have  listened  to  reason,"  says  Gibbon, 
"  could  private  welfare  have  yielded  to  the  public  welfare,  the 
supreme  tribunal  and  confederate  union  of  the  Italian  republic 
might  have  healed  the  intestine  discord,  and  closed  the  Alps 
against  the  barbarians  of  the  North." 

But  the  moment  for  Italy's  unification  had  not  yet  come. 
Not  only  were  there  hindrances  to  the  national  movement  in 
the  ambitions  and  passions  of  ri^•al  parties  and  classes,  but 
there  were  still  greater  impediments  in  the  character  of  the 


The  Five  Great  States  429 

plebeian  patriot  himself.  Rienzi  proved  to  be  an  unworthy 
leader.  His  sudden  elevation  and  surprising  success  com- 
pletely turned  his  head,  and  he  soon  began  to  exhibit  the 
most  incredible  vanity  and  weakness.  He  caused  himself  to 
be  crowned  with  seven  crowns,  emblematic  of  the  seven  gifts 
of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  assumed  the  title  of  "  Deliverer  of 
Rome  ;  Defender  of  Italy  ;  Friend  of  Mankind,  and  of  Liberty, 
Peace,  and  Justice  ;   Tribune  August." 

The  natural  consequences  of  the  Tribune's  extravagant 
folHes  were  soon  reached.  The  people  withdrew  from  him 
their  support ;  the  pope  excommunicated  him  as  a  rebel  and 
heretic ;  and  the  nobles  rose  against  him.  Abdicating  his 
ofifice,  Rienzi  now  went  into  exile.  After  an  absence  from 
the  city  of  six  years,  he  was  sent  back  by  the  pope  (he  had 
become  reconciled  with  the  Church)  as  his  minister,  with  the 
title  of  Senator  ;  but  after  a  rule  of  a  few  months  he  was  killed 
in  a  sudden  uprising  of  the  people  (1354). 

Thus  vanished  the  dream  of  Rienzi  and  of  Petrarch,  of  the 
hero  and  of  the  poet.  Centuries  of  division,  of  shameful  sub- 
jection to  foreign  princes,  —  French,  Spanish,  and  Austrian,  — 
of  wars  and  suffering,  were  yet  before  the  Italian  people  ere 
Rome  should  become  the  center  of  a  free,  orderly,  and  united 
Italy. 

381.  The  Five  Great  States.  — The  unification  of  Italy  was 
impossible  ;  yet  the  later  mediaeval  time  witnessed  a  move- 
ment in  the  direction  of  the  consolidation  of  the  numerous 
]3etty  states  of  the  northern  and  central  regions  into  larger 
ones.  By  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  the  greater 
part  of  the  peninsula  was  divided  between  five  so-called  Great 
States,  —  the  duchy  of  Milan  ^^  and  the  two  nominal  republics 
of  Venice  and  Florence  in  the  North,  the  States  of  the  Church 
in  Central  Italy,  and  the  old  kingdom  of  Naples  in  the  South. 

39  Milan  was  in  the  hands  of  the  powerful  family  of  the  Visconti.  The  last 
of  the  house  died  in  1447,  and  was  succeeded  in  1450  by  Francesco  Sforza,  the 
founder  of  the  celebrated  family  of  Sforza. 


430  MedicBval  History 

The  formation  of  these  states  and  the  estabhshment  of  a 
sort  of  balance  of  power  between  them  hushed  the  savage 
quarrels  of  the  individual  cities  and  gave  Italy  finally  a  few 
years  of  comparative  peace  (1447-1492). 

But  these  great  states,  like  the  smaller  ones,  were  jealous 
of  one  another.  It  was  their  inabihty  to  act  in  concert  that 
enabled  the  French  king,  Charles  VIII,  to  march  in  such  an 
extraordinary  way  from  one  end  of  the  peninsula  to  the  other 
(par.  347).  Thus  was  Italy  again  opened  to  the  "  barbarians  " 
of  the  North.  It  was  the  beginning,  as  we  have  seen,  of  the 
foreign  enslavement  of  the  peninsula.  For  three  centuries 
and  more  Italy  was  destined  to  be  merely  "a  geographical 
expression." 

382.  The  Renaissance. — Though  the  Middle  Ages  closed 
in  Italy  without  the  rise  there  of  a  national  government,  still 
before  the  end  of  the  period  much  had  been  done  to  create 
those  common  ideals  and  sentiments  upon  which  political 
unity  can  alone  securely  repose. 

Literature  and  art  here  performed  the  part  that  war  did  in 
other  countries  in  arousing  a  national  pride  and  spirit.  The 
Renaissance,  with  its  revelations  and  achievements,  revealing 
the  Italians  to  themselves,  did  much  towards  creating  among 
them  a  common  pride  in  race  and  country ;  and  thus  this 
splendid  literary  and  artistic  enthusiasm  was  the  first  step  in 
a  course  of  national  development  which  was  to  lead  the 
Italian  people,  in  the  fullness  of  time,  to  a  common  poHti- 
cal  life. 

Here,  in  connection  with  Italian  Renaissance  literature,  a 
word  will  be  in  place  respecting  The  Prince  by  Machiavelli. 
In  this  remarkable  book  the  writer,  imbued  with  a  deep 
patriotic  sentiment,  points  out  the  way  in  which,  in  the  midst 
of  the  existing  chaos,  material  and  spiritual,  Italy  might  be 
consolidated  into  a  great  state,  like  England  or  France  or  Spain. 

The  redeemer  of  Italy  and  the  maker  of  the  new  state  must 
be  a  strong  despotic  prince,  —  the  author  had  the  Medici  of 


Savonarola 


431 


Florence  in  mind,  —  who  in  the  work  must  have  no  moral 
scruples  whatever,  but  be  ready  to  use  all  means,  however 
cruel  and  unjust  and  wicked,  which  promised  to  further  the 
end  in  view.  After  the  prince  had  created  a  united  Italy, 
then  he  must  rule  in  righteousness  as  the  representative  of  the 
people. 

The  way  in  which  Machiavelli  instructs  the  prince  to  build 
up  a  state  out  of  the  broken-down  institutions  of  the  Middle 
Ages  was,  in  truth,  the  very  way  in  which  the  despots  of  his 
time  in  Italy  had  actually  created  their  principalities ;  but 
that  he  should  have  seriously  advised  any  one  to  adopt  their 
immoral  statecraft  soon  raised  against  him  and  his  teachings, 
especially  in  the  North,  a  storm  of  protest  and  denuncia- 
tion which  has  not  yet  subsided.  Machiavelli  found  disciples 
enough,  however,  so  that  his  work  had  a  vast  though  sinister 
influence  in  moulding  the  political  morality  of  the  sixteenth 
and  seventeenth  centuries.  Villari  says,  though  certainly  with 
exaggeration,  "  It  is  beyond  doubt  that  the  '  Prince  '  had  a 
more  direct  active  force  upon  real  life  than  any  other  book  in 
the  world,  and  a  larger  share  in  emancipating  Europe  from 
the  Middle  Ages." 

383.  Savonarola  (1452-1498).  —  A  word  must  here  be  said 
respecting  the  Florentine  monk  and  reformer  Girolamo  Savo- 
narola, who  stands  as  the  most  noteworthy  personage  in  Italy 
during  the  closing  years  of  the  mediaeval  period. 

Savonarola  was  at  once  Hebrew  prophet  and  Roman  censor. 
Such  a  preacher  of  righteousness  the  world  had  not  seen  since 
the  days  of  Elijah.  He  denounced  the  Medici  as  the  enslavers 
and  corrupters  of  Florence ;  thundered  against  the  iniquities 
of  the  infamous  Borgias  at  Rome ;  fought  to  counteract  the 
pagan  tendencies  of  the  Renaissance  ;  hurled  denunciations 
against  the  profligacy  of  the  monks ;  and  prophesied  the 
wrath  of  God  on  Florence,  Italy,  and  all  the  world,  on 
account  of  the  degeneracy  of  the  Church  and  the  paganism 
and  wickedness  of  the  times. 


432  MedicEvai  History 

His  powerful  preaching  alarmed  the  conscience  of  the  Floren- 
tines. At  his  suggestion  the  women  brought  their  finery  and 
ornaments,  and  others  their  beautiful  works  of  art,  and,  piling 
them  in  great  heaps  in  the  streets  of  Florence,  burned  them 
as  vanities.  Savonarola  even  urged  that  the  government  of 
Florence  be  made  a  theocracy,  and  Christ  be  proclaimed 
king.  But,  finally,  the  activity  of  his  enemies  brought  about 
the  reformer's  downfall,  and  he  was  condemned  to  death, 
strangled,  his  body  burned,  and  his  ashes  thrown  into  the  Arno. 

Savonarola  may  be  regarded  as  the  last  great  mediaeval  fore- 
runner of  the  reformers  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Yet  he 
must  not  be  thought  of  as  a  reformer  in  the  same  sense  that 
Luther,  for  instance,  was.  He  was  not  a  precursor  of  Protes- 
tantism. He  stood  firmly  on  Catholic  ground.  He  believed 
the  papacy  to  be  a  divine  institution.  His  reform  was  a 
reaction  against  the  pagan  and  immoral  tendencies  of  the 
Renaissance.  He  waged  warfare  against  the  humanists  and 
their  heathen  studies ;  he  declared  that  in  matters  of  faith  an 
old  woman  was  wiser  than  Plato.  In  Hke  manner  he  opposed 
the  artistic  revival,  which  to  him,  Puritan  as  he  was,  seemed  a 
dangerous  renewal  of  what  was  most  unblushingly  immoral  and 
debasing  in  the  pagan  past. 

VH.   The  Northern  Countries 

384.  The  Union  of  Calmar  (1397). — The  great  Scandi- 
navian Exodus  of  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries  drained  the 
Northern  lands  of  some  of  the  best  elements  of  their  popula- 
tion. For  this  reason  these  countries  did  not  play  as  promi- 
nent a  part  in  mediaeval  history  as  they  probably  would 
otherwise  have  done.  The  constant  contentions  between 
their  sovereigns  and  the  nobihty  were  also  another  cause  of 
internal  weakness. 

In  the  year  1397,  by  what  is  known  as  the  Union  of  Calmar, 
the   three  kingdoms  of  Norway,  Denmark,  and  Sweden  were 


The  Uniofi  of  Calm ar  433 

united  under  Margaret  of  Denmark,  "the  Semiramis  of  the 
North."  The  treaty  provided  that  each  country  should  retain 
its  constitution  and  make  its  own  laws.  But  the  treaty  was 
violated,  and  though  the  friends  of  the  measure  had  hoped 
much  from  it,  it  brought  only  jealousies,  feuds,  and  wars. 

Thus  the  history  of  these  Northern  countries  during  the 
later  mediaeval  time  presents  nothing  of  primary  interest 
which  calls  for  narration  here ;  but  early  in  the  Modern  Age 
we  shall  see  Sweden  developing  rapidly  as  an  independent 
monarchy  and  for  a  period  playing  an  important  part  in 
European  affairs. 


Sources  and  Source  Material.  —  Johx  Froissart,  Chronicles  of 
England,  France,  Spain,  and  the  Adjoining  Countries.  There  are  two 
standard  English  translations  of  this  well-known  work,  one  by  Lord 
Bemers  and  another  by  Thomas  Johnes.  The  one  by  Johnes  is  recom- 
mended ;  the  sixteenth-century  English  of  Lord  Berners's  translation 
presents  some  difficulties  to  the  ordinary  student.  For  a  word  respect 
ing  Froissart,  see  par.  351,  Monstrelet's  Chrofiicles,  also  available  in 
an  English  translation  by  Johnes,  form  a  continuation  of  Froissart's 
work,  bringing  the  narrative  of  events,  by  different  hands,  down  to  the 
year  1516.  Commines's  Memoirs  (Bohn)  cover  the  years  from  1464 
to  1498.  Henderson's  Select  Historical  Documents  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
pp.  1-168.  Old  South  Leaflets,  No.  5,  "Magna  Charta."  Kendall's 
Source-Book  of  English  History :  extracts  comprising  chap,  v,  "  The 
Struggle  for  Constitutional  Liberty";  chap,  vi,  "The  Hundred  Years' 
War";  and  chap,  vii,  "The  Wars  of  the  Roses."  Gee  and  Hardy's 
Documents  Illustrative  of  English  Church  History,  and  Adams  and 
Stephens's  Select  Documents  of  English  Constitutional  History.  These 
volumes  contain  a  great  variety  of  valuable  source  material  bearing  on 
the  particular  phases  of  English  history  with  which  they  respectively 
deal.  Lee's  Source-Book  of  English  History,  chaps,  viii-xiii.  Colby's 
Selections  from  the  Sources  of  English  History,  Extracts  22-52.  In  the 
"English  History  by  Contemporary  Writers  "  series  will  be  found  the 
following  convenient  little  volumes,  ed.  by  W.  H.  Hutton  :  S.  Thomas 
of  Canterbury ;  The  Misrtile  of  Henry  III;  Simon  de  Montfort  and  his 
Cause;  Edward  III  and  his  Wars.  These  volumes  are  made  up  of 
extracts  from  chronicles,  state  papers,  memoirs,  letters,  and  other  con- 
temporary writings.     Translations  and  Reprints  (Univ.  of  Penn.),  vol.  ii, 


434  Mediceval  History 

No.  5,  "  England  in  the  Time  of  Wycliffe."  E.  Powell  and  G.  M.  Tre- 
velyan's  Documents  illustrating  the  Peasants'  Rising  and  the  Lollards. 
In  the  study  of  social  England  in  the  fourteenth  century  the  student 
should  not  overlook  Langland's  Vision  of  Piers  Plowman  or  the 
"  Prologue "  to  Chaucer's  Cattterbury  Tales  (see  pars.  334  and  335). 
For  English  history  in  the  fifteenth  century,  Hall's  Chronicle  and 
The  Paston  Letters  furnish  abundant  material. 

Secondary  or  Modern  Works.  —  (i)  Works  of  a  general  character. 
Freeman  (E.  A.),  Historical  Geography  of  Europe,  2  vols.  (vol.  ii  con- 
sists of  maps).  Very  useful  in  tracing  the  shifting  boundaries  of  the 
growing  states.  GuizoT  (F.  P.  G.),  History  of  Civilization  in  Europe, 
lects.  ix  and  xi ;  and  History  of  Civilization  in  France,  the  "  second 
course"  of  lectures.  Wilson  (W.),  The  State.  Has  valuable  chapters 
on  the  development  of  the  governmental  institutions  of  the  leading 
states.  Jenks  (E.),  Law  and  Politics  in  the  Middle  Ages.  This  work 
furnishes  another  standpoint  than  that  of  the  empire  and  the  papacy 
from  which  to  study  mediaeval  history.  "  The  struggle  between  the 
State  and  the  Clan,"  the  author  maintains,  "is  really  the  key  to  the 
internal  politics  of  the  Middle  Ages."  Law  students  will  find  the  work 
very  suggestive.  Dunning  (W.  A.),  A  History  of  Political  Theories, 
chaps.  X  and  xi.  Lodge  (R.),  The  Close  of  the  Middle  Ages,  I2jj-i4g4 
(Periods  of  European  History).  Adams  (G.  B.),  The  Growth  of  the 
Fre7tch  iVation,  chaps,  vi-x ;  and  Civilization  during  the  Middle  Ages, 
chap,  xiii,  "  The  Formation  of  France,"  and  chap,  xiv,  "  England  and 
the  Other  States." 

(2)  National  histories.  The  "  Story  of  the  Nations  "  series  contains 
convenient  volumes  on  each  of  the  chief  European  states.  Green  (J. 
R.),  History  of  the  English  People,  parts  of  vols,  i  and  ii.  Lingard  (J.), 
History  of  England  (5th  ed.),  earlier  volumes.  The  standard  history 
from  the  Catholic  side.  Kitchin  (G.  W.),  History  of  France,  vol.  i. 
Henderson  (E.  F.),  **History  of  Germany  in  the  Middle  Ages.  The 
best  single-volume  history  on  mediaeval  Germany;  also  the  same 
author's  **A  Short  History  of  Ger^nany,  vol.  i.  In  "  The  Great  Peoples 
Series,"  Hassall  (A.),  The  French  People,  chaps,  iv-ix ;  and  Hume 
(M.  a.  S.),  **7%^  Spaftish  People.  Burke  (U.  R.),  A  History  of  Spain 
from  the  Earliest  TitJies  to  the  Death  of  Ferditiand  the  Catholic  (2d  ed., 
1900),  2  vols.  Gardiner's,  Coman  and  Kendall's,  Montgomery's,  and 
Terry's  histories  of  England,  and  Duruy's  History  of  France  (with  a 
continuation  by  J.  Franklin  Jameson)  are  excellent  single-volume 
text-books. 

(3)  Biographies  and  books  for  the  further  study  of  special  topics. 
In  the  '*  Epochs  of  Modern  History  "  and  the  "  Heroes  of  the  Nations" 


The  Union  of  Calniar  43  5 


series  are  to  be  found  separate  volumes  covering  many  of  the  matters, 
political  and  biographical,  touched  upon  in  the  present  chapter.  Mil- 
man  (H.  H.),  Histoiy  of  Latin  Christianity,  vol.  iv,  bk.  viii,  chap,  viii, 
gives  an  excellent  account  of  the  struggle  between  Henry  II  and 
Thomas  of  Canterbury.  Freeman  (E.  A.),  Historical  Essays  (First 
Series),  for  a  review  entitled  "  Saint  Thomas  of  Canterbury  and  his 
Biographers."  In  the  "Twelve  English  Statesmen"  series,  Green 
(Mrs.  J.  R.),  ^Henry  the  Second,  and  Tout  (F.  F.),  Edward  the  First ; 
in  the  "  Foreign  Statesmen  "  series,  Hutton  (W.  H.),  Philip  Augustus. 
Lowell  (F  C),  *Joan  of  Arc.  Trevelyan  (G.  M.),**England  in  the 
Age  of  Wycliffe  (3d  ed.).  Furnishes  the  best  account  we  possess  of  the 
Peasants'  Revolt.  Poole  (R.  L.),  Wycliffe  ajid  Movements  for  Reform 
(Epochs  of  Church  History).  Gasquet  (F.  A.),  **The  Great  Pestilence. 
Jessopp  (A.),  The  Coming  of  the  Friars  attd  Other  Historic  Essays, 
chaps,  iv  and  v,  "  The  Black  Death  in  East  Anglia."  Cheyney  (E.  P.), 
An  Introduction  to  the  Industrial  and  Social  History  of  England,  chap,  v, 
**  "  The  Black  Death  and  the  Peasants'  Rebellion."  For  English  con- 
stitutional matters  the  student  should  consult  Stubbs's,  Taswell-Lang- 
mead's,  Macy's,  and  Taylor's  works.  Tr.\ill  (H.  D.),  Social  England, 
vol.  ii.  Smith  (J.  H.),  The  Troubadours  at  Home,  2  vols.  The  best 
work  in  our  language  on  the  subject  with  which  it  deals.  Janssen  (J.), 
History  of  the  German  People  at  the  Close  of  the  Middle  Ages  (trails, 
from  the  German),  4  vols.  Villari  (P.),  *^Life  and  Times  of  Girolamo 
Savonarola  (trans,  by  Linda  Villari),  2  vols.  Mrs.  Oliph.xnt,  The 
Makers  of  Florence.  Lea  (H.  C),  A  History  of  the  Inquisition  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  3  vols.  KiRK  (J.  F.),  History  of  Charles  the  Bold,  3  vols. 
A  notable  work.  Prescott  (W.  H.),  History  of  the  Reign  of  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella.  Irving  (W.),  The  Conquest  of  Granada.  There  are 
many  editions  of  this  work. 

For  the  history  of  the  pre-Wycliffite  translations  of  parts  of  the 
Bible  into  the  vernacular  of  the  English  people,  the  student  should 
turn  to  Kenyon  (F.  G.),  Our  Bible  and  the  Ancient  Manuscripts  (3d 
ed.,  London,  1898).  In  regard  to  the  use  in  Wycliffe's  time  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  translation  of  the  Gospels,  Kenyon  has  this  to  say  :  "  The 
old  Anglo-Saxon  version  of  the  Gospels  had  dropped  out  of  use,  as  its 
language  gradually  became  antiquated  and  unintelligible;  and  no  new 
tran.slation  had  taken  its  place.  The  Psalms  alone  were  extant  in  versions 
which  made  any  pretence  to  be  faithful.  The  remaining  books  of  the 
Bible  were  known  to  the  common  people  only  in  the  shape  of  rhyming  para- 
phrases, or  by  such  oral  teaching  as  the  clergy  may  have  given  "  (p.  197)- 

Respecting  the  contention  that  there  were  English  translations  of 
the  entire  Bible  before   Wycliffe's  time,  the  same  authority  observes: 


436  Me  dice  va  I  History 

"  Nor  is  there  any  sufficient  reason  for  the  opinion,  which  has  been 
sometimes  held,  that  a  complete  English  Bible  existed  before  his  time. 
It  rests  mainly  on  the  statement  of  Sir  Thomas  More,  in  his  controversy 
with  Tyndale,  the  author  of  the  first  printed  English  New  Testament, 
that  he  had  seen  English  Bibles  of  an  earlier  date  than  Wycliffe's.  No 
trace  of  such  a  Bible  exists,  and  it  is  highly  probable  that  More  was 
not  aware  that  there  were  two  Wycliffite  translations,  and  had  mistaken 
the  date  of  the  earlier  one"  (p.  198). 

Quite  recently  an  eminent  Catholic  scholar,  Father  Gasquet,  has 
given  a  wholly  new  phase  to  the  controversy  by  challenging  the  correct- 
ness of  the  hitherto  universally  held  opinion  that  the  Bible  known  as 
the  Wycliffite  translation  is  the  work  of  the  reformer  and  his  adherents. 
See  his  The  Old  English  Bible  and  Other  Essays  (London,  1897). 
Father  Gasquet  maintains  that  if  Wycliffe,  with  the  aid  of  other 
scholars,  ever  made  a  translation  of  the  Bible,  all  copies  of  it  were 
destroyed,  and  that  the  translation  ascribed  to  him  and  his  followers  is 
really  a  Catholic  version  authorized  by  the  pre-Reformation  bishops  of 
the  Church  in  England.  It  should  be  added  that  Father  Gasquet's 
conclusions  have  not  generally  gained  the  acceptance  of  other  scholars. 


INDEX   AND   PRONOUNCING  VOCABULARY 


Note. —  In  the  case  of  words  whose  correct  pronunciation  has  not 
seemed  to  be  clearly  indicated  by  their  accentuation  and  syllabication, 
the  sounds  of  the  letters  have  been  denoted  thus:  a,  like  a  '\v\.  gray  ;  a, 
like  a,  only  less  prolonged;  a,  like  a  in  have  ;  a,  like  a  in  far  ;  a,  like  a 
in  all ;  e,  like  ee  in  meet ;  e,  like  e,  only  less  prolonged ;  e,  like  e  in  end ; 
e,  like  e  in  there ;  e,  like  e  in  err ;  I,  like  /  in  pine ;  i,  like  i  in  ptn  ;  6, 
like  0  in  note  ;  6,  like  6,  only  less  prolonged  ;  6,  like  o  in  not ;  6,  like  o 
in  3rb ;  oo,  like  oo  in  mobit ;  il,  like  u  in  use ;  ii,  like  the  French  u; 
€  and  ch,  like  i;  9,  like  s  ;  g,  like  ^  in  get;  g,  like  /;  s,  like  z  ;  ch,  as 
in  German  ach  ;  G,  small  capital,  as  in  German  HaiJiburg ;  n,  like  ni  in 
minion  ;  n  denotes  the  nasal  sound  in  French,  being  similar  to  ng  in  song. 


Aachen  (a'ken),  128. 

Abbassides  (ab-bas'idz),  dynasty 
of  the,  106. 

Abdallah  (abd-aKah),  caliph,  107. 

Abd'er-rah"man,  Saracen  leader  at 
Tours,  106 ;  emir  of  Cordova, 
108;  III,  caliph,  108,  n.  12. 

Ab'e-lard,  Peter,  314-316. 

Abu  Bekr  (a'boo  bek'r),  first  ca- 
liph, 95-97. 

Academies,    in    the    Renaissance, 

343- 

Acre  (a'ker),  siege  of,  by  cru- 
saders, 237  ;  captured  by  Mame- 
lukes, 244. 

A-fra-si-ab',  Persian  legendary 
hero,  280,  n.  8. 

Africa,  North,  recovery  of,  by 
Justinian,  73-75;  conquest  of, 
by  the  Arabs,  102-104. 

Agincourt  (a'zhan-koor"),  battle 
of,  381. 


A'gra,  274. 

Aids,  feudal,  170. 

Aistulf  (Is'tulf),  king  of  the  Lom- 
bards, 119. 

Ak'bar,  Arab  leader,  103. 

Albert,  duke  of  Austria,  421. 

Albert  the  Great,  Schoolman,  316. 

Alberti  (al-ber'te),  Leo  Battista, 
architect,  348,  n.  16. 

Arbi-gen'^ses,  crusades  against, 
247,  248  ;  pre-Renaissance  move- 
ment among,  328. 

Arboin,  king  of  Lombards,  25. 

Alcuin  (al'kwin),  127. 

Ardine  (or  al'din).  Academy,  346. 

Aldine  Press,  at  Venice,  346. 

Al'dus  Ma-nu'ti-us,  346. 

Alexander  of  Hales,  Schoolman, 
317,  n.  II. 

Alexandria,  captured  by  the  Sara- 
cens, 100. 

Alexandrian  Library,  100,  n.  8. 


437 


438 


Medics  va  I  History 


Alexius  An'ge-lus,  Greek  prince, 
240. 

Alexius  Com-ne'nus  I,  Greek 
emperor,  asks  aid  of  the  Latins 
against  the  Turks,  225. 

Alfred  the  Great,  king  of  England, 
139-142. 

Ali  (a'le),  caliph,  loi,  102. 

Almansur  (al-man-soor'),  caliph, 
107. 

Alphonso,  king  of  Castile,  emperor- 
elect  H.  R.  E.,  417. 

Amalfi  (a-mal'fe),  191. 

America,  discovered  by  Northmen, 
136. 

Amru  (am'roo),  Arab  chieftain, 
99,  100. 

Amurath  (a-moo-rat')  I,  Turkish 
sultan,  278. 

Anagni  (a-nan'ye),  264. 

Anchorites.     See  Hermits. 

Anglo-Saxons,  conquest  of  Britain, 
26-29.     See  England. 

An-go'ra,  battle  of,  279. 

Anne  of  Brittany,  399. 

Antioch,  destroyed  by  earthquake, 
81  ;  taken  by  crusaders,  229. 

Aqueducts,  Roman,  destroyed  in 
Gothic  wars,  76. 

A-quI'nas,  Thomas,  317. 

Arabian  Nights,  112. 

Arabic  system  of  notation,  113, 

Arabs,  origin  and  character,  87  ; 
religious  condition  before  Mo- 
hammed, 87  ;  spread  of  their 
religion  and  language,  109.  See 
Saracens  and  Moors. 

Aragon,  union  with  Castile,  405. 

Archaeology, .science  of,  created  by 
classical  revival,  357. 

Architecture,  mediaeval,  348,  n.  16. 

Arian  creed,  34. 


Aristotle,  quoted,  303,  n.  11. 

Arnold  of  Brescia,  427,  n.  38. 

Arthur,  King,  28. 

As'ca-lon,  battle  of,  233. 

Assisi  (a-se'se),  260. 

Assizes  of  Jerusalem,  232. 

As-tu'ri-as,  the,  405. 

Athens,  schools  of,  closed  by  Jus- 
tinian, 79  ;  dukedom  of,  240. 

Au'gus-tine,  his  mission  to  Britain, 
36. 

Aus-tra'sia,  division  of  Frankish 
monarchy,  23. 

Austria,  house  of,  419,  n.  32  ;  421. 

Auto  de  fe  (a'to-da-fa"),  the,  409. 

A'vars,  mentioned,  82  ;  subdued 
by  Charles  the  Great,  122,  123. 

Averroes  (a-ver'6-ez),  317,  n.  10. 

Avicenna  (av-i-sen'a),  317,  n.  10. 

Avignon  (a'ven'yon"),  removal  of 
papal  seat  to,  265. 

A'von,  river,  390. 

Ba'bar,  founder  of  Mongol  state 
in  India,  274. 

Bacon,  Roger,  319. 

Baduila.     See  Totila. 

Bagdad,  founded,  107. 

Baj-a-zet'  or  Baj'a-zet  I,  278,  279. 

Baldwin  I,  head  of  Latin  kingdom 
of"  Jerusalem,  234;  II,  234. 

Baldwin  of  Flanders,  Latin  em- 
peror of  the  East,  240. 

Balkh,  326. 

Ball,  John,  381. 

Balliol  (bal'i-ol),  John,  Scottish 
king,  374. 

Ban'nock-burn",  battle  of,  375. 

Biir'net,  battle  of,  385. 

Bartholomew,  ordeal  of,  229. 

Ba'sel,  Church  Council  of,  268. 

Batu  (ba'too"),  Mongol  leader,  272. 


Index  and  Pronouncing  /  Wabulary 


439 


Bayezid  (ba'ye-zed").    See  Bajazet 
Baziers  (bd'ze-i"),  town,  24S. 
Bee  (bek),  monastery  of,  314. 
Becket.     See  Thomas  Bccket. 
Bedawin  (bed'a-wen),  the.  '^■j. 
Bede(bed),  the  Venerable,  43,  n.  10 
Bedr  (bed'r),  battle  of,  92. 
Begging    friars.      See    Mendicant 

friars. 
Bel-i-sa'ri-us,  general,  conquers  the 

Vandals,  21  ;  in  Italy,  73-7S. 
Benares  (be-na'rez),  215. 
Benedictines,  order  of  the,  54 ;  as 

agriculturists,  55. 
Be7t'e-fic"i-uvi,  the,  166. 
Beowulf  (ba'o-wulf).  Saxon  poem, 

4-- 
Ber'gen,  290. 

Bertha,  Prankish  princess,  yj. 
Bertrand  (ber-troii')  de  Born,  min- 
strel, 402. 

Be-r/tus,  destroyed  bv  earthq uake 
81.  -  1         . 

Biel{bel),  Gabriel,  320,  n.  16. 
Black  Death,  the,  37S ;  effect  on 

wages  in  England,  3S0. 
Black  Prince,  the,  379. 
Blues  and  Greens,  factions  at  Con- 
stantinople, So. 
Boccaccio  (bok-kiit'cho),   his    De- 
Cameron,   339;    as   a    humanist, 
339- 
Bo-e'thi-us,  18. 
Bo'he-mond,    prince    r.f    Otranto 

228^ 
B5-na-ven-tu'ra,  317,  n.  12. 
Bosworth  Field,  battle  of,  3S5. 
Bra-man'te,  architect,  34S,  n.  16. 
Bretigny    (bre-ten-yi').   Treaty   of. 

379- 
Britain,  Anglo-Saxon  conquest  of, 
2().     See  England. 


Brittany,  origin  of  name,  28,  n.  6 ; 

asylum  of  Britons,  28,  n.  6. 
Bruce,  Robert,  king  of  Scotland, 

375- 
Bruges  (Fr.  pron.  bruzh).  290. 
Brunelleschi     (brCI^-ncl-les'ke), 
among  the  ruins  of  Rome,  338,' 
n.  ro;  designer  of  the  dome  of 
the  cathedral  at  Florence.  348, 
n.   16;    imparts  a  new  spirit  to 
architecture,  349,  n.  19. 
Bulgarians,  their  conversion,  35. 
Burgundians,  kingdom  of  the.  19; 

their  conversion,  35. 
Bur'gun-dy,   origin    of    name,   20 ; 
kingdom     of,    joined     to     the 
H.  R.  E.,  413. 
Byzantine    empire.     See    liasUrn 
Empire. 

Cadijah  (ka-de'ja),  89. 
Casd'mon,  his  Paraf<hrase,  43. 
Cairo,  founded,  loS. 
Calais  (kal'iss),  captured  by  Knc- 

lish,  378. 
Caliphate  of  Bagdad,  established. 
107;   Golden  Age  of,   107;  dis- 
memberment of,  107,  108. 
Caliphate  of  Cord.na,  108,  n.  12. 
Calmar,  Union  of,  432.  433. 
Cam-ba-lu'.  Mongol  capital.  273. 
Ca-nos'sa.  Henry  I  Vs  humiliation 

at,  209. 
Can-ta'bri-a,  405. 

Canterbury,  becomes  seat  <.f  cathe- 
dral. 37. 
Canute',    king  of    England.    144- 

146. 
Capet.  Hugh,  king  of  France,  391. 
Capetians.     See  France. 
Capitularies  of  Charles  the  Great, 

I  2(k 


440 


MedicBval  History 


Cardinals,  Sacred  College  of,  205, 

n.  5. 
Carloman,  king  of  Franks,  120, 121. 
Car-nar'von,  castle  of,  372,  373. 
Car-o-lin'gi-an  family,  beginning  of, 

119;  its  extinction,  130. 
Carolingian   revival    of   the  ninth 

century,  326. 
Carolingians,  Franks  under,  117- 

Carroccio  (car-rot'cho),  294,  n.  3. 

Carthage,  becomes  Vandal  capital, 
20;  destroyed  by  Arabs,  103. 

Carthusians,  55. 

Cas'si-o-do"rus,  Theodoric's  minis- 
ter, 18  ;  introduces  intellectual 
labor  into  the  cloister,  56,  n.  7. 

Castile  (kas-tel'),  the  name,  405; 
union  with  Aragon,  405. 

Castles,  feudal,  175. 

Cathedral  building,  415. 

Caxton,  William,  390. 

Celibacy  of  the  clergy,  206. 

Celtic  Church,  38-40. 

Celts,  at  opening  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  12;  Christianity  among, 
38-40  ;  conversion  of  Irish  Celts 
by  St.  Patrick,  38. 

Cerdagne  (ser'dan"),  398. 

Cer-van'tes,  186. 

Ceuta  (su'ta),  105,  n.  11. 

Charlemagne  (shar'Ie-man).  See 
Charles  the  Great. 

Charles  IV,  king  of  France,  377  ; 
V,  381;  VII,  382;  VIII,  399, 
400. 

Charles  the  Kald,  king  of  the 
Western  Franks,  160. 

Charles  the  Bold,  duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, 398. 

Charles  IV,  emperor  H.  R.  E., 
417,  n.  31. 


Charles  the  Great,  king  of  Franks, 
120-129;  his  wars,  120-123; 
restores  the  empire  in  the  West, 
123-125;  as  a  ruler,  125-128; 
his  palace  school,  127  ;  his  death, 
128;  results  of  his  reign,  129; 
division  of  his  dominions, 
130. 

Charles  Martel,  at  battle  of  Tours, 
24;  dies  without  royal  title,  108; 
creates  a  cavalry  force,  181. 

Charles  the  Simple,  king  of  the 
Western  Franks,   147. 

Chaucer,  Geoffrey,  387  ;  his  Can- 
terbury Tales,  387,  388. 

Chil'de-ric,  last  Merovingian  king, 
119. 

Children's  Crusade,  the,  241-243. 

Chivalry,  origin  of,  i8i  ;  its  uni- 
versality, 182;  training  of  the 
xnight,  182 ;  ceremony  of  knight- 
ing, 183;  the  tournament,  183; 
character  of  the  knight,  184; 
decline  of  the  system,  185  ;  evil 
and  good  in  system,  1S6. 

Chlodwig.     See  Clovis. 

^hos'ro-es  II,  king  of  Persia,  82, 
83,  84.  ^ 

Christianity,  as  factor  in  mediae- 
val history,  7  ;  introduced  among 
the  Teutonic  tribes,  32-48  ;  prog- 
ress of,  before  the  fall  of  Rome, 
33;  introduced  into  Russia,  45, 
reacted  upon  by  paganism,  47. 

Chronicle,  Anglo-Saxon,  145,  n.  5. 

Chrys-6-lo'ras,  Manuel,  Greek 
scholar,  340  and  n.  12. 

Church,  early  constitution  of,  1 50  ; 
separation  of  the  Eastern  from 
the  Western  or  Latin  Church, 
157,  n.  4;  growth  of  a  martial 
spirit  in,  218. 


Index  and  Pronouncing  VocabiiU 


ivy 


441 


Church  Councils :  Council  of 
Nicaea,  34 ;  of  Pisa,  266 ;  of 
Constance,  267,  268  ;  of  Basel, 
268  ;  of  Trent,  268. 

Cid,  poem  of  the,  410. 

Cimabue  (che-ma-boo'a),  350,  n.  21. 

Cistercians,  55. 

Clarendon,  Constitutions  of,  365, 
366. 

Clotilda,  Queen,  35. 

Clo'vis,  king  of  the  Franks,  22,  23  ; 
his  conversion,  34. 

Cluniac  revival,  216,  220,  222. 

Cluny  (klii-ne'),  monastery  of,  55, 
220. 

Codes,  of  the  Teutons,  65  ;  Justin- 
ian code,  79 ;  Assizes  of  Jerusa- 
lem, 232. 

Colonnas,  family  of  the,  427. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  409. 

Coniitatus,  the,  167. 

Commendation,  Galliccustom, 167. 

Commines  (ko-men'),  Philippe  de, 
404,  n.  27. 

Commons,  English  House  of, 
origin,  370,  371.  See  Parlia- 
ment, English. 

Condottieri  (k6n'd6t-tya"re),  297. 

Conrad  III,  emperor  H.  R.  E.,  236. 

Con'ra-din  (or  kon'ra-den),  414,  n. 

30- 
Constance,  Church  Council  of,  267; 

Peace  of,  295. 
Con'stan-tTne,    the    African,    309, 

n.   4. 
Constantine  VI,  Eastern  emperor, 

123  ;  Pal(zologus,  last  emperor 

of  the  East,  279,  426. 
Constantinople,  besieged  by  Per- 
sians,   84 ;    by    Saracens,    104 ; 

captured  by  Crusaders,  239-241 ; 

by  Ottoman  Turks.  279. 


Conway,  castle,  372. 

Coptic  Christians,  100. 

Corpus  Ju'ris  Ci-vi'iis,  79. 

Correggio  (kor-red'jo),  351,  n.  25. 

Cortes(kj5i'tes), Spanish,  304, n.  14. 

Coster  of  Haarlem,  345,  n.  15. 

Council  of  Ten  at  Venice,  298. 

Crecy  (kres'se),  battle  of,  377. 

Crusades,  enumerated,  214  ;  causes 
of,2i5-222;  circumstances  favor- 
ing, 223 ;  legend  of  Peter  the 
Hermit,  224 ;  Councils  of  Pia- 
cenza  and  Clermont,  225  ;  narra- 
tive of  the  Crusades  in  the  East, 
227-245 ;  Crusades  in  Europe, 
245-248  ;  why  Crusades  ceased, 
248 ;  their  results  for  European 
civilization,  249-255;  their  rela- 
tion to  the  Renaissance,  326. 
See  Table  of  Contents. 

Curfew,  the,  197. 

Dag'o-bert  I,  23,  n.  3. 
Da-mas'ci-us,    Greek   philosopher, 

80. 
Damascus,  captured  by  Saracens, 

97- 

Dan'd6-16,  Henry,  doge,  240. 

Danelagh  (dan'la),  the,  134. 

Danes,  their  ravages  in  England, 
139 ;  their  conquest  of  the  island, 
142-145  ;  reign  of  Canute,  145  ; 
results  to  England  of  Danish 
conquest,  146.  See  Scandina- 
vians. 

Dante,  Alighieri  (a-le-ge-a're),  pre- 
cursor of  the  Renaissance,  330  ; 
his  Corn  media,  330,  331. 

Dark  Ages,  the,  character  of,  2. 

Dauphin,  origin  of  title,  397,  n.  21. 

Dauphine  (do-fe-na'),  provmce, 
397- 


44^ 


Mediceval  History 


Delhi  (del'le),  274. 
Denmark.     See  Calmar,  Union  of. 
De-or'ham,  battle  of,  28,  n.  5. 
Des-i-de'ri-us,    king  of   the    Lom- 
bards, deposed  by  Charles  the 

Great,   121. 
Despots,  Italian,  296. 
Dietrich    von    Bern   (de'trich   fon 

bern),  10.     See   Theodoric,  king 

of  the  Ostrogoths. 
Di-og'e-nes,  Greek  philosopher,  80. 
Divina  Commedia  (de-ve'na  kom- 

ma'de-a),  330. 
Domesday  Book  (doomz"da'),  196. 
Dominicans,  order  of  the,  260-262. 
D6n-a-teri6,  among  the   ruins   of 

Rome,   33S,   n.   10;  mentioned, 

350,  n.  20. 
Donation  of  Constantine,  158;  its 

unhistorical  character  shown  by 

Valla,  358. 
Dorylaeum  (dor-i-le'um),  229. 
Duns  Scotus,  318. 

Eastern  empire,  sketch  of  history, 
73-86  ;  at  the  accession  of  Hera- 
clius,  82  ;  becomes  Greek,  85  ; 
services  of,  to  European  civiliza- 
tion, 85  ;  effects  upon,  of  Cru- 
sades, 250. 

Ecclesiastical  j  urisdiction,  1 59, 1 60. 

Edda,  the,  137. 

E-des'sa,  235. 

Edmund  Ironsides,  144,  145. 

Education,  reformed  by  the  New 
Learning,  355. 

Edward,  the  Confessor,  king  of 
England,  146;  his  death,  192; 
I'  372-375;  II'  375;  III'  376, 
VT^  37S,  379- 

Edwin,   king    of    Northumbrians, 

37'  38. 


Eg'bert,  king  of  Wessex,  29  and 
notes  7  and  8. 

Egypt,  conquest  of,  by  Saracens, 
99-101. 

Einhard  (in'hard),  secretary  of 
Charles  the  Great,   124,  n.   5. 

Electors,  the  Seven,  of  Germany, 
416,  417,  n.  31. 

England,  origin  of  name,  29; 
Anglo-Saxon  conquest  of,  26- 
29;  Christianity  in,  36-44; 
results  of  conversion  of  Anglo- 
Saxons,  41,  43;  reign  of  Alfred 
the  Great,  139-142  ;  Danish 
conquest  and  rule,  142-146; 
Saxon  line  restored,  146;  Nor- 
man conquest  and  rule,  191- 
200;  under  the  houses  of 
Plantagenet,  Lancaster,  and 
York,  363-391  ;  loss  of  posses- 
sions in  France,  366;  conquest 
of  Wales,  372  ;  wars  with  Scot- 
land, 2>7Z~V^'i  Hundred  Years' 
^Var,  376-384;  Wars  of  the 
Roses,  384-386.  See  Anglo- 
Saxons  and  Norjnans. 

English  literature,  effects  upon,  of 
Norman  conquest,  387. 

E-ras'mus,  343,  359. 

E-rig'e-na,  John  Scotus,  314. 

Er'men-rich,  10. 

Ertogrul  (er'to-grool),  Ottoman 
chieftain,  277. 

Eschenbach  (esh'en-bach).  Wolf- 
ram of,  423,  n.  36. 

Estates-General.  See  State  s- 
Genei-al. 

Ethelbert,  king  of  Kent,  37. 

Ethelred  II,  the  Redeless,  143. 
144. 

Ethelwulf,  king  of  Wessex,  139. 

Eu-la'li-us,  Greek  philosopher,  80. 


hidex  and  Pronouncing  Vocabulary 


443 


Eu'ric,  king  of  the  Visigoths,  19. 
Excommunication,  effects  of,  209. 

Fa-bi'o-la,  57,  n.  S. 

False  Decretals,  the,  1 59. 

Fatima  (fa'te-ma),  loi. 

Fat'i-mltes,  the,  108. 

Faust,  printer,  345. 

Faustus,  legend  of,  353,  n.  27. 

Ferdinand  of  Aragon,  marriage  to 
Isabella  of  Castile,  405;  enhan- 
ces authority  of  the  crown,  40S; 
sets  up  the  Inquisition,  408, 
409;  his  death,  410. 

Feudalism,  defined,  162;  subin- 
feudation, 163;  Roman  and 
Teutonic  elements  in,  165;  ori- 
gin of  fiefs,  165;  origin  of  feu- 
dal patronage,  167  ;  origin  of  feu- 
dal sovereignty,  168  ;  ceremony 
of  homage,  169;  relation  of  lord 
and  vassal,  —  reliefs,  fines,  aids, 
etc.,  169,  170;  manorial  serfs, 
170-173;  development  of  the 
feudal  system,  173-175;  castles 
of  the  nobles,  175;  sports  of  the 
nobles,  176;  causes  of  decay, 
176-178  ;  extinction  of,  in  differ- 
ent countries,  178,  n.  10;  defects 
of  the  system,  178  ;  good  results 
of  the  system,  179,  180;  effects 
upon,  of  Crusades,  253,  254. 

Fine  arts,  revival  of  the,  348-352. 

Firdusi  (fir-doo'se),  Persian  poet, 
280. 

Fire-worshipers,  no,  n.  15. 

Flag'el-lants,  379,  n.  12. 

Flavio  Biondo  (fla've-o  be-6n'do), 

357- 
Florence,   sketch  of  history,   301, 
302 ;     center     of     Renaissance 
movement,  'X'X'X. 


Forest  Cantons,  the,  419. 

Forest  laws  of  the  Normans,  197. 

Fra  An-gel'i-co,  351,  n.  25. 

France,  beginnings  of  French 
kingdom,  391  ;  the  Capetian 
period,  391-400;  table  of  Cape- 
tian kings  (direct  line),  391,  n, 
18  ;  in  the  Crusades,  393  ;  effects 
upon,  of  the  Hundred  Years' 
War,  397.      See  Franks. 

Franciscans,  order  of  the,  260-262. 

Frankfort,  Church  Council  at,  in 
742,  155- 

Franks,  the,  under  the  Merovin- 
gians, 21-24;  Ripuarian  Franks, 
21;  Salian  Franks,  21,  22  ;  their 
conversion,  34;  importance  of 
conversion,  35. 

Frederick  I,  Barbarossa,  emperor 
n.  R.  E.,  in  Third  Crusade, 
236,  237 ;  quarrel  with  Pope 
Alexander  III,  258;  his  strug- 
gle with  the  Lombard  League, 
293-295 ;  grants  privileges  to 
professors  and  students,  309, 
n.  2  ;  represents  German  nation- 
ality, 414;  II,  relations  to  the 
papacy,  262  ;  patron  of  scholars 
and  poets,  328. 

Free  Imperial  Cities,  417,  418. 

Froissart  (frwa-sar'),  404. 

Gas'cons,  the,  121. 

Geiseric,  king  of  the  Vandals,  20, 

.  Zl>^  75- 

Gel'i-mer,  king  of  the  Vandals,  74. 

Gen'o-a,  300. 

Gep'T-da,  mentioned,  17. 

German  tribes.     See  Teutons. 

Germany,  conversion  of  German 
tribes,  44 ;  beginnings  of  the 
kingdom  r)f,  411;  renewal  of  the 


444 


MedicBval  Htstojy 


empire  by  Otto  the  Great,  412  ; 
relation  of  the  kingdom  to  the 
H.  R.  E.,  413  ;  under  the  Hohen- 
staufen,  413-415;  the  Electors, 
416;  the  Interregnum,  416,  417; 
the  Free  Imperial  Cities,  418; 
under  the  Hapsburgs,  421. 

Ghibellines  (gib'el-linz),  295,  n.  5. 

Ghiberti  (ge-ber'te),  sculptor,  350, 
n.  20. 

Gibbon,  the  historian,  mentioned, 
II. 

Gilds,  the,  287-289. 

Giotto  (jot'to),  351,  n.  25. 

Glendower  (glen'door),  Owen,  372, 
n.  8. 

Gnostics  (nos'tiks),  51. 

Godfrey  of  Bouillon  (god'fri  boo- 
yon'),  228  ;  made  head  of  Latin 
kingdom  of  Jerusalem,  232. 

Golden  Bull,  the,  417,  n.  31. 

Goths.  See  Ostrogoths  and  Visi- 
goths. 

Graeco-Roman  civilization,  its  ele- 
ments, 5-7. 

Granada,  conquest  of,  406. 

Grand  La'ma  of  Thibet,  275. 

Great  Moguls,  the,  274. 

Greek  empire.  See  Eastern  em- 
pire. 

Greek  fire,  105. 

Greenland,  discovered  by  the 
Northmen,   136. 

Guadalquivir  (gua-dal-ke-ver'), 
river,  108. 

Guebers  (ge'bers).  See  Fire- 
ivorshipers. 

Guelphs  (gwelfs),  295,  n.  5. 

Guicciardini  (gwe-char-de'ne), 
Francesco,  358  and  n.  31. 

Guiscard  (ges-kar'),  Robert,  190, 
211. 


Gunpowder,  effects  of  use  in  war, 

177. 
Gutenberg    (goo'ten-bero),    John, 

345-  _ 

Guthrum     (gooth'room),    Danish 
leader,  140. 

Hamburg,  289. 

Hanseatic  League,  289-291. 

Hapsburg,  house  of.     See  Austria, 

house  of. 
Harold,  king  of  England,  192,  193, 

194. 
Harold  Hairfair,  king  of  Norway, 

136;  Hardrada,  193. 
Harth'a-ca-nute",  Danish  king  of 

England,  146. 
Harun-al- Rase  hid     (ha-roon'al- 

rash"id),  caliph,  107. 
Hassan  (ha'sen),  102. 
Hast'ing,  viking,  140. 
Hastings,  battle  of,  193. 
Hegira  (he-jTra  or  hej'i-ra),  the, 

90. 
Heloise   (a-lo-ez'),  pupil   of   Abe- 
lard,  316. 
Hen'gist,  Jutish  chief,  27. 
Henry  of  Burgundy,  245. 
Henry  I,  king  of  England,  199;  II, 

363-366;     III,    370;    V,    381; 

VII,  385. 
Henry  III,  emperor  H.  R.  E.,  205; 

IV,  209-21 1  ;  VI,  239,  n.  7,  414. 
Henry,  Prince,  the  Navigator,  410, 

n.  28. 
Hep'tar-chy,  Saxon,  29. 
Her'a-clT"us,      Eastern      emperor, 

reign,    82-85;    removes    ''True 

Cross  "  from  Jerusalem,  97  ;  his 

death,  loi. 
Heresy,  in  England,  punished  by 

burning,  390. 


Index  and  Pronoimcing  J  ^K'abnlary 


445 


Her-mi'as,  Greek  philosopher,  So. 
Hermits,  42,  52,  53. 
Hirde-brand.     See  Gregory  VII. 
Hip-poc'ra-tes,  312. 
Hira  (hi-rii').  Mount,  S9. 
Hohenstaufen      (h6"en-stow'fen), 
house  of,  Germany  under,  413- 

415- 

Holy  Lance,  the,  229. 

Holy  Office.     See  Iiupiisitiou. 

Hohy  Roman  Empire,  name 
attaches  to  Western  empire, 
132;  relations  of,  to  the  papacy, 
202-204  ;  under  Henry  IH,  205  ; 
under  Henry  IV,  209-211 ;  Con- 
cordat of  Worms,  21 1;  created 
by  Otto  the  Great,  412  ;  relation 
of,  to  the  German  kingdom, 
413;  results  for  Germany  of  the 
renewal  of  the  imperial  authority, 

415- 

Holy  Wars.     See  Crusades. 

Homage,  ceremony  of,  169. 

Horsa,  Jatish  chief,  27. 

Ho-sain',  102. 

Hos'pi-tal-ers,  order  of  the,  origin 
of,  234 ;  incidents  in  history, 
244  ;  receives  landed  estates  of 
the  Templars,  396. 

Hugh  of  Vermandois  (ver-moh- 
dwa'),  2  28. 

Hulagu  (hob-la-gob'),  Mongol 
leader,  273. 

Humanism,  defined,  335  ;  Petrarch, 
first  of  the  humanists,  335-339; 
Boccaccio,  as  a  humanist,  339; 
Chrysoloras,  Greek  teacher, 
340;  search  for  ancient  manu- 
scripts, 340,  341;  patrons  of  the 
New  Learning,  341 ;  fall  of  Con- 
stantinople gives  impulse  to, 
342 ;    translation    and    criticism 


of  the  classics,  343 ;  formation 
of  academies,  344 ;  invention  of 
printing  in  relation  to  the 
revival,  344-346;  humanism  in 
the  North,  347 ;  effects  of  the 
classical  revival  upon  vernacular 
literatures,  356,  424.  See  Re- 
naissance. 

Hiim'bert  H,  count  of  Vienne, 
397,  n.  21. 

Hundred  Years'  War,  376-384; 
results  for  France,  397. 

Hungarians,  conversion  of,  217, 
223;  found  the  state  of  Hun- 
gary, 271,412. 

Hungary,  founding  of,  412. 

Huss,  John,  420. 

Hussites,  the,  420. 

Iceland,  settled  from  Norway,  136. 

Iconoclastic  controversy,  156-158. 

Immunity,  grants  of,  168. 

Inquisition,  the,  in  Languedoc, 
248  ;  in  Spain,  408,  409. 

Interdict,  effects  of,  209. 

Interregnum,  the,  in  German  his- 
tory, 416. 

Investiture,  contest  respecting, 
209. 

lona  (T-6'na  or  e-o'na),  monastery 

of,  39- 

Irene  (I-re'ne  or  i-ren'),  Eastern 
empress,  123. 

Irnerius  (er-ne'ri-us),  jurist,  309, 
n.  4. 

Iron  Crown  of  Lombards,  26. 

Isaac  II,  Greek  emperor,  240. 

Isabella,  princess  of  Castile,  mar- 
riage to  Ferdinand  of  Aragon, 
405 ;  sets  up  the  Inquisition, 
409;  gives  Columbus  his  com- 
mission, 409;  death,  410. 


44^ 


Mediceval  History 


Is'i-dore,  Greek  philosopher,  80. 

Islam.     See  Afohammedatiisvi . 

Italian  city-republics,  general  ac- 
count of,  291-302;  causes  of 
their  early  growth,  291-293 ; 
the  Lombard  League,  293-295 ; 
dissensions  among,  295;  des- 
pots in,  296;  Venice,  297-299; 
Genoa,  300;  Florence,  301. 

Italian  Renaissance.  See  Renais- 
sance. 

Italy,  results  of  Lombard  conquest, 
26;  recovery  of,  by  Justinian, 
75-77;  Renaissance  in,  333-353; 
invaded  by  Charles  VIII,  399; 
no  national  government  during 
Middle  Ages,  426 ;  the  Five 
Great  States,  429.  See  Italian 
city-republics  and  Renaissance. 

Ivan  (e-van')  the  Great,  tzar,  425, 
426. 

Jan'i-za-ries,  the,  27S. 

Jax-ar'tes,  river,  99. 

Jenghiz  Khan  (jen'gis-khan),  272. 

Jerome  of  Prague,  421. 

Jerusalem,  captured  by  Saracens, 
97  ;  captured  by  crusaders,  230- 
232 ;  Latin  Kingdom  of,  232 ; 
captured  by  Saladin,  236. 

Jews,  expelled  from  Spain,  409. 

Joan  of  Arc,  382,  383. 

John,  king  of  England,  quarrel 
with  Pope  Innocent  III,  259; 
becomes  vassal  of  the  papal  see, 
260;  forfeits  lands  in  France, 
367  ;  grants  Magna  Charta,  367- 

369- 
John   the  Good,  king  of   France, 

379- 
Joinville  (zhwah-vel'),  405. 
Joust  (just),  the,  184. 


Julian,  Count,  105,  n.  11. 

Justinian,  Era  of,  73  ;  his  reign, 
73-82 ;  recovers  Africa,  -Ji ; 
recovers  Italy,  75  ;  as  a  builder, 
78  ;  his  code,  79  ;  closes  schools 
of  Athens,  79  ;  calamities  of  his 
reign,  So. 

Jutes,  the,  27. 

Kaaba  (ka'ba,  or  ka-a'ba),  the,  88. 
Kha'Ud,  Saracen  general,  96. 
Kiersy,  capitulary  of,  166,  167. 
Kiev  (ke'ev),  138,  424. 
Knighthood,     '^qq,  Chivalry. 
K6"nigs-berg',  247. 
KS'ran,   the,    origin    of,   94 ;    con- 
tents of,  94. 
Koreish  (ko-rish'),  Arab  clan,  89. 
Kublai  Khan  (koob'lT-khan),  273. 

Lancaster,    house    of,    364,    n.    i. 

See  Roses,  Wars  of  the. 
Langland,  William,  389. 
Langton,  Stephen,  259,  368. 
Languedoc  (loh'ge-dok),  province, 

247. 
Langue  d'Oc  (lang'dok"),  French 

dialect,  400,  401. 
Laftgtie  d'O'il  (lafig'dwel"),  French 

dialect,  401. 
Latin    empire    of   Constantinople, 

241. 
Latin      kingdom      of     Jerusalem, 

founded.  232;  end  of,  243. 
Legnano  (lan-ya'no),  battle  of,  294. 
Leo     the     Isaurian,     104;     as    an 

Iconoclast,  i  57. 
Leonardo  da  Vinci  (la-o-nar'do  da 

vin'che),  351  and  n.  23. 
Leopold,  duke  of  Austria,  419. 
Lew'es,  battle  of,  370. 
Lewis  I,  king  of  the  Franks,  130. 


Index  and  Pronouncing  I  ^ocabulary 


447 


Libraries,  founding  of,  342. 
Lin-dis-farne',  monastery  of,  39. 
Literature,  English,  beginnings  of, 

387-389;  French,  beginnings  of, 

400-404 ;    German,    beginnings 

of,  422-424;  Italian,  beginnings 

of,  410. 
Literatures,  vernacular,  beginnings 

of,   327 ;    development    fostered 

by  classical  revival,  356. 
Llewellyn    (loo-el'in)    III,    Welsh 

prince,  372. 
Lol'lards,  the,  390. 
Lombard  League,  293-295. 
Lombards,  kingdom  of  the,  25,  26; 

destroyed  by  Charles  the  Great, 

121. 
Lo-thair',  emperor  H.  R.  E.,  130. 
Louis  VII,  king  of  France,  236; 

IX,  243,  n.  10;  XI,  397,  398. 
Lii'beck,  289. 

Machiavelli  (mak-e-a-vel'le),  Nich- 
olas, 35S  and  n.   i;   his  Prince, 

430»  431- 

Magna  Charta,  367-369. 

Magyars  (mod'yorz").  See  Hun- 
garians. 

Maimonides  (mi-mon'i-dez), 
Moses,  317,  n.  10. 

Mainz  (Mints),  345. 

Mantes  (Mont),  town,  198. 

Manuscripts,  search  for,  by  hu- 
manists, 340,  341. 

Marco  Po'lo,  mentioned,  254;  at 
Mongol  court,  273. 

Margaret  of  Denmark,  433. 

Marienburg  (ma-re'en-bobrc),  247. 

Matilda,  empress,  199. 

Matilda,  countess  of  Tuscany,  210. 

Max-i-mil'ian  I,  emperor  H.  R.  E., 
421,  422. 


Mayors  of  the  Palace,  23. 

Mec'ca,  88. 

Medixval  Age,  relation  to  the 
Modern,  4. 

Medici  (med'e-che),  Cos'i-mo  de', 
302,  n.  8  ;  Lorenzo  de',  302,  n.  8. 

Medici,  the,  patrons  of  the  Ne^ 
Learning,  342. 

Medicine,  science  of,  in  Middle 
Ages,  312. 

Medina  (Me-de'na),  90,  91. 

M'indicant  friars.  See  Dominicans 
:  nd  Franciscans. 

Mer;ia,  29. 

Mert  vingians,  Franks,  under  the, 
21-24. 

Mer'o-wig,  22. 

Michael  Angelo,  348,  n.  16;  351 
aii,^  n.  24. 

Michelet  (mesh-la'),  quoted,  324. 

Milan,  429,  n.  39. 

Military  and  religious  orders.  See 
Hospitalers  and  Tetnplars. 

Min"ne-sing'ers,  423. 

Mirandola,  Pico  della(me-ran'do-la 
pe'ko),  343;  353,  n.  26. 

Moawiyah  (mo-a-we'yeh),  caliph, 
lor,  102. 

Mohammed,  89-94. 

Mohammed  II,  sultan  of  the  Otto- 
mans, 279,  280,  281. 

Mohammedanism,  rise  of,  87-94; 
doctrines,  94;  under  earlier 
caliphs,  95-109  ;  its  law  system, 
III,  114;  polygamy  under,  114; 
slavery,  1 14. 

Monasticism,  defined,  50 ;  its  ori- 
gin, 51;  in  the  East,  52;  in 
the  West,  53 ;  the  Benedictine 
monks,  54  ;  monastic  reform,  54  ; 
services  rendered  by,  to  civi- 
lization, 55-57;  evil  outgrowths 


448 


MedicBval  History 


of  the  system,57;  effects  upon, 

of  Crusades,  249. 
Mongols,  general  account  of  their 

conquests,  270-277;   their  inva- 
sion of  Russia,  424. 
Monks.     See  Moftasticism. 
Monte  Cassino  (mon'ta  kas-se'no), 

monastery,  54. 
Montfort,  Simon  de,  leader  of  the 

Albigensian    crusade,    247;    the 

English  earl,  370,  371. 
Moors,  the,  406,  407. 
Mor-gar'ten,  battle  of,  419. 
Moriscos,  the,  406. 
Moscow  (mos'ko  or  mos'kow),  425. 
Murad  (moo-rad').     See  Amurath. 
Mus'c6-vy,  425. 

Nafels  (na'f els),  battle  of,  420,  n.  23. 
Naples,  kingdom  of,  founded   by 

Normans,    190 ;    laid    claim    to, 

by  Charles  VIII,  399 ;   vicissi- 
tudes of  its  history,  414,  n.  30. 
Nar'ses,  general,  yj. 
Neustria    (nus'tri-a),    division    of 

Prankish  monarchy,  23. 
New    Learning,    the,     341,     342; 

enters  the  universities,  355.    See 

Huviiuiisni. 
Nibelungen    Lied   (ne"bel-ung'en- 

let'),  422. 
Ni-9ae'a,   Church    Council   of,  34; 

taken    by   Seljuk    Turks,    217; 

captured  by  crusaders,  228. 
Ni-cop'o-lis,  battle  of,  278. 
Nineveh,  battle  of,  84. 
Norman    Conquest,    effects    upon 

English  language  and  literature, 

386,  387. 
Normandy,  origin  of  name,   134; 

in  French  history,  148  ;  dukes  of, 

190. 


Normans,  at  home,  189;  in  Italy 

and  Sicily,  190;  in  England,  191- 

200;    as    crusaders,    221.      See 

NortJuneji. 
North    Africa,    conquest    of,    by 

Saracens,  102-104. 
Northern     countries,     the.       See 

Scandinavians       and       Caltnar, 

Union   of. 
Northmen,    133-148.     See    Scan- 

dinaviajis. 
Northumbria,  29. 
Norway.     See  Caimar,  Union  of. 
Nov'go-rod,  290,  425. 

Occam  (ok'am),  William,  320. 
O'din,  Scandinavian  deity,  46. 
Odovakar  (o-do-va'kar),  15,  17. 
Oktai  (ok'tl),   Mongol  conqueror, 
_  272. 

O'laf,  king  of  Norway,  143. 
O'mar,  caliph,  97-101. 
Omeyyah  (o-mi'yeh),  102,  n.  9. 
Ommeiades  (om-ma'yadz),  dynasty 

of  the,   loi,  102;  overthrow  of 

the  house,  106. 
Ordeals,  among  the  Teutons,  67- 

70. 
Orle-ans  (Fr.  or-la-on'),  relief  of, 

by  Joan  of  Arc,  383. 
Orsini    (or-se'ne),   family   of   the, 

427. 
Ostrogoths,  kingdom  of  the,  16-19; 

destroyed  by  generals  of  Justin- 
ian, 75-77- 
Oswald,  king  of  Northumbria,  39. 
Osw}',  king  of  Northumbria,  40. 
Oth-man',  caliph,  loi. 
Othman  I,  Ottoman  prince,  271. 
O-tran'to,  281. 
Otto    I,    the    Great,    restores    the 

empire,   131,  412. 


Index  and  Pronouncing  VocabiilcDy 


449 


Ottomans.     See  Turks. 
Ox'us,  river,  99. 

Parimp-sests,  341,  n.  13. 

Palmer,  the,  216. 

Pan-no'ni-a,  20. 

Papacy,    origin    of    its    temporal 
authority,    119,    120;    claims  of 
primacy  l.iy  the  Roman  bishops, 
151  ;  circumstances  that  favored 
growth,  152-160;  Concordat  of 
\Yorms,  211  ;  relations  of,  to  the 
H.  R.  E.,   202-204;   revival  of 
power  in  eleventh  century,  204  ; 
under    Gregory    VII,    205-211; 
effects  of  Crusades  upon,  249; 
under     Alexander     III,      25S  ; 
under  Innocent  III,  259;  effects 
the    ruin    of    the    empire,    262; 
under  Boniface   VIII,  263;  re- 
moval of  papal  seat  to  Avignon, 
265 ;    the    Great    Schism,    266 ; 
reforming  Church  Councils,  266, 
267 ;    is  still   a  spiritual   theoc- 
racy, 267. 
Papal  States.     See  Papacy. 
Paris,  the  name,  22. 
Pa-ris'i-i,  Celtic  tribe,  22. 
Parliament,    English,    creation   of 
House     of      Commons,      370; 
Model  Parliament,  37 1  ;  effects 
upon,  of  Hundred  Years'  War, 

384. 
Par'sees,  the.   See  Fire-Worshipers. 
Parsifal  (par'se-fal),  poem  of,  423. 
Patricius    (pa-trish'ius).      See   St. 

Patrick. 
Pax  Romatta,  220. 
Peace  of  God,  219,  220. 
Peasants'  Revolt,  in  England,  3S0. 
Pe-lu'si-um,  100. 
Persia,  conquest  of,  by  Saracens,  9S. 


Pestilence,  the  Great.     See  Black 

Death. 
Pestilence,  in  Justinian's  reign,  81. 
Peter  the  Hermit,  legend  of,  224; 

heads  an  expedition,  227. 
Peterof  Lombard,  Schoolman,  318. 
Petrarca    (pa-trar'kii),    Francesco. 

See  Petrarch. 
Petrarch,  as  a  humanist,  ZTtS-ZZl* 
antagonist  of  the  Schoolmen, 
337;  his  feeling  for  the  ruins 
of  Rome,  y^T,  his  feeling  for 
nature,  339,  n.  1 1 ;  his  ascent  of 
Mount  Ventoux,  339,  n.  1 1 ;  his 
critical  spirit,  357;  friend  of 
Rienzi,  42S. 
Philip  Augustus,  king  of  France, 
in  Third  Crusade,  236,  237; 
his  quarrel  with  Pope  Innocent 
III,  259;  seizes  English  posses- 
sions in  France,  367. 
Philip  IV,  the  Fair,  king  of  France, 
263,  264  ;  his  quarrel  with  Pope 
Boniface  VIII,  263,  264;  sum- 
mons the  commons  to  the 
National  Assembly,  393;  de- 
stroys the  order  of  the  Tem- 
plars, 394-396- 
Philip  VI,   king   of    France,   Z77y 

397,  n.  21. 
Picts,  the,  27,  n.  4. 
rilgrimages,  215. 

Pippin  I,  king  of  the  Franks,  118; 

helps      to     establish     temporal 

power  of  the  popes,  119;  II,  24; 

111,24. 

Pisa  (pe'za),    300.  n.    7;    Church 

Council  of,  266. 
Pisano  (pe-zii'no),  Niccola,  sculp- 
tor, 349- 
Plan-tag'e-net,  house  of,  363,  364, 


430 


Mediceval  History 


Plato,  quoted,   303,  n.   ii;  in   the 

Middle  Ages,  355. 
Poggio    Bracciolini    (pod'jS    brat- 

cho-le'ne),  341. 
Poitiers   (poi-terz'),  battle  of,   24, 

379- 

Politian  (po-lish'i-an),  343. 

Poliziano  (po-let-se-a'no),  Angelo. 
See  Politian. 

Pope,  the  name,  152,  n.  i. 

Popes,  Gregory  I,  26;  sends  mis- 
sion to  England,  36  ;  Zacharias, 
iiS,  119;  Stephen  II,  119,  120; 
Leo  III,  123,  124;  Nicholas  I, 
152  ;  Gregory  I,  the  Great,  154; 
Gregory  II,  155,  157;  Alexander 
II,  192;  Gregory  VII,  205-21 1; 
Nicholas  II,  205,  n.6;  Clement 
II,  205,  n.  6;  Urban  II,  224, 
225;  Innocent  III,  247,  259; 
Alexander  III,  25S;  Boniface 
VIII,  263;  Urban  VI,  266; 
Clement  VII  (anti-pope),  266; 
Gregory  IX,  266;  Alexander  V, 
267;  Martin  V,  267;  Sylvester 
11,319;  Nicholas  V,  342  ;  Julius 
II,  342;  Leo  X,  342.  See 
Papacy. 

Portugal,  kingdom  of,  its  begin- 
nings, 245 ;  during  the  Middle 
Ages,  410,  n.  28. 

Prevost-Paradol  (pra-vo  pa-ra- 
dol'),  quoted,  55. 

Prince,  the,  by  Machiavelli,  430. 

Printing,  invention  of,  344-346; 
printing  in  China,  345,  n.  15; 
introduced  into  England,  390. 

Pris'ci-an,  Greek  philosopher,  80. 

Provence  (pro'voiis"),  398. 

Prussia,  foundations  of,  laid  by 
Teutonic  Knights,  246. 

Ptolemais  (tol-e-ma'is),  234. 


Ram'a-dan",  Mohammedan  fast, 
89. 

Raphael  (raf'a-el),  351. 

Ravenna,  in  Gothic  wars,  76. 

Raymond  IV,  count  of  Toulouse, 
22S;  VI,  247;  VII,  248. 

Reformation,  era  of,  character- 
ized, 2. 

Re-mig'i-us,  archbishop,  35. 

Renaissance  (r^-na'sahs"  :  the  italic 
e  here  has  the  obscure  sound  of 
e  in  novel),  the,  defined,  324; 
the  revival  in  Italy,  333-353 ; 
humanism,  335-348  ;  the  artistic 
revival,  348-353;  general 
effects,  353-359;  relation  to 
religious  reform,  358.  See 
Humanism. 

Reuchlin  (roich-len'  or  roich'lin), 
humanist,  347,  359. 

Revival  of  Learning.  See  Renais- 
sance. 

Rheims  (remz),  3S3. 

Rhenish  League,  418. 

Richard  I,  king  of  England,  236, 

237,238,239;  in,  385- 

Richard  of  Cornwall,  417. 

Rienzi  (re-en'ze),  tribune  of  Rome, 

427,  429. 
Rimini  (re'me-ne),  120. 
Robert  the  Magnificent,  duke   of 

Normandy,  191. 
Rod'e-ric,  king  of  the  Visigoths, 

19,  105. 
Rois  fai7ieants  (rwa  fa-na-oh'),  23. 
Ro'land,  paladin,  121,  122. 
Roland,  Song  of,  402. 
Rollo,  Scandinavian  chief,  147. 
Romance  languages,  63. 
Romance  nations,  62. 
Roman  empire,  mediaeval  idea  of, 

5;    restored    in    the    West    by 


hidex  and  Pivjioimciug  WKCibulary 


45 


Charles  the  Great,  1 23  ;  renewed 
by  Otto  the  Great,  131.  See 
Eastern  empire  and  Holy 
Rovian    Empire. 

Roman  law,  influence  of,  in  Mid- 
dle Ages,  6;  revival  of,  70-72; 
Justinian  code,  79. 

Rome,  relation  of  the  fall  of,  to 
world  history,  3  ;  its  bequest  to 
civilization,  5 ;  in  Gothic  wars, 
75-77- 

Rom'u-lus  Au-gus'tu-lus,  iC. 

Roncesvalles  (ron-se-varies ;  Sp. 
ron-thes-varyes),  Pass  of,  121. 

Ros'a-mund,  story  of,  25. 

Roses,  Wars  of  the,  3S4-386. 

Rouen  (ruo-oiV),  383. 

Roussillon  (roo's^ryoh"),  39S. 

Runnymede  (riin'i-med),  36S. 

Ru'rik,  Scandinavian  chief,  138, 
424. 

Russia,  introduction  of  Christian- 
ity into,  45  ;  receives  elements 
of  civilization  from  Constanti- 
nople, 86 ;  the  Mongol  invasion, 
272,  276,  424  ;  rise  of  Muscovy, 
425;  freed  from  the  Mongols, 
425,  426. 

Ruy  Diaz.     See  Cid. 

Sad,  Saracen  leader,  98. 

Sa'ga  literature  of  Iceland,  137. 

St.  Albans  (al'banz),  first  battle  of, 

385- 
St.  An'selm,  314. 
St.  Antony,  52. 
St.  Benedict,  54. 
St.  Ber'nard,  preaches  crusade,  23 5; 

controversy  with  Abelard,  316. 
St.  Boniface  (bon'e-fass),  1 55.    See 

Winfrid. 
St.  Co-lum'ba,  39. 


St.  Dom'i-nic,  260,  261. 

St.  Dun'stan,  142. 

St.  Francis,  260,  261. 

St.  Gall,  monastery  of,  39,  n.  7,341. 

St.  Gallus,  monk,  39,  n.  7. 

St.  John,  Knights  of.  See  Hos- 
pitalers. 

St.  Louis,  243,  n.  10. 

St.  Martin,  monastery  of,  127,  12S. 

St.  Pa-eho'mi-us,  54. 

St.  Patrick,  38. 

St.  Peter,  152. 

St.  Sim'e-on  Sty-H'tes,  150. 

St.  Sophia  (so-fe'ji),  church  of,  78. 

St.  Wil'frid,  40. 

Sal'a-din,  237. 

Salisbury,  Gemot  of,  195. 

Sam-cir-cand',  273. 

Saracens,  name,  87;  their  con- 
quests, 95-109;  their  contribu- 
tions to  civilization,  1 10-114. 
See  Aj-abs  and  Moors. 

Sa-vo-na-ro'lii,  Girolamo  (je-ro'la- 
mo),  431,  432. 

Saxons,  continental,  subjugated 
by  Charles  the  Great,  122.  See 
Anglo-Saxons. 

Scandinavians,  conversion  of,  46 ; 
at  home,  133;  as  pirates  and 
colonizers,  134;  causes  of  their 
migration,  135;  settlements  in 
Scotland,  Ireland,  and  the  West- 
ern Isles,  136;  colonization  of 
Iceland  and  Greenland,  136;  dis- 
covery of  -America  by,  136 ;  saga 
literature  of  Iceland,  137;  in 
Russia.  138;  at  Constantinople, 
138;  Danes  in  England,  139- 
146;  Northmen  in  Gaul,  147; 
transformation  of,  147;  Norse 
factor  in  French  history,  148. 
See  Cnlmar,   Union  of. 


452 


Mediceval  History 


Scholasticism.     See  Schoolmen. 

Schoolmen,  nature  of  their  task, 
313,  314;  controversy  of  the 
Nominalists  and  Realists,  315, 
n.  9;  the  earlier  Schoolmen, 
314-316;  Abelard,  315;  the 
Schoolmen  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  316-318;  Albert  the 
Great,  317;  Thomas  Aquinas, 
317;  Duns  Scotus,  318;  Roger 
Bacon,  319;  last  of  the  School- 
men, 320;  criticism  of  the 
Schoolmen,  320 ;  their  services 
to  intellectual  progress,  321. 

Schwyz  (shvTts),  419. 

Scone  (skoon),  Stone  of,  374  and 
n.  9. 

Scotland,  wars  with  England,  373- 
376. 

Scots,  the,  27. 

Scriptorium,  56. 

Scutage  (sku'taj),  defined,  368, 
n.  2. 

Sempach  (sem'pak),  battle  of,  420. 

Serfdom.     See  Se7-fs. 

Serfs,  under  feudal  system,  170- 
173;  abolition  of  serfdom  in 
England,  2^. 

Seville  (sev'il),  105. 

Sforza  (sfort'sii),  Francesco,  429, 
n.  39. 

Shiahs  (she'az),  Moslem  sect,  102, 
n.  10. 

Sicilian  Vespers,  414,  n.  30. 

Sicily,  kingdom  of.  See  Naples, 
kingdom  of. 

Siegfried  (seg'fred),  epic  hero,  423. 

Sigismund,  emperor  H.  R.  E.,  420, 

Silkworm  culture,  introduced  into 

Europe,  78. 
Simon  Magus,  207,  n.  8. 


Sim'o-ny,  207. 

Sim-plic'i-us,  Greek  philosopher, 
80. 

Siroes,  king  of  Persia,  84. 

Slaves,  number  in  Middle  Ages, 
171,  n.  8. 

Slavs,  at  opening  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  12.      See  Russia. 

Soissons  (swas'soiV),  battle  of,  22. 

Spain,  conquest  of,  by  Saracens, 
105;  during  the  Crusades,  246; 
early  history,  405;  union  of 
Castile  and  Aragon,  405 ;  con- 
quest of  Granada,  406;  influ- 
ence upon  national  character  of 
the  Moorish  domination  and 
wars,  407;  growth  of  the  royal 
power,  408 ;  the  Inquisition 
under  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 
408,  409. 

Spanish  March,  121. 

Stamford  Bridge,  battle  of,  193. 

States-General,  the,  394. 

Statute  of  Laborers,  380. 

Stephen  of  Blois  (blwa),  king  of 
England,  199. 

Stirling,  battle  of,  375,  n.  10. 

Sturleson    (stoor'la-son),    Snor'ro, 

m- 

Sty-li'tes,  Simeon,  53. 

Sun'na,  the,  95. 

Siin'nTtes,  Moslem  sect,  102,  n.  10. 

Sweden.     See  Calmar,  Union  of. 

Swegen  (sva'gen),  king  of  Den- 
mark, 143,  144. 

Swiss  Confederation,  the,  rise  of, 
418-420. 

Switzerland.  See  Swiss  Confed- 
eratio7t. 

Sy-a'gri-us,  22. 

Sym'ma-chus,  18. 

Syria,  conquest  of,  by  Saracens,  96. 


Index  and  Pronoimcing  I  ^ocabulary 


453 


Taj  Mahal  (tazh  ma-hal'),  274. 

Tam-er-lane'.     See  Timur. 

Tancred  (tang'kred),  228. 

Tartars.      See  MotJi^ols  and  Turks. 

Tell,  William,  legend  of,  419. 

Templars,  order  of  the,  origin,  234 ; 
abolition  of,  394-396. 

Testry  (tes-tre'),  battle  of,  24. 

Teutonic  Knights,  order  of  the, 
origin,  235 ;  in  Baltic  region, 
245,    246. 

Teutons,  character  of,  8  ;  capacity 
for  improvement,  8 ;  love  of 
personal  freedom,  9 ;  veneration 
for  womanhood,  10;  virtue  of 
personal  loyalty,  10;  migrations 
and  settlements,  1 5-30 ;  their 
conversion,  32-48;  consequences 
of  their  conversion,  47 ;  fusion 
with  the  Latins,  60-72  ;  appro- 
priation of  Roman  lands  by,  61 , 
codes  of  the,  65  ;  personality  of 
Teutonic  laws,  66;  ordeals 
among,  67-70. 

Than'et,  Isle  of,  27. 

Thebarmes,  83. 

The-od'5-ric,  king  of  the  Ostro- 
goths, legend  of,  10;  relation  with 
Eastern  emperor,  16;  conquest 
of  Italy,  17;  his  reign,  17-19. 

Third  Estate,  the,  beginnings  of, 
in  the  towns,  304 ;  delegacies  of., 
admitted  to  national  assemblies, 
304,  n.  14. 

Thomas  Becket,  364-36^. 

Tiers  £tat  (tyer-za-ta'),  j,94,  •   ,  ; 

Timur  (ti-mobi'),  Mongol  con- 
queror, 273,  274,  275. 

Tintoretto  (tin-to-ret'to),  351,  n.  25. 

Titian  (tish'an),  351. 

Tos'tig,  earl,  193. 

Tot'i-la,  king  of  Ostrogoths,  76. 


Toulouse,  counts  of,  401. 

Tournament  (tobr'na-ment),  the, 
183. 

Tours  (toor).     See  Poitiers. 

Tower  of  London,  196. 

Towns,  effects  upon,  of  Crusades, 
251;  suffer  from  barbarian  in- 
vasion, 284 ;  their  revival,  284  ; 
rapid  growth  in  tenth  and  elev- 
enth centuries,  286;  status  of 
the  chartered  towns,  287;  their 
industrial  life,  287;  they  enter 
the  feudal  system,  286 ;  their 
revolt,  287;  towns  in  Germany, 
289-291;  in  Italy,  291-302; 
their  services  to  civilization, 
302-305;  their  representatives 
in  national  assemblies,  304, n.  14; 
centers  of  new  intellectual  life, 
329.  See  Hanseatic  League  and 
Italian  city-republics. 

Tow'ton  Field,  battle  of,  385. 

Treb'i-zond,  83. 

Trent,  Church  Council  of,  268. 

Trou'ba-dours,  the,  401. 

Trouveurs  (troo'ver"),  the,  402- 
404. 

Troyes  (trwa).  Treaty  of,  382. 

Truce  of  God,  219-221;  pro- 
claimed by  Council  of  Cler- 
mont, 227. 

Tud-ar,  P/yen,  y]^. 

Tjiri^ni^A.^.  '. '.Sen  'Mongols  and 
Tnrhs. 

Turks,  Ottoman^  beginnings  of 
«!hei),  emplr^i,  277;  their  con- 
quests, 27S,  279:  they  capture 
Constantinople  279;  check  to 
thfeir  ar.ns,  z6o-z<>2. 

Turks,  Seljuk,  217  ;  power  broken, 
271. 

Tyler.  Wat.  3S1. 


454 


Medicsval  Histoiy 


Urfi-las,  apostle  of  the  Goths,  -^^i,. 

Universities,  rise  of  the,  307,  309 ; 
faculties,  308,  n.  i ;  "  Nations  " 
in,  309 ;  students  and  student 
life,  310;  studies  and  methods 
of  instruction,  312.  See  Scho- 
lasticism. 

Unterwalden  (oon'ter-viir'den), 
419. 

Urban  II,  pope,  224,  225. 

UrI  (ob'ri),  419. 

Val'la,  Laurentius,  344,  n.  14,  357. 

Valois  (varwa"),  house  of,  396, 
n.  20 ;  history  of  France  under 
the  Valois  sovereigns,  396-400. 

Vandals,  kingdom  of  the,  20,  21; 
destroyed  by  Belisarius,  74,  75. 

Va-ran'gi-ans,  the,  13S. 

Venice,  takes  part  in  Fourth  Cru- 
sade, 239,  240;  sketch  of  his- 
tory, 297-299 ;  closing  of  the 
Great  Council,  298 ;  ceremony 
of  wedding  the  Adriatic,  299; 
her  "Arsenal,"  299. 

Venice,  Peace  of,  258. 

Verden  (fer'den),  massacre  of,  122, 
n.  4. 

Ver-dun',  treaty  of,  130. 

Veronese  (va-ro-na'zi),  351,  n.  25. 

Vespucci,  Amerigo  (ves-poot'che, 
a-ma-re'go),.30i,.    ^,.    .,        ..     , 

Vi'king,  mea,fting  ;of ,vfam;e,'  1,3^. 

Villain.     See  Serfs. 

VillehardouJn^v.67au-da£)-ap/^,i4a4^ 
n.  27.        ■.■      ;     :;•',  V:    '^    ; 

Vinland,  in  Norse  sagas,  if  36.    ' 

Visconti  (ve^-kgn'te),  family  pf 
the,  429,  n.  39'.      , 

Vlad'i-mir  the  Great, tzar,  45. 

VogeUveide  (fo^gel-vi'de),  Walter 
of  the,  423. 


Wager  of  battle.     See  Ordeals. 

Wager  of  law,  69. 

Wales,  conquest  of,  372,  27Z- 

Wallace,  Sir  William,  375. 

Walter  the  Penniless,  227. 

Wardship,  feudal  right  of,  1 70,  n.  6. 

Warwick  (wor'ik),  Earl  of,  the 
"king-maker,"  384. 

Were"gild',  66. 

Wessex,  29. 

Western  empire  (Teutonic).  See 
Charles  the  Great  and  Holy 
Roman  E7npire. 

Whitby,  Council  of,  40. 

William  I,  the  Conqueror,  king  of 
England,  his  youth,  191 ;  pre- 
pares to  invade  England,  192; 
victory  at  Hastings,  193;  his 
reign,  1 94-1 98. 

William  II,  the  Red,  king  of  Eng- 
land, 199. 

Windmills,  introduced  into  Europe 
by  Crusades,  252,  n.  16. 

Win'frid,  apostle  of  Germany,  44. 

Wink'el-ried,  Arnold  of,  420. 

Wisby  (wiz'bi),  290. 

Wit'an,  the,  144,  n.  7;  becomes 
the  English  Parliament,  200. 

Wit"e-na-ge-m6t'.     See  IVitatt. 

Witiges,  king  of  Ostrogoths,  76. 

Wit'i-kind,  Saxon  leader,  122. 

.Wo'den,  German  god,  46,  n.  11. 

Worms,  Concordat  of,  211;  Diet 
of  (14-95),  422. 

W>'cl-ff£  (wik'lif),  John,  389. 

Xerc-s  (ha- res'),  battle  of,  105. 

Yath'reb,  90,  n.  3. 
Yezd,  city,  no,  n.  15. 
■  York,  house    of,   364,   n.   i.     See 
Roses,  IVars  0/  the. 

Za'ra,  239. 


940 

M992 


COLUMBIA  UNiVERSlTY^ 


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